Latest news with #Gnassingbé
Daily Maverick
13-05-2025
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
African solutions have not solved the Great Lakes problems
Ineffective African interventions in the region have opened the door to more assertive external actors. After months of diplomatic impasse and military advances of the Alliance Fleuve Congo/March 23 Movement (AFC/M23) in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), a diplomatic breakthrough occurred in April. First, under the auspices of Qatar, the DRC and AFC/M23 jointly committed to work towards a ceasefire. Second, foreign ministers from Rwanda and the DRC signed a declaration of principles in the US, signalling renewed bilateral dialogue. Caution is necessary, given the repeated failure of past commitments. But it's important to note the absence of African actors from these developments. It is mainly US and European sanctions and Washington's diplomatic engagement that seem to have curbed AFC/M23's advance and dampened Rwanda's assertiveness. For various reasons, the DRC and Rwanda were not convinced that current African initiatives would be effective. In February, the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) endorsed coordination between the Luanda and Nairobi processes, leading to a joint East African Community-Southern African Development Community (EAC-SADC) initiative overseen by a panel of five facilitators. Yet, two months after the fall of Goma and Bukavu, the joint initiative had not achieved a ceasefire. Despite the dire humanitarian and security situation, it appears more focused on managing competition between the two regional blocs than solving the conflict. The Great Lakes conflict epitomises the crisis of African solutions, also visible in the Sahel and the management of coups. Togolese President Faure Gnassingbé's appointment in April as AU mediator has only added to the confusion. The institutional relationship between Gnassingbé and the panel appointed by the EAC-SADC initiative to mediate the conflict remains undefined. The panel's facilitators are former presidents from Kenya, Nigeria, Ethiopia, South Africa and the Central African Republic. It is also unclear what specific issue the EAC-SADC process must resolve, considering that a ceasefire and eventually a peace agreement are expected to emerge from Doha and Washington, DC. While the AU and regional bodies promote the notion of 'African solutions to African problems', the lack of tangible results in the Great Lakes casts doubt on the viability of this slogan-made policy. The Great Lakes conflict epitomises the crisis of African solutions, also visible in the Sahel and the management of coups. The African Peace and Security Architecture's failure in the region is multidimensional. Diplomatically, the AU's Luanda Process failed to normalise relations between the DRC and Rwanda after more than two years of efforts. This resulted as much from methodological flaws as from political constraints. The initial focus on heads-of-state meetings was to the detriment of technical consultations, which kicked off only later. Politically, it is debatable whether presidents and foreign ministers should be managing day-to-day mediation processes. Militarily, both the SADC Mission in the DRC and EAC Regional Force have withdrawn from the DRC. While the SADC mission ended in military defeat, the east African force withdrawal stemmed from political disagreements between Kinshasa and troop-contributing countries regarding the mission's mandate. The AU has been unable to aptly coordinate the various regional initiatives despite its primacy, as stated in the Protocol establishing the PSC. The Quadripartite process, initiated by the AU in 2023 to coordinate peace initiatives, has instead revealed the AU Commission and PSC's weaknesses. The initiative appears more like a political compromise between rival organisations than a streamlined framework for brokering a ceasefire and facilitating dialogue. The principle of subsidiarity, which implies resorting to AU-level intervention when regional efforts fail, has only exacerbated competition between the AU and regional organisations. The dysfunction of the EAC-SADC process also reflects deeper political divergences among member states and institutions. Moving from two distinct mediation frameworks (the Nairobi and Luanda processes) with their respective facilitators to an undefined merged or aligned process with a panel of five facilitators and one mediator is challenging. The initiative appears more like a political compromise between rival organisations than a streamlined framework for brokering a ceasefire and facilitating dialogue. Without performance, the slogan 'African solutions to African problems' means nothing. This dysfunction also questions the AU's relevance in today's evolving security landscape. Historically, the AU and regional bodies were praised for their rapid crisis response – often outperforming the bureaucratic pace of the United Nations (UN). But in the Great Lakes they have fallen short on conflict prevention and crisis management, casting doubt on their ability to act as first responders. The AU Commission and its different organs have not developed a creative cooperation strategy with the various UN institutions in the region, particularly the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC and the Office of the Special Envoy to the Great Lakes region. Some in the AU Commission see the UN as a competitor rather than a genuine partner. In an era of strained multilateralism and geopolitical competition, dwindling donor support and American disengagement from peace operations, the African Peace and Security Architecture must evolve. It must shift from input-based legitimacy rooted in intentions and political representation, to output-based legitimacy grounded in results and operational effectiveness. Without performance, the slogan 'African solutions to African problems' means nothing. New AU Commission leaders must undertake a candid and critical review of why recent African-led efforts have fallen short. The DRC's membership of the EAC, SADC, Economic Community of Central African States and International Conference on the Great Lakes Region make it a natural arena for institutional rivalry. This occurs between organisations and among member states, making the AU's primacy not only legitimate but vital. Recognising this principle isn't enough. An AU Strategy for the Great Lakes is needed to reconfigure the continental body's presence in the region. This will require a significant investment in the Bujumbura-based AU Liaison Office for the Great Lakes and a coherent AU position on revitalising the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the DRC and region. Strengthening the AU Commission's crisis management capacity is also essential. This includes reinforcing the Mediation Support Unit and redefining the mandate and operational capacities of AU Special Representatives and their offices. In the short term, the current EAC-SADC-AU mediation framework should be simplified. Without these reforms, the AU risks remaining a bystander in resolving African crises, especially in the Great Lakes. DM
