Latest news with #Gorbachev
Indian Express
27-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
May 27, 1985, Forty Years Ago: No To Nuclear Arms
India and the Soviet Union have called for dismantling all foreign military bases in the Indian Ocean and opposed outside interference of any kind in the affairs of Southwest and Southeast Asian countries. In a joint statement released at the end of the six-day visit of PM Rajiv Gandhi to the Soviet Union, the two countries expressed concern over growing global tensions and called for the total destruction and prohibition of nuclear weapons. The Soviet side supported India's proposal for calling a convention with the participation of all nuclear-weapon states to discuss halting the arms race. 'Anti-goonda' Law The Gujarat government has assumed powers for detaining antisocial elements for up to one year under the Prevention of Anti-Social Activities Ordinance. It is popularly known as the 'anti-goonda' ordinance lists four categories of antisocial elements — bootleggers, drug peddlers, those indulging in immoral traffic and those guilty of confiscation of property. Cyclone Hits Sandwip The entire population of the Sandwip island, estimated to be around 10,000, was swept away, and 11,000 were reported to have been injured in the severe cyclonic storm which lashed the southern coastal districts of Bangladesh. Government officials said four to five metre-high tidal waves washed away the entire population of the tiny island. Gorbachev In India Soviet leader Mikhail S Gorbachev and Prime Minister Nikolai A Tikhonov have accepted invitations to pay official visits to India. The invitations, extended by PM Rajiv Gandhi, were 'accepted with gratitude' a joint statement issued at the end of Gandhi's visit to the Soviet Union said.
Yahoo
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Steve Rosenberg, the BBC's "Man in Moscow"
Journalist Steve Rosenberg is now the last of the BBC's correspondents left in Russia, doing his best to report on Vladimir Putin's war in Ukraine amid a sea of Kremlin propaganda. He talks with CBS News correspondent Elizabeth Palmer about the stress of reporting inside Russia; how he sees the future of a country he fell in love with many years ago; and the time he played piano with former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev.
Forbes
11-05-2025
- Business
- Forbes
Azerbaijan Angles To Distinguish Its Wines
Vineyard below peaks in Azerbaijan getty Forty years ago in Azerbaijan in the south Caucuses region of western Asia, the laconic lethargy of Soviet bulk wine production was walloped by planned vineyard destruction. The result left winemakers uncertain of how to move forward. Today, the country is redefining its wine production identity, with international grape varieties increasingly complemented by local and regional influence. During the Soviet era, when Azerbaijan was one of 15 republics comprising the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, quantity in wine making was prioritized over quality. During peak production in 1984 the then republic generated 26 million gallons (10 million hectoliters) of wine annually via 120 wineries and 420 viticulture farms. Fifty-six types of wines were produced, as well as 10 cognacs, reflecting a preference for sweet and fortified wines. In 1985 the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mikhael Gorbachev, instituted a campaign to reduce alcohol production and consumption. This 'Gorbachev's Prohibition' era resulted in the systematic destruction of over 120 square miles (32,000 hectares) of vineyards within Azerbaijan. After the Soviet Union disintegrated in 1991, many vine growers and winemakers moved to cities such as the capital of Baku to seek livelihoods. The wine industry largely collapsed. 'The system under communism was run by the central government and vineyards were not ours to own. After the Soviet Union ended people lost interest in vineyards and moved to Baku to work,' explained Penah Abdullayev, an Azerbaijan wine consultant. Massive wooden barrels were built by German winemakers a century ago at Goygol Winery Tom Mullen Since about the year 2000 wine production has increasingly revived in Azerbaijan, focused more on quality than volume. By 2017 up to 5,000 acres (2,000 hectares) of new vineyards were being planted annually, and in 2018 the Baku Wine School was established to train sommeliers. Regardless of this renaissance in wine, fruit distillates still remain popular in the country, even more so than wine, beer or vodka. Today the country grows a mélange of three types of wine grapes—international (such as Pinot Noir and Viognier), Azerbaijan indigenous (red Madrasa and white Bayan Shira, for example) and indigenous Caucuses varieties (such as red Saperavi and white Rkatsiteli from Georgia). Azerbaijan lacks a wine appellation system. Its main wine growing regions include, moving from the capital counterclockwise: Baku-Absheron, Caspian Shoreline, Shirvan and Caucasian Foothills, Ganja-Gazakh, Nakchivan and Lakaran-Astara. Wine promotion actions include the fourth annual Grape and Wine Festival that will take place later this year in the village of Meysari. Last year's event spanned three consecutive days, included representatives from 24 wineries and hosted some 4,000 visitors daily. Goygol Winery's winemaker Rasim Omarov demonstrates past 'riddling' practices to loosen bottle sediments Tom Mullen Archaeological evidence of grape seeds, wine residue and storage containers indicate that wine was produced in Azerbaijan in 6000 