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TimesLIVE
09-05-2025
- Politics
- TimesLIVE
No more false dawns for Zimbabwe
The failed national shutdown in Zimbabwe was not only a tactical defeat, it was a brutal reminder of the limits of top-down, leader-centric politics. For all the courage and commitment shown by figures such as Blessed 'Bombshell' Geza, the reality is undeniable: without deep-rooted, decentralised, mass-based movements, no real change is possible. The people stayed away, not from work, but from the shutdown itself. The reasons are structural, not merely psychological. They point to the urgent need for a new politics, one that abandons charismatic saviours and elite bargaining in favour of collective, bottom-up power. The collapse of Geza's shutdown call reveals a sobering truth about Zimbabwean politics: citizens are not apathetic by nature. They are trapped in a political economy of survival, where the costs of protest are immediate and brutal while the rewards are uncertain and distant. Even worse, decades of state violence, economic devastation and opposition fragmentation have atomised Zimbabwe's working class, severing the organic bonds of solidarity that once made collective action possible. In this context, appeals from above, no matter how sincere, are destined to fall flat. Geza's attempt to mobilise a national shutdown followed a pattern that has long doomed Zimbabwean resistance: a charismatic figure calls for mass action, but without the underlying architecture of popular self-organisation needed to sustain it. Movements rooted in the authority of a singular leader are inherently fragile. They rise and fall with the individual, not with the strength of collective structures. In anarchist analysis, effective resistance does not begin with declarations from above. It is painstakingly built from below, through local assemblies, workplace committees, mutual aid networks and popular education. Without the structures, the call for a shutdown became an abstract appeal, a hope rather than a plan. No neighbourhood councils were coordinating food supplies for strikers. No underground unions were preparing workers for retaliation. No community defence groups stood ready to protect participants from the regime's inevitable violence. Geza's call was brave, but bravery alone does not substitute for organisation. In a society where 95% unemployment forces people into precarious work, and where missing a day of income can mean hunger, simply telling citizens to 'stay home' without providing material support was a non-starter. Shutdowns succeed not because people are asked to suffer for an idea, but because they are supported through collective infrastructure that cushions the blows of repression and privation. The state, for its part, has perfected the arts of counterinsurgency. Surveillance, infiltration, selective arrests and brutal crackdowns have shredded trust within communities. Fear is not an irrational response, it is a learnt survival strategy. Breaking through it does not require heroic calls from the rooftops, but the slow, patient work of rebuilding horizontal bonds of trust and solidarity at the grassroots. Zimbabwe once boasted a formidable labour movement, spearheaded by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions), which gave birth to the original Movement for Democratic Change in the late 1990s. But systematic repression, co-optation and economic collapse have gutted organised labour. In today's Zimbabwe, the working class exists largely in the informal economy, scattered across precarious livelihoods, with little or no collective bargaining power. Without organised workplaces, a general strike — the backbone of any serious shutdown — is impossible. Informal workers cannot simply 'down tools' when their survival depends on daily hustling Without organised workplaces, a general strike — the backbone of any serious shutdown — is impossible. Informal workers cannot simply 'down tools' when their survival depends on daily hustling. Striking means starvation, and in the absence of mutual aid structures to mitigate the risks, survival will always trump protest. There is a persistent romanticism about 'spontaneous uprisings', the idea that a sudden spark will ignite mass resistance. But anarchist history teaches otherwise. Even the most seemingly 'spontaneous' revolts, from the Spanish Revolution of 1936 to the 2019 Hong Kong protests, were preceded by years, sometimes decades, of underground organising, cultural work and institution-building. Spontaneity is not the absence of preparation, it is its eruption. In Zimbabwe, there were no neighbourhood assemblies debating tactics, no rank-and-file workers' councils plotting coordination, no clandestine affinity groups planning resistance. The shutdown was, at its heart, a media event more than a social movement, a call disseminated through WhatsApp groups and social media but lacking the flesh and blood institutions that alone can sustain real confrontation with state power. Geza's emergence as a 'leader' from within the ruling party's dissident faction speaks volumes. In the absence of a credible opposition rooted in working class organising, the only alternative to President Emmerson Mnangagwa's dictatorship appeared to be another elite figure from the same liberation-era military caste. A change of faces, not of structures. For many citizens, the choice between Mnangagwa and Geza must have seemed depressingly familiar: two wings of the same predatory class battling for control over a ruined state. Without a politics that offers a different kind of power — horizontal, participatory, rooted in real material transformation — there is no compelling reason for ordinary people to risk their lives. The immediate consequence of the shutdown's failure is grim. Mnangagwa has been handed a propaganda victory. His regime will portray the lack of mass participation as evidence of popular support, emboldening further repression and deepening the rot of corruption and decay. • Maisiri is a researcher and educator focused on labour, social movements and emancipatory politics in Southern Africa.