Business Insider
06-05-2025
- Politics
- Business Insider
Togo president's new post could see him rule for life, opposition calls it a coup
The Togolese leader, Faure Gnassingbé, has been appointed to the newly created role of President of the Council of Ministers, a powerful post with no term limits. Faure Gnassingbé has been appointed as President of the Council of Ministers with no term limits. Opposition denounces the move as a 'constitutional coup' to allow indefinite stay in power. The new role involves coordinating government action and overseeing policy implementation. The Togolese leader, Faure Gnassingbé, has been appointed to the newly created role of President of the Council of Ministers, a powerful post with no term limits, in a move the opposition has denounced as a 'constitutional coup' that could allow him to stay in power indefinitely. The President of the Council of Ministers is tasked with coordinating government action, setting broad policy guidelines, and overseeing the implementation of the Council's decisions, according to the presidency's website. The appointment was confirmed by the National Assembly on Saturday, which stated that Gnassingbé was granted the position as leader of the ruling party. The change comes after constitutional reforms last year that transformed the presidency into a largely ceremonial role and transferred executive power to the head of the Council of Ministers. Dynastic rule continues Gnassingbé's family has ruled the country for 58 years - Faure Gnassingbé took over in 2005 from his father, Gnassingbé Eyadéma, who had ruled for almost four decades. The latest shift has sparked renewed fears of democratic regression in a region already grappling with repeated coups and entrenched leadership. Two opposition parties, the Democratic Forces for the Republic and the National Alliance for Change, who have boycotted the parliament, issued a joint statement condemning the move as an effort to entrench lifelong rule.
Yahoo
03-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
New post for Togo leader could see him rule for life
The Togolese leader, Faure Gnassingbé, has been sworn in as "President of the Council of Ministers" - a new post which is the highest office in the government's executive branch and has no official term limits. This follows constitutional reform that ended presidential elections, and introduced a parliamentary system. The opposition said the change was in order to allow President Gnassingbé to stay in power indefinitely. His family has ruled the country for 58 years - Faure Gnassingbé took over in 2005 from his father, Gnassingbé Eyadéma, in 2005, who had ruled for almost four decades. This latest change results from a new constitution approved by lawmakers last year, labelled by critics and opposition figures as an "institutional coup d'état". Gnassingbé's government had paused some of the changes following huge backlash, but has moved ahead with his new role. Togo's municipal elections in July will be the first under the new constitution, which has replaced the presidential system with a parliamentary one. In theory, the role of president of the republic is now only an honorary title, but analysts say Gnassingbé's power is more entrenched than ever with his new post of council president. His party, the Union for the Republic, won a huge majority in last year's parliamentary election, taking of 108 out of 113 seats in the National Assembly. 'Helping a human is better than scoring a goal' - Adebayor Why ex-French colonies are joining the Commonwealth Meet the football grannies of Africa Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica Africa Daily Focus on Africa
BBC News
03-05-2025
- Politics
- BBC News
New post for Togo president could see him rule for life
The Togolese leader, Faure Gnassingbé, has been sworn in as "President of the Council of Ministers" - a new post which is the highest office in the government's executive branch and has no official term follows constitutional reform that ended presidential elections, and introduced a parliamentary opposition said the change was in order to allow President Gnassingbé to stay in power family has ruled the country for 58 years - Faure Gnassingbé took over in 2005 from his father, Gnassingbé Eyadéma, in 2005, who had ruled for almost four decades. This latest change results from a new constitution approved by lawmakers last year, labelled by critics and opposition figures as an "institutional coup d'état".Gnassingbé's government had paused some of the changes following huge backlash, but has moved ahead with his new municipal elections in July will be the first under the new constitution, which has replaced the presidential system with a parliamentary theory, the role of president of the republic is now only an honorary title, but analysts say Gnassingbé's power is more entrenched than ever with his new post of council party, the Union for the Republic, won a huge majority in last year's parliamentary election, taking of 108 out of 113 seats in the National Assembly. More BBC stories about Togo: 'Helping a human is better than scoring a goal' - AdebayorWhy ex-French colonies are joining the CommonwealthMeet the football grannies of Africa Go to for more news from the African us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica
Bloomberg
16-02-2025
- Politics
- Bloomberg
Togo Ruling Party Wins 34 of 41 Seats in New Senate Election
The ruling party of Togo's President Faure Gnassingbé won 34 of the 41 seats in a newly created upper chamber of the parliament, according to provisional results released on Sunday. Municipal and regional councilors across the West African country voted Saturday for 41 representatives of the 61-seat Senate. The rest will be appointed by Gnassingbé, according to an amended constitution that grants the president power to fill a third of the chamber.