BCE. Evidence of ancient technologies to produce vintages between the third and first centuries BCE include a stone wine vat with a textured bottom for grape pressing—excavated in the village of Khynysly in the Shamakhi district, hours west of Baku City. Today Shamakhi is the production point for the Meysari brand, created by Shirvan Wines. It exemplifies modern large scale wine production that combines French grape varieties with both Azerbaijan and Caucuses regional varieties. This producer was the first to generate organic wines in Azerbaijan. They opened in 2014 and now generate a million liters of juice a year from 0.6 square miles (160 hectares) of vineyards. Their aromatic white Sadaf blend includes varieties from southern France—Grenache Blanc, Rousanne, Marsanne and Clairette as well as local Bayan Shira, while their red Marcan blend includes French Marselan, Cinsault, Carignan, Grenache and Mourvèdre—bolstered by regional Saperavi grapes from Georgia. Visiting the Ganja-Gazakh wine region in the west of Azerbaijan provides historical context for grape production. The highway west from Baku toward Ganja passes flaming oil pylons, gaunt cattle, farmhouses with brown corrugated iron roofs and distant views of snow-covered Caucuses peaks. The route is flanked by a railway line to the north and parallel oil pipelines on the south. The climate turns temperate continental as you move westward and the open landscape resembles a lush version of rural Wyoming, while delicate greenery south of Ganja city mirrors Craters of the Moon National Monument in the U.S. state of Idaho. After the Napoleonic wars in Europe, Germans from their country's southern Württemberg region began settling in Azerbaijan in 1817, lured by the Russian Empire's promise of free land, tax exemptions and religious freedom. These immigrants introduced both European grape varieties and wine making technology. By the end of the 19th century Azerbaijan was the main producer of wine and brandy in the Caucuses region. Lada taxi rushing through rural Azerbaijan Nick The city of Goygol is a twenty-minute drive south of Ganja—Armenia's second largest city. Goygol includes 65,000 residents, prim parks, tall pines and occasional Tyrolean architecture. Children spike volleyballs on little used streets where ubiquitous Russian Lada cars prowl—often painted glossy bright red or blue. The Goygol Winery was established in 1860 by German colonists. During the Soviet era it produced the greatest volume of sparkling wine for the U.S.S.R. Today the facility is split into two by the city's main road. Wine is produced on one side, and on the other side, vodka. Massive, tall hand constructed brick cellars are located 52 feet deep (16 meters) below the ground surface and include disused, sizable barrels hewn long ago by Germans using local oak. Until recently their wines were all single grape varietals, including international Cabernet Sauvignon and Chardonnay, as well as local Madrasa and Bayan Shira. Today wines are produced from 13 grape varieties and include blends. Goygol Winery's Karabakh label includes a sparkling and a dry Chardonnay, a fruity Madrasa and an oak aged Pinot Noir. 'We're trying to be innovative, but also to use heritage we gained from the Germans. Our uniqueness here is history, because many other wineries in Azerbaijan are brand new,' chief winemaker Rasim Omarov explained. World's largest wooden wine barrel compared to standard barrel at Savalan Aspi Winery in Azerbaijan Tom Mullen Named after a village in the Savalan valley in the northern region of Azerbaijan, the Savalan Aspi Winery is located midway between eastern and western borders in the wine region of Shirvan and Caucasian Foothills. The climate here is temperate dry as well as semi arid, and the adjacent river valley is flanked by rocky brown bluffs that resemble portions of the outskirts of Gunnison, Colorado. The winding access road passes wandering cows, stone quarries and a wide braided river. Savalan Aspi produces 23 different wines that are mostly exported to Russia, as well as to restaurants in Europe. Intriguingly, the winemaker is Italian, the architect is Italian and Italian equipment is used to process international grapes from Italy, France and Spain. The winery includes two unexpectedly salient attractions intended to enhance wine tourism in Azerbaijan. One is a handsome interactive wine museum; the other is the largest wooden wine barrel in use in the world. Constructed from Slavonian oak by Italian producer Garbellotto, it is 15.5 feet (4.75 meters) in diameter and holds 17,588 gallons (66,579 liters) of wine—the equivalent volume in 295 Bordeaux barrels, or containing enough wine to fill over 88,000 bottles. 'In the past five years Azerbaijan wine has become more popular,' said Aygün Atayeva, winery sales manager at Savalan Aspi and the country's first female sommelier. 