IOL News
24-04-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Zimbabwe's Gambit: From peaceful protest to the spectre of insurgency
Police escort some hundreds of people marching on the streets of Harare in protest over US sanctions that the Zimbabwean government blames for the country's worsening economic problems in this undated file photo. 'Stay at home or risk being caught in the crossfire.' The chilling warning came not from a foreign invader, but from Blessed 'Bombshell' Runesu Geza — a war veteran-turned-activist — as he addressed the nation in April. His message was clear: Civilians might become collateral damage if armed confrontation erupts between state forces and 'progressive' actors backing his cause. This is no longer a protest — it's a declaration of potential civil conflict. Are we witnessing the birth of an insurgency in Zimbabwe? It began with the March 31 stay-away protest. For a day, Zimbabwe's bustling streets fell silent. Shops closed, offices emptied, and public transport was idle. It felt like a country pausing to exhale after years of political suffocation. That rare moment of mass coordination suggested there was still power in peaceful protest. But success is a dangerous intoxicant. Galvanised by that initial impact, Geza called for an indefinite national shutdown beginning April 22. He demanded President Emmerson Mnangagwa's resignation. But the second act flopped. The streets buzzed back to life as people resumed work. Zimbabweans, crippled by inflation and survivalist economics, could not afford the luxury of political theatre. Faced with rejection, Geza didn't retreat. He escalated. Clad in military fatigues, he warned that the country was heading toward armed conflict. Citizens were urged to stay indoors — not to make a political statement, but to avoid gunfire. It was a menacing shift. What began as a protest had mutated into a threat. He spoke of 'collateral damage' with the casual tone of a man who'd accepted the inevitability of bloodshed. Geza's rhetoric found an echo in the voice of journalist and activist Hopewell Chin'ono. He called for 'another liberation struggle', branding elections useless and advocating 'a total, all-out war against the current elite consensus'. He even floated the idea of a government in exile — an act with historical roots in revolutionary uprisings and, often, violent transitions of power. Together, these two voices represent a dangerous duet — one militarising the struggle, the other intellectualising it. Their combined message is unmistakable: peaceful change is futile, and the time for war has arrived. But the war against whom? Zimbabwe is no longer under foreign occupation or colonial rule. This is not the 1970s. To declare armed struggle against a sitting post-independence government is not liberation — it is fratricide. Under international law, the shift from political dissent to armed threat is not protected — it is condemned. There is no legal or moral sanctuary for inciting violence that may endanger civilian life. No grievance, no matter how legitimate, excuses the intentional threat of bloodshed for political gain. Liberation wars were once recognized in law as necessary revolts against apartheid, colonialism, and foreign domination. Zimbabwe's own war for independence falls into that historical bracket. But today's Zimbabwe is sovereign, post-colonial, and domestically governed. Any armed action taken against it from within is not resistance — it is rebellion, and in many jurisdictions, it is terrorism. Those encouraging or orchestrating such acts could face criminal liability — both nationally and internationally. Zimbabwean law treats attempts to overthrow a constitutional order as treason. International frameworks treat politically motivated violence against civilians as terrorism. Leaders espousing these threats may soon find themselves facing arrest warrants, travel bans, or worse. Some will argue this is desperation. That years of rigged elections, repression, and economic collapse leave no other path. But that argument is a seductive lie. Armed struggle is not an escape — it is a trap. Zimbabwe has already suffered. Gukurahundi. 2008. The scars are deep. But what is being proposed now would not scar — it would shatter. Armed conflict is not precise. It does not limit itself to the corrupt or the powerful. It devours cities, families, and futures. The very people being rallied into revolution would be its first victims. Moreover, violence gives authoritarian regimes exactly what they need: justification. Armed uprisings invite military crackdowns. Civil liberties vanish. Human rights are suspended. International actors step back. The very dream of freedom collapses under the rubble of reaction. Zimbabwe must take the more difficult road — the one paved with ballots, legal battles, and civic engagement. It is a slow road. It is often thankless. But it is the only road that leads to peace, dignity, and lasting reform. Instead of calling elections useless, fight to make them fair. Rally behind electoral reform, register voters, flood the polls, and overwhelm the rigging machine. Use the courts, however flawed, to challenge overreach. Strengthen civil society. Document abuses. Mobilize internationally. Make repression expensive. Make democracy irresistible. Those who truly love Zimbabwe must understand: that real courage is not in picking up arms. It is in refusing to. Real strength lies in organising, not terrorising. And real legacy is built through nation-building — not nation-breaking. Insurgency is not revolution. It is regression. Let history remember that in this moment of provocation, Zimbabweans chose peace. When faced with the lure of violence, they resisted. When calls for war echoed across digital platforms, cooler heads prevailed. Zimbabwe does not need a second war of liberation. It needs a second birth of hope. Let's put the guns away!