'The flow of Russian visitors is increasing, and tourists go back home and promote our wine.' Aygün Atayeva, winery sales manager at Savalan Asti and Azerbaijan's first female sommelier. Tom Mullen North of Baku a semi-arid steppe climate embraces the Caspian Shoreline wine region, where patches of greenery resemble portions of the rolling countryside of County Wicklow in Ireland and where hazelnuts, cherries and apples grow. This is the location of the F.A. Valley Winery, co-owned by Dr. Farhad Ağayev, who trained as a vascular surgeon at St. Petersburg Military Academy in Russia as well as in Nuremberg, Germany. This winery includes perhaps the country's strongest Italian tilt toward grapes and technology. Doctor Ağayev continues his work as a medical doctor, but also produces wines from six red Italian grape varieties—Pugnitello, Colorino, Sagrantino, Aglianico, Nero d'Avola and Sangiovese. He and his brother Farid—an 'investor, promoter and motivator'—hired consultants from Tuscany in Italy to help establish 15 acres (six hectares) of vines as well as wine production facilities. When asked about his choice of grapes, he explained simply: 'I like Italian wines.' Azerbaijan medical doctor and winemaker Dr. Farhad Ağayev at his vineyard Tom Mullen Located between the Caspian Sea and the Caucuses Mountains, the climate here is warm Mediterranean with scant rain. The soil includes blue clay with limestone beneath and the vines receive about 12 inches (300 millimeters) of rain a year—a third of what falls on Tuscany, or half what falls on the island of Sicily. The result is that Doctor Ağayev only needs to treat vines for disease four or five times a year, unlike in northern Italy, where perhaps 15 treatments are required annually. 'Just soil, vines, wine and bottle. Very simple. Wine is not a beverage. It's philosophy, energy and food. I want to make honest, healthy wine and also to show that Azerbaijan can make big wines.' Doctor Ağayev appears to be a thoughtful, methodical and modest individual who takes his professional endeavors seriously. Together with his dog named Nebbiolo—a white Turkmenistan Shepherd—we paced along a rutted dirt road past irrigation canals and thistles and a grove of hazelnut trees to view his vines. There are no other vineyards close to his plot—the nearest being six miles (10 kilometers) away, and abandoned. When he began growing grapes local farmers told him he was foolish not to aim for short term profits. Yet his patience is paying off. F.A. Valley's 2020 Ragazzaccia wine made from the Aglianico grape recently won a Sommeliers Choice silver award. Bread, vegetable, meat and pastry - traditional Azerbaijan dishes to pair with wine Tom Mullen Inside the winery, juice flows by gravity into cement tanks where it is fermented. No fining or filtration is used to make wines and grapes are exposed to indigenous rather than commercial yeasts. Wines are then aged differentially—rosé and effervescent in steel, Sangiovese in large Slavonian oak casks, and Aglianico and Nero d'Avola in French oak barrels. Doctor Ağayev also uses clay amphorae from Alto Adige in northern Italy. He prefers these to terracotta vats from Georgia because he believes the Italian product allows less oxygen infiltration. Among several wines, he produces three excellent value naturally evervescent ('pet nat' or pétillant naturel) wines, each made from different grapes—Sangiovese, Colorino and Nero d'Avola. Doctor Ağayev embodies a quintessential artisan winemaker who inherited no equipment or family knowledge but taught himself how to produce wines of robust quality. Although pervasive, respected and adapted to local conditions, it is unlikely that international grape varieties will provide the sole spine to Azerbaijan wines in the future. Local and regional grape varieties contribute unique flavor profiles that can help establish vintner identity. Their unique flavors also pair well with Azerbaijan's wealthy cuisine. Winemaker Marco Catelani from Tuscany, Italy, moved to Azerbaijan 15 years ago. He and partners Penah Abdullayev and Andrea Uliva operate Thinking Wine 2.0—an enological consulting team. He respects the viticultural heritage of his native Italy but is dedicated to Azerbaijan's local grapes, which he uses at Chabiant Winery. Winemaker Marco Catelani at Chabiant Winery, Azerbaijan Tom Mullen Lean, bearded and scarved, he shared thoughts over a glass of white wine. 'Our mission and focus is on local Caucasian varieties and to promote Azerbaijan character. With Madrasa and Bayan Shira I am promoting authentic material for Azerbaijan. People now are more proud of local varieties.' His business partner Penah Abdullayev agrees. 'If you write Madrasa on the label, people are interested. European varieties are good, but we need to use our local varieties.' Azerbaijan has over 450 indigenous grape varieties, of which only a few are currently used to make wine. The white grape Bayan Shira produces fresh, zesty, semi complex and easy drinking wines with bright acidity, juicy tropicals, minerality and sometimes a slightly honeyed mid palate—similar to a Bordeaux Sauvignon Blanc/Sémillon blend but with more of a tangerine lilt. Or, think Sauvignon Blanc meets dry Riesling and Chablis. The thick skinned Madrasa red grape from Azerbaijan produces wines with a light tannic structure, chocolate/red fruit aromas and flavors that can be complex, fruity and with subtle spices and firm acidity. Think northern Rhone Valley meets right bank Bordeaux. The Saperavi grape, native to the country of Georgia, has genetic roots related to Syrah, revealed by its dark chocolate aromas, as well as its balanced heft and acidity. Its flavors are similar to those of a Baboso Negro from the Canary Islands, and its color is as dark as wine from the Croatina grape. Geese walk between vines at Savalan Aspi Winery, Azerbaijan Tom Mullen The future of Azerbaijan wines appears bright—due to the availability of distinct local grape varieties and dedicated individuals ravenous to craft wines. Just as the Clos Apalta winery in Chile created a French Bordeaux blend but added juice from the Carménère grape to provide a local signature, Azerbaijan could produce its own signature blend using the Madrasa grape as a critical component. 