The South African
22-04-2025
- Politics
- The South African
Defiance or fatigue? Geza's stay-away appeal fails to gain traction
Zimbabweans have, this time around, ignored the war veteran Blessed Geza's calls for a second nationwide stay-away to protest Mnangagwa's rule. On Saturday, Geza appeared in a YouTube livestream video and urged Zimbabweans to 'shut down the country' on 22 and 23 April. He also warned businesses not to open and told citizens to remain at home in defiance of what he called a 'dying system.' To replicate the infamous 31 March protest, Geza keeps on urging Zimbabweans to unite and fight against Mnangagwa's leadership. The war veteran claims that Mnangagwa suffers from vascular dementia, which makes him unfit to govern. 'We must make it clear to Mnangagwa and his handlers that Zimbabwe will no longer be run from private farms and secret meetings,' Geza said. 'Shops, industries, everything must close. The people must defend themselves if provoked.' Zimbabweans, particularly in Harare and Bulawayo, decided to go to work. With the ongoing ZITF exhibitions, it is business as usual in the City of Bulawayo. Zimbabwean journalist Hopewell Chin'ono believes that because this stay-away failed, no one can stop Mnangagwa from ruling. He says Zimbabweans are unlikely to join future efforts to change things unless the usual opposition parties organise them. 'Zimbabweans will now be stuck with Mnangagwa until the day he dies,' he posted on X(Formerly Twitter). 'They will have to accept that his kids will rule them too, with the assistance of his crooked cronies and clansmen. Zimbabweans should forget about the 2028 elections. Geza has tried, but there is no tangible citizen support that was forthcoming. Geza managed to force Mnangagwa's team to stop chanting the 2030 slogan…' Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1 Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news.
IOL News
22-04-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Zimbabwe police ramp up security as war veteran Blessed Geza calls for indefinite stay-away
Police in Zimbabwe say they are providing 'maximum security' on Tuesday and Wednesday following calls for a national stay-away made by expelled Zanu PF member Blessed Runesu Geza. Last month, IOL reported that Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu PF party insisted that protests that were previously announced by Geza for March 31 had not made much impact. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ At the time, Zanu PF argued that the protests dubbed the "national shutdown" were being hyped on social media platforms. On March 31, many Zimbabweans elected to stay at home, amid a massive deployment of security forces. In a fresh address from an unknown location, Geza, who insists he remains a senior member of Zanu PF, used social media platforms including X and YouTube to call for stay-aways on Tuesday and Wednesday. In another address, Geza later called for 'indefinite' stay-aways, insisting that President Emmerson Mnangagwa was incapacitated and must leave office. The president of Zanu PF, Emmerson Mnangagwa, who is also the incumbent President of Zimbabwe. However, the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) issued a statement on Monday, saying 'enough' officers have been deployed. 'The Zimbabwe Republic Police is ready to ensure that the public is free to engage in all socio-economic activities without fear, intimidation, threats, or harassment on 22 and 23 April 2025. The ZRP has deployed enough officers throughout the country to effectively maintain law and order including in central business districts, residential areas, industrial areas and all areas frequented by the public,' said Commissioner Paul Nyathi in a statement. 'In this regard, police will arrest anyone who interferes with the smooth flow of traffic and movement of the public.' Get your news on the go, click here to join the IOL News WhatsApp channel. Nyathi warned that Zimbabweans are cautioned against abuse of social media and urged to totally disregard social media postings meant to cause chaos and alarm in the country. The latest calls for stay-away happen at a time when the southern African nation is hosting the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair (ZITF), which kicked off in the second largest city of Bulawayo on Monday. The trade fair this year is expected to be attended by numerous foreign and diplomatic leaders, including a visit by Mozambican President Daniel Chapo. The police in Zimbabwe said all visitors and exhibitors will be safe. 'All local and foreign exhibitors attending the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair exhibition forum are assured of their security and safety,' said Nyathi. 'The ZRP reiterates that it is ready to conduct its constitutional mandate without fear or favour. Any instigators of violence and disruption of the normal operation of the economy will be severely dealt with.' The Zimbabwe Republic Police has warned against "abuse" of social media platforms, amid calls for stay-aways in the country. Last month, IOL reported that on several occasions, one of Zimbabwe's most wanted fugitives and outspoken war veteran Geza has been conducting live broadcasts on social media, calling on Zimbabwean communities to descend on the streets in protest against Mnangagwa's rule. Geza, a vociferous critic of Mnangagwa, was dismissed from Zanu PF for "undermining the authority of the president" and remains in hiding. Clad in camouflage regalia, Geza, in all his virtual addresses, has warned several people in government and Zanu PF positions that they would be 'dealt with'. Geza and a group of war veterans have been calling for Mnangagwa to step down, citing endemic corruption and mismanagement of the country's affairs.
Al Jazeera
04-04-2025
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Zimbabwe must abandon Rhodesian style of governance
On March 31, Zimbabwean security forces spent the entire day dispersing small gatherings of people who were trying to stage a peaceful protest against the ruling ZANU-PF party's attempts to secure an unconstitutional third term for President Emmerson Mnangagwa. By day's end, the police had apprehended 95 demonstrators for allegedly promoting 'public violence' and causing 'breaches of peace'. However, the police did not manage to detain the man behind this protest, Blessed Geza. A veteran of the 1970s liberation war, Geza remains at large despite being sought by law enforcement on four criminal charges since February. He was expelled from the ZANU-PF party on March 6 for supposedly undermining the party's leadership by calling on Mnangagwa to step down. Subsequently, on March 26, Geza took to YouTube, dressed in military fatigues, to criticise Mnangagwa and many key figures associated with the 82-year-old leader. He warned that he was starting to take unspecified action against 'Zvigananda' – people who are accruing wealth through illegal means and looting the nation's wealth. The 'Zvigananda' on Geza's list include numerous government ministers, senior civil servants, party officials, war veterans and three wealthy, highly influential businessmen with close ties to the government who are widely believed to be corrupt: Scott Sakupwanya, Wicknell Chivayo and Kuda Tagwirei. According to local media investigations, Chivayo, an ex-convict, made millions of dollars by selling exorbitantly priced electoral materials to Zimbabwean authorities for the highly disputed August 2023 general election. An investigation conducted by NewsHawks, a local newspaper, concluded that he later funnelled millions in kickbacks to influential Zimbabwean figures. Tagwirei is at least as controversial as Chivayo. A July 2023 report published by The Sentry and Open Secrets revealed how he built a shadowy business empire and enormous wealth using complex, controversial corporate structures and seemingly preferential government treatment. Former Finance Minister Tendai Biti has stated that Tagwirei controls the Southern African nation's fuel sector, more than 60 percent of its gold mines, two of the largest banks and its only gold refinery. Both Chivayo and Tagwirei are believed to have exploited their close ties to Mnangagwa and the ZANU-PF party to land government contracts and further their business interests. On March 28, Geza made it known that he was responsible for setting alight several vehicles parked outside the offices of Tagwirei and Chivayo. His voluntary admission was designed to reflect his 'revolutionary' intent to confront the 'Zvigananda' and the 'political criminals' associated with Mnangagwa. For the past year, Zimbabwe's leader has been trying to secure a third term even though he has publicly denied this goal and the constitution restricts him to two terms. This disastrous ambition, however, appears to be facing notable resistance from his deputy, Vice President Constantino Chiwenga, a former military chief. There is widespread speculation that Chiwenga, who still retains substantial backing within the Zimbabwean military, is the principal force driving Geza. On March 27, Mnangagwa moved General Anselem Sanyatwe – a key Chiwenga ally – from the position of army chief to minister of sports, art and recreation in a manoeuvre to diminish Chiwenga's influence among the defence forces. The intensifying struggle for power may lead to a coup similar to the military takeover on November 15, 2017, led by Chiwenga, which ousted Zimbabwe's strongman Robert Mugabe. Nonetheless, the primary issue extends beyond Mnangagwa's alarming malfeasance, as suggested by Geza. It lies in the ZANU-PF party's conspicuous failure to establish a strong, effective and transparent democratic framework. While Geza's various perspectives on Zimbabwe's governance challenges are certainly a positive contribution, his narrow-minded interpretations tend to oversimplify an extremely complex situation. Attributing Zimbabwe's intricate issues solely to Mnangagwa's unquestionably poor and corrupt leadership is both misleading and counterproductive. In truth, Chiwenga and Geza – a former ZANU-PF Central Committee member – are also deeply embedded in the systemic issues affecting Zimbabwe. 