'We are working to change the wine culture,' emphasized Azerbaijani winemaker Aziz Gasimov. 'This is not only business, it's also passion. We want visitors to bring home our wines to share with their friends as they share their own memories of Azerbaijan.' [This companion article is titled Why Visit The Vibrant And Varied Capital City Of Baku In Azerbaijan.] Below are tasting notes for 18 selected Azerbaijan wines. Prices are retail at the cellar door, converted to U.S. dollars. Additional wine notes are included here on the Vino Voicies site. Some but not all wines have been assigned values in one of three categories of Good ♫, Excellent ♫♫ and Superlative ♫♫♫. These were generated via my own proprietary Vino Voices algorithm, which combines both quality ratings and prices. Landscaping outside Savalan Aspi Winery, Azerbaijan Tom Mullen Meysari. Bülluri. 2020. 91 points. $13.50. [Good Value ♫] The Meysari winery is named after a local village. Bülluri means 'crystal' in the Azerbaijani language. Made from Clairette blended with the two Georgian grapes (Mtsvane and Rkatsiteli) and one Azerbaijan grape (Bayan Shira). 13.5% alcohol. Perfumed aromas of lilacs and mandarins and grapefruit. Crisp acidity, slightly honeyed mid palate. Similar to a Pinot Gris/Sauvignon Blanc assemblage—light, rounded, fresh with slight lime flavors on a sparky finish. Pair with white cheese, edamame or sashimi. Meysari. Innabi. 2020. 91-92 points. $13.50. [Good Value ♫] A blend of the Georgian grape Saperavi together with local Azerbaijan grapes Madrasa, Shirvanshahi and Khindogni. 13.5% alcohol. Aromas include black licorice, petrol, cinnamon and nutmeg. Crisp tannins, well enfolded acidity and a long finish that includes mocha and star anise flavors. Meysari. Maxmari Premium. 2020. 91-92 points. $17.00. [Good Value ♫] A blend of Marselan, Cinsault, Carignan, Grenache and Mourvèdre that includes 13.5% alcohol with bright aromas of dark plums, exotic red fruits, charcoal, graphite and chocolate syrup. Heft in structure and elegance in the mouth; a dreamy/creamy wine as supple as a Beaujolais Cru that is easy drinking with good acidity mid palate and generous but light flavors that include maple syrup, mocha and black pepper with a brilliant red licorice finish. Madrasa wine pairs with the Azerbaijan dish of chickpeas, chestnut, lamb, onion, saffron, sumac and red onion Tom Mullen Yarimada. Saperavi. 2012. Made by Azerbaijan winemaker Aziz Gasimov using Saperavi, a grape preferred by Soviets in the past because its color darkens wines. The genetic roots of Saperavi relate to Syrah, which is evident from the earth and mocha aromas and chocolate flavors. Light and bright acidity, easy drinking and fresh. One glass will follow another of this well balanced beauty. Karabakh. Pearl Sparkling Wine. Brut. 90-91 points. $8.00. [Good Value ♫] 13% alcohol in this 100% Chardonnay sparkling wine made using the charmat method. Aromas of brioche, limes, fresh tropical fruits and slight menthol. Bright acidity, short finish and abundant citric flavors. Karabakh. Bayan Shira. 2019. The labels on the Karabakh range of wines show different rugs from different portions of Azerbaijan. Rancio aromas that include orange peels and oxidation in this 12% alcohol wine. Bayanshira lacks structure and so relies on acidity and fruit to carry its character. Sold predominantly to Poland. Karabakh Bayan Shira white wine produced by Goygol Winery Nick Karabakh. Madrasa. 2019. 90 points. $8.50. [Good Value ♫] Engaging acidity which makes for easy drinking. Aromas of strawberry jam and chocolate chips, as well as red cherries, black berries, red plums, candy cane and slight black pepper. Slick finish, though not a complex wine. Savalan Aspi Winery. Viognier. 2023. 91+ points. $8.00. [Excellent Value ♫♫] Perfume of white flowers and white pears as well as mandarins and flint. Sharp initial acidity, and flavors that include grapefruit and other tropicals as well as minerality. Distinct sharpness, good length, freshness and crisp and bright acidity that provides a tongue tingling finish. Savalan Aspi Winery. Canyon Red Dry Reserve. 2018. 93 points. $19.00. [Superlative Value ♫♫♫] Bordeaux blend of Merlot, Cabernet Franc and Petit Verdot in this wine with 15% alcohol aged in large oak vats for over a year. Aromas of chalk, minestrone, mocha, red cherries, pine and cedar. Elegant tannins and hefty and complex flavors that include German chocolate cake, sultanas, Amarone, maple syrup, Provence herbs and black cherries. Persistent length and rich red cherries on the finish; well integrated crisp acidity. Pair with barbecued beef or lamb. 15% alcohol. Savalan Aspi Winery. Special Edition Red Wine. 2018. 93-94 points. $35.00. [Good Value ♫] Made from 100% Merlot, this 16% alcohol wine includes aromas of tobacco, black licorice, roasted chestnuts, black pepper, red cherries, cedar and eucalyptus. Complex, textured, crunchy and fruit forward with flavors of red plums, red cherries and chocolate cake. Soft tannins and well enfolded acidity. Vineyards in Shamakhi in the Shirvan and Caucasian Foothills wine region, Azerbaijan getty Chabiant. Bayan Shira. 2023. 91+ points. $7.35. [Excellent Value ♫♫] Produced by enologist Marco Catelani In the Ismayilli wine region from the Bayan Shira grape. The grape is intriguing—think characteristics of Sauvignon Blanc as well as dry Riesling and Chablis. This light lime colored wine with 12.5% alcohol has crisp and zesty acidity with aromas of guavas and dried apricots. Sparky and pronounced flavors that include green apples and tangerines mid palate as well as some herbaceousness and slight salinity. Scintillating citrics and a creamy finish derived from weekly stirring of dead yeast cells (lees) in a process known as battonage. Chabiant. Rkatsiteli Mtsvane White. 2023. 92+ points. $7.35. [Superlative Value ♫♫♫] Intense perfume of lilacs, white flowers, white pears and slight mint from this blend of grapes from Georgia. Gin and tonic freshness, silky mouth feel and flavors of lemon, chilled mint tea, mandarins, slight pineapple and mangos. A layered, exotic and cheerful wine—acidity wrapped in tropical fruits. Pair with eggplant stuffed with tomatoes, bell peppers and herbs. At Chabiant Winery artist/sommelier Elivira Mamedova displays a bottle of white wine Tom Mullen Chabiant. Madrasa. 2022. 93-94 points. $11.75. [Superlative Value ♫♫♫] Aged 12 months in medium toasted second use French oak. Aromas of red cherries, blackberries, chocolate, blueberries, tobacco, black pepper and cinnamon. Flavors of Flake chocolate, German chocolate cake, dark plums, black licorice, cassis and molasses. Complex and textured with bright, gentle and suave acidity and pronounced tannins. This monovarietal encompasses northern Rhone Valley meets right bank Bordeaux. Journey into the Land of Giants here, regarding flavor. Pair with sausages cooked with a Madrasa wine/cherry sauce. F.A. Valley. Colorino Pet Nat. 2024. 93+ points. €18.00. [Superlative Value ♫♫♫] From medical doctor Farhad Ağayev in the Khachmaz District and Caspian Shoreline wine region, this naturally effervescent wine is a dark cherry/amber color and is made without added sulfites. Brisk aromas of mandarins, raspberries, strawberries and slight menthol. Crisp, fine and fresh bubbles and balanced flavors include light red and orange fruit, cherry juice and gingerbread. Fresh acidity, smooth tannins and with a slightly yeasty finish. Delicious. Only 11% alcohol in this wine you will love pouring for friends. F.A. Valley naturally sparkling wine ('pet nat') made from the Italian Colorino grape Nick F.A. Valley. Aglianico. 2022. 92 points. €12.00. [Excellent Value ♫♫] This 13% alcohol wine is fermented in cement tanks with natural yeast. Dark color and aromas of dark plums, black peppers and slight eucalyptus. Heft and elegant wine with firm yet supple tannins and flavors that include mushrooms and red cherries. F.A. Valley. Ragazzaccia Aglianico. 2020. 92+ points. €30.00. Hefty and bright aromas that include black berries. Juicy acidity, subtle tannins, light red fruit flavors include red cherries. Brilliant acidity. Ragazzaccia Aglianico from F.A. Valley paired with lamb Tom Mullen F. A. Valley. Fratello Sangiovese. 2020. 91-92 points. Dr. Ağayev named this wine after his brother and business partner Farid. Fermented in cement tanks, then aged two years in large Slavonian oak casks followed by two years in bottles. Aromas of menthol, minestrone, black cherries, dark plums—a layered winter cake. Complex. Firm tannins. Flavors include sour red cherries and black pepper. 13% alcohol. Qalaciq Winery. Chardonnay. 2024. 90 points. This boutique winery sources grapes from the north of the country. Strong floral aromatics as well as aromas of marshmallows, candy cane, Tunisian rose and buttered toast in this wine with 12.8 percent alcohol. Light, candied flavors that include lime. Slightly creamy with a crisp, honeyed and acidic finish. Only 3,000 bottles produced. Qalaciq Winery owner and cookbook author Ehtiram Farzalibayov (left) toasts winemaker Aziz Gasimov Tom Mullen
Russia Today
30-04-2025
- Politics
- Russia Today
Ivan Timofeev: This late Soviet leader's legacy is a warning to Trump
In Donald Trump's second term, US foreign policy has taken a series of sharp, often surprising turns. His administration has veered from seeking rapprochement with Russia to publicly dressing down Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky; from berating European allies for their democratic lapses to launching trade wars against traditional partners; from floating ambitions about acquiring Greenland and hinting at absorbing Canada as the '51st state,' to tearing down iconic soft power institutions like USAID, Radio Free Europe, and Voice of America. It's tempting to think of this as uniquely Trumpian – but history offers a compelling parallel. Four decades ago, across the Atlantic, a newly appointed Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, came to power. What began as a cautious shift in Moscow's external posture soon morphed into a sweeping 'new thinking' in foreign affairs. Gorbachev ended the Cold War – but also presided over the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Could Trump play a similar role for the United States? How far could his initiatives go – and what might they mean for America's future? At face value, Trump and Gorbachev appear worlds apart. One grew up wealthy, the other in modest circumstances. One is brash and combative, the other was warm and conciliatory. Trump lives large, a self-styled playboy; Gorbachev remained devoted to his wife and never sought personal wealth, even amid Soviet upheaval. Trump thrived in cutthroat markets and democratic elections; Gorbachev rose through backroom deals and party hierarchies. Trump is a product of the postmodern digital age; Gorbachev was a modernist reformer who placed faith in rational governance and global norms. Trump champions nationalism and self-interest; Gorbachev preached universal values. Yet despite their differences, both men shared a deep desire to overhaul systems