'Zvigananda' have been an integral part of Zimbabwe's economic environment since the country gained independence from Britain on April 18, 1980. From the early 1980s, prominent businessmen such as Samson Paweni and Roger Boka were closely linked to senior ZANU-PF officials and were involved in financial misconduct amounting to millions of dollars. Thus, Geza's evaluations are certainly superficial and fail to offer effective solutions to the ongoing democratic deficit in the nation. Rather than challenging the existing political structure, he aims to maintain the status quo, albeit with a new leader and possibly a different set of 'Zvigananda'. The reality is that all factions within the ZANU-PF party – new, old and emerging – are woefully corrupt and shockingly averse to the rule of law. In April 2018, Marry Mubaiwa, the ex-wife of Chiwenga, found herself embroiled in allegations of corruption. Only 55 days after the coup in November 2017, she was awarded a lucrative multimillion-dollar contract to provide travel services to the office of the president and cabinet, all without going to tender and following the proper procedures. Then, in December 2019, the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission arrested Mubaiwa on charges of money laundering, fraud and violations of exchange control regulations. A month later, during court testimony in divorce proceedings against Mubaiwa, Chiwenga did not fare any better, openly acknowledging that he had received luxury vehicles from state entities and wealthy 'well-wishers'. The ever scheming Tagwirei, for example, had donated a Mercedes Benz E350, which was used to transport Chiwenga's children. So Chiwenga, too, is not in any way untainted by allegations of corruption – and definitely not the breath of fresh air he is made out to be. That Zimbabweans have not mobilised in large numbers to express their displeasure with the overt and infinite sleaze involving high-ranking ZANU-PF officials is primarily due to harsh restrictions placed upon them. The government has persistently weaponised the law and used violent measures to silence dissent. Zimbabwe, unfortunately, currently resembles Rhodesia, the colonial state that preceded its formation in 1980. A defining characteristic of Rhodesia was the state's steadfast resistance to the unencumbered expression of civil rights and majority rule. In May 2020, for instance, Joanah Mamombe, Netsai Marova and Cecillia Chimbiri were abducted, beaten and sexually assaulted by suspected state agents and subsequently jailed for leading an antigovernment protest. The flagrant disregard for fundamental constitutional tenets, such as the inalienable right to protest, underscores the ZANU-PF party's deep-seated unwillingness to adhere to the rule of law. This, together with a judiciary that is firmly captured, a security apparatus that is heavily politicised and a military that unashamedly operates as an armed extension of the ruling party, is impeding the sociopolitical stability of Zimbabwe. For 45 years, the government has wilfully neglected to protect vital constitutional liberties and ensure the integrity of elections. In many ways, the legacy of Rhodesia under Prime Minister Ian Smith, an unflinching white supremacist, is still very much alive in Zimbabwe. After the 'successful' March 31 protest, Geza intends to organise Mnangagwa's impeachment, claiming that the president is suffering from dementia. Regardless of whether he achieves his goal, there is a growing feeling that decisive action is needed to arrest the country's present trajectory. Nonetheless, simply swapping Mnangagwa for Chiwenga, a man whose sense of entitlement and lust for power far exceed his governance capabilities, will not yield the meaningful change that Zimbabweans aspire to achieve. What Zimbabwe truly needs is a comprehensive and democratic overhaul that garners support across civil society and the political divide. Any change must, for the first time in Zimbabwe's 45-year history, give free and tangible expression to the rights enshrined in the constitution. The ZANU-PF, above all, must abandon its Rhodesian style of governance. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.