they viewed as bloated and unsustainable. Each tried to 'clean up liabilities' – to eliminate outdated, overextended, and costly commitments. By the 1980s, the Soviet Union was stagnating. The Brezhnev era, later romanticized for its 'stability,' had bred corruption, economic inertia, a detached ruling class, and widespread alcoholism. The military budget was immense: Moscow poured resources into propping up Warsaw Pact allies, subsidizing socialist regimes worldwide, and maintaining nuclear and conventional parity with the US and NATO. Meanwhile, relations with China were hostile. Since the late '60s, the two nations had been in a quiet cold war, even as Beijing sought warmer ties with Washington. And then there was the costly quagmire in Afghanistan. While some of these efforts might have been defensible in the name of strategic deterrence or ideological solidarity, they increasingly backfired. The arms race yielded diminishing returns. Allies became freeloaders. Global influence waned. Gorbachev's answer was de-escalation. Arms reduction treaties slashed bloated arsenals. Relations with China thawed. Troop levels in Afghanistan dropped. For a time, Soviet diplomacy gained moral traction on the world stage – Gorbachev positioned the USSR as a force for peace and progress, and his personal reputation soared. But the momentum didn't last. Many of Moscow's concessions proved one-sided. Missiles were dismantled with little reciprocal gain. Gorbachev supported German reunification without securing hard guarantees against NATO's eastward expansion. By the late '80s, Eastern Europe had erupted in peaceful revolutions, toppling one socialist regime after another. Unlike in 1968 Czechoslovakia, the USSR chose not to intervene militarily. As Moscow's grip loosened, it became evident the Soviet Union was losing its leverage with NATO and its own sphere of influence. Worse still, liberalization at home – economic reforms, government restructuring, and glasnost (political openness) – triggered an uncontrollable chain reaction. State legitimacy crumbled. Nationalist sentiment surged in the republics. Attempts to slow the unraveling with half-measures only hastened the collapse. Gorbachev's cleanup campaign ended not in renewal, but in ruin. Trump, too, began his presidency with a push to shed what he saw as unnecessary burdens. The US–Russia standoff, he argued, had locked Washington into a costly 'double deterrence' trap. Ukraine, from this viewpoint, had become a black hole for American resources – costing tens, even hundreds of billions in military and financial support – despite Russia posing no existential threat to the US. After all, Russia is a capitalist state, once deeply embedded in the global economy. Its push to dominate its 'near abroad' is not unlike the US response to Soviet missiles in Cuba. And its emphasis on traditional values is more defensive than expansionist – unlike communism, which once posed an ideological challenge to the West. So why the outsized US investment in a standoff with Moscow? Especially when, three years into Russia's war in Ukraine, the West has failed to land a knockout blow? Ukraine has withstood invasion but not turned the tide. Russia, battered but intact, has avoided political or economic collapse – and continues to support America's adversaries. In that context, seeking a strategic compromise with Moscow doesn't seem naïve – it looks rational. This raises a larger question: Should the US continue preserving the Cold War's institutional legacy? The Cold War ended with a sweeping American victory – military, economic, and ideological. But can the same playbook guide the country through today's multipolar world? Clinging to Cold War logic has backfired. Rather than remain inga reliable partner, Russia has become a dangerous wild card. Meanwhile, new powers – from China to regional upstarts like North Korea – are challenging US influence. The global burden on Washington grows heavier, even as its returns diminish. Trump's re-evaluation of traditional alliances has gone further than any recent administration. The notion of annexing Greenland would be a shocking blow to one of America's closest allies. Canada has also found itself on edge. And Trump's trade wars with friendly nations have added to the strain – though, to be fair, US–Japan tensions in the past took similar turns. What's become clear is that the traditional Atlantic alliance, as it stood over the past 30 years, can no longer be taken for granted. Washington is demanding tangible returns – now. And this is not just Trump's doing. Around him is a cadre of younger, energetic allies. Should Trump be removed from the scene, Vice President J.D. Vance would likely carry the torch – with even greater zeal. Could America go the way of the USSR? For now, that seems unlikely. The US possesses far deeper institutional resilience. It's not just about economic size – the Soviet Union was massive, too – but about adaptability. The American system can absorb shocks, even from figures as disruptive as Trump, and then pivot back without undermining its core principles. Gorbachev, in contrast, was boxed in by his own idealism. His vision of peace left him paralyzed at moments that demanded forceful action. Trump, by contrast, is already cast as a villain by many US allies. That gives him more room to act decisively. With America's systemic flexibility behind him, Trump may feel emboldened to experiment. And in these experiments, longtime allies might find themselves not just in supporting roles – but as test subjects.
Newsweek
29-04-2025
- Politics
- Newsweek
How Donald Trump Upended US Foreign Policy in 100 Days
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. President Donald Trump is "redrawing the world map" with his foreign policy, driven by his "America first" stance, his anti-globalist position, his "like" for provoking America's allies and his desire for "quick wins," experts have told Newsweek. The president's administration has wasted no time in trying to change America's relationship with the rest of the world. He has repeatedly accused NATO of taking financial advantage of the U.S., illustrated best with leaked text messages from a private group chat for Trump officials in which Vice President J.D. Vance said "I just hate bailing Europe out again," to which Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth replied: "I fully share your loathing of European freeloading. It's PATHETIC." Trump has also been critical of how much money the U.S. is spending on the war in Ukraine, culminating in a heated exchange with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in February. A visit to the White House ended with the pair arguing with each other, Trump accusing Zelensky of "gambling with World War III," telling him he was not acting "thankful" and calling him "disrepectful." The Trump administration has embraced peace talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin while launching a tariff war with its longtime ally Canada, along with almost every other country in the world, and it has begun a serious quest to take over Greenland. "It's been one of the most exciting starts to a new presidential term since Gorbachev ascended to the pinnacle of the Soviet system and kept the West on its toes as Russia underwent a revolutionary transformation," research scholar Barry Scott Zellen, who specializes in geopolitics and international relations at the University of Connecticut told Newsweek. "But the risks Gorbachev took in the end caused the Soviet system not to reform, but to collapse. Will we see the same?" he said. Russia-Ukraine War During his election campaign, Trump said he would end the Russia-Ukraine war within 24 hours and, while he was not able to achieve this, he has certainly shaken up the landscape with peace talks, with the deals discussed including ones that would grant Russia all the territory it has gained since 2014 and block Ukraine joining NATO. This is a major departure from the previous administration—former President Joe Biden said that "Ukraine's future lies at NATO" and was generally against leaving Russian-occupied territory in Russian hands. "Recent efforts to negotiate a solution to the Russia-Ukraine war suggest that in the absence of achieving quick deliverables, the administration may shift to other issues, and to achieve quick wins, the administration is not deeply grappling with the causes of conflict or the preferences of the parties involved," Feryal Cherif, associate professor of political science and international relations at the Bellarmine College of Liberal Arts, told Newsweek. Trump's foreign policy doctrine "centers on replacing a values-driven approach to international relations with one grounded in transactionalism," Thomas Gift, a political scientist at the School of Public Policy at University College London (UCL), told Newsweek "His core strategy is simple: threaten first, talk second," he added. Zellen praised Trump's "bold" approach, calling the conflict in Ukraine a "never-ending war paid for by the American taxpayer, but where Americans felt no real connection." He also hailed Trump's efforts to secure a minerals deal, which would see America granted some kind of access to Ukraine's rare earth mineral deposits as a way to way to pay the country back for its military aid—Trump also argues that American workers on Ukrianian soil would act as a security assurance against Russia. "This returns to the American taxpayer some of the funds that were spent in Ukraine under the Biden administration, bringing economic justice to the American heartland squeezed by reckless American military spending," Zellen said. Donald Trump has upended U.S. foreign policy during his first 100 days in office. Donald Trump has upended U.S. foreign policy during his first 100 days in office. Newsweek illustration/ Getty Images/Lukas Kunce Europe Trump has stoked fears that America may leave NATO, or undermine the historicaly U.S.-led transatlantic alliance without pulling out completely, and there are ongoing worries that Washington will eventually withdraw troops from Europe. He has repeatedly said that the U.S. would not defend NATO states unless they pay what he deems their fair share. "If they don't pay, I'm not going to defend them," he said in March. "All post- World War II presidents have wanted allies to do more to invest in their own defense. But Trump is unique in his beliefs that allies are bad for the United States," James Goldgeier, a professor of international relations at American University, told Newsweek. He went on to argue that this development in the U.S.-Europe relationship has forced Europe to recognize that "the United States is no longer playing its role as the guarantor of European security" and will have to "invest more in the capabilities they need to defend themselves." "The United States used to have a huge advantage over adversaries such as China and Russia because of the great network of alliances it has had in the post-World War II period that enhance American economic health and boost U.S. national security," he said. "Donald Trump is frittering that away. Our allies will have to look out for themselves, and they will increasingly turn away from America." Similarly, Fen Hampson, the former Director of the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, told Newsweek that Trump has damaged America's "soft power." "The U.S. is no longer trusted by its key allies to live up to its negotiated commitments in NATO or its trade agreements or supporting the values, principles and rules of the liberal international order," he said. "Trump likes to test and provoke America's allies," Zellen said, defending Trump's demand for "Europeans to pay their fair share of their defense that was for so long subsidized on the back of the American worker and the taxes generated by his or her hard work." Canada Trump floated the idea of making Canada America's 51st state several times before Washington entered into a tit-for-tat trade war with new tariffs that have seen some American products banned in parts of Canada. "I deal with every country, indirectly or directly. One of the nastiest countries to deal with is Canada," Trump said in an interview with Fox News in March. "Canada was meant to be the 51st state because we subsidize Canada by $200 billion a year," he said, referencing an exaggerated estimate of the U.S. trade deficit with its northern neighbor, which the U.S. Trade Representative's Office placed at $63.3 billion for 2024. "Canadians have been angered by Trump's comments about Canada being the 51st state and his disparaging remarks about former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, as would the citizens of any sovereign nation," Hampson said. "The immediate fallout has been felt in the Canadian election where the ballot question has been framed as 'who is the best leader to stand up to Trump and defend Canadian interests and sovereignty.'" "The longer term fallout is that Canadians will be looking to reduce their economic and security dependence on the United States while forging closer ties with Europe and our friends in the Asia-Pacific," he added. Greenland Trump has also embarked on a major quest to take over Greenland, saying the U.S. needs the autonomous territory in the Kingdom of Denmark "for national security and international security." Politicians in Greenland and Denmark have firmly rejected the idea, but the U.S. administration appears undeterred. America will "go as far as we have to go" to gain control of Greenland, Trump said previously. There has even been some talk of military action. Gift, from UCL, said he believes Greenland is a "red herring for Trump, a useful distraction that he knows will generate outrage among Democrats." "For Trump, that's part of his strategy—make as many provocative statements as possible so Democrats don't know what to take literally, or where to focus their fire," Gift said. But Zellen, whose focus is Arctic geopolitics, said an American takeover of Greeland would create a "more robust and enduring security architecture for North America." "In one surge of new territorial expansion, we may thus find the formation of a new foundation for generations of stability to come," he said. "As an old Arctic hand, it was both surprising and heart-warming to see the Arctic feature so prominently and centrally in American policy," Zellen added. But Ulrik Pram Gad, a senior researcher at the Danish Institute for International Studies, previously told Newsweek the idea of the U.S. taking over Greenland was a "pipe dream" arguing that "Greenlanders have almost unanimously…rejected the idea that they should in any shape or form be part of the USA" and adding that "Greenland is not a territory that lends itself to military takeover." Gad, a specialist in Arctic politics, warned that "any invasion of the Arctic archipelago is bound to turn into a search and rescue operation." He told Newsweek: "[Greenland] is a huge chunk of ice surrounded by a rocky strip of land interspersed with sharp mountains and deep, ice-filled forms. No two settlements connected by road, once landed, the invaders would go nowhere." Middle East The Trump administration has also focussed its attention on the Middle East, pushing forward ceasefire negotiations between Israel and Hamas. Perhaps most significant is the president's idea for America to "take over" the Gaza Strip. "The U.S. will take over the Gaza Strip and we will do a job with it, too," he said in February. "We'll own it and be responsible for dismantling all of the dangerous unexploded bombs and all of the other weapons on the site." Cherif, who specializes in the Middle East, said Washington's heavy-handed approach in the region "may deliver some short-term policy successes, but a failure to engage meaningfully with the causes of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict suggests that resistance to Israeli policy is likely to continue." "Band-aid proposals to the Israel-Palestinian conflict provide only short-term relief," she added. Although Zellen has been largely supportive of Trump's foreign policy moves, he signals a note of caution. "As we see with Ukraine, a major world power (Russia) has changed the map of Europe and the price has been high in Ukrainian blood and American treasure. This may be just the beginning," Zellen said. "Next, Greenland may become part of America, for a second redrawing of the world map. And, if America wants to secure the Arctic and protect its own flanks, it may have to expand its new Arctic territory in Greenland to also include parts of Nunavut (including all of Canada's Arctic archipelago that sits astride the Northwest Passage). This would be a third revision of the world map."
