Latest news with #GreatGame
Times
11 hours ago
- Politics
- Times
Iranian distrust of the British runs deep
B ritain has not bombed Iran, nor called for regime change in Tehran, nor mobilised against the mullahs. Britain's stance on preventing Iran from gaining nuclear weapons has not changed. And yet there is deep anxiety in Whitehall and the intelligence services that the conflict between Iran and Israel will become our fight, and Iranian anger and hostility will now turn on Britain. It already has. That is because suspicion of the UK, as the 'hidden hand' behind every plot and confrontation, is deeply embedded in Iran's politics, language, rhetoric and self-image. Distrust and dislike of Britain is part of Iran's cultural DNA. From the Iranian point of view, Britain has been meddling in Iran ever since the Great Game of the early 19th century, when the rival empires of Britain and Russia tussled for control of Central Asia using bribery, proxy forces, political manipulation, competing spheres of influence and, from time to time, direct military intervention.
Express Tribune
07-04-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
A new great game in Afghanistan?
In the old and new Great Game, Afghanistan has held a central position. Peter Hopkirk, in his pathbreaking book The Great Game: The Struggle for Empire in Central Asia, chronicled the 19th-century geopolitical chessboard involving Britain and Russia. To prevent an armed conflict between British India and the Russian empire, both powers decided to declare Afghanistan as a buffer state – until the end of the Cold War reshaped Central, South, and West Asian dynamics. Following the complete US withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021, and the re-assumption of power by Taliban, the conflict-ridden country plunged into a legitimacy crisis, reflecting a coercive order in which political pluralism and emancipation of women became major casualties. Now, almost four years down the road, the United States, under the new Trump administration, is again to re-establish its influence in Afghanistan by seeking control of the strategic Bagram air base. For the first time after August 2021, a high-powered US delegation led by veteran Afghanistan expert Zalmay Khalilzad visited Kabul in March, ostensibly to negotiate the release of detained American tourist George Glezmann. Taking advantage of that opportunity, Khalilzad and US hostage envoy Adam Boehler held talks with Afghanistan's Foreign Minister and other Taliban officials. According to reports, the Taliban's Foreign Ministry stated that Mr Glezmann's release was "on humanitarian grounds" and "a goodwill gesture", while US Secretary of State Marco Rubio called the deal a "positive and constructive step". Qatar facilitated the American delegation's visit to Kabul and mediated Glezmann's release. In a post on X, Afghanistan's Foreign Ministry added that the deal showed "Afghanistan's readiness to genuinely engage all sides, particularly the United States of America, on the basis of mutual respect and interests". Why is there a relative thaw in the US-Taliban relations? Will the Taliban regime hand over Bagram airbase to the United States? What are the implications of this recent shift for Pakistan and the wider region? President Trump had earlier criticised the Biden administration's chaotic military withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021, calling it incompetent and claiming that it compromised US national security interests, particularly by leaving around 80 billion dollars of weapons and abandoning Bagram air base. After resuming power in January 2025, President Trump now resolves to regain influence in Afghanistan without the use of hard power. The nature of the projected deal between the Trump administration and the Taliban, and whether Washington will extend diplomatic recognition to Kabul, remains to be seen. While countries like India, Russia, China, Iran and Pakistan maintain low-key de facto ties with the Taliban, Kabul still lacks diplomatic and political legitimacy. Unlike Presidents Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani, who ruled Afghanistan for two decades with the US-Nato support and at least a semblance of democracy, the Taliban's interim government rejects political pluralism, democracy and exclusive mode of governance. By barring girls and women from education and depriving half the population of their legitimate human rights, the Taliban have reverted to policies like their previous regime from 1996-2001. Even then, some countries, including the United States, are attempting to re-engage with Kabul to protect their strategic and economic interests. This signals a new phase of the Great Game in Afghanistan, reflective of a 200-year history of invasions, interventions, and occupations by Britain, the Soviet Union and the United States. The new Great Game can be analysed from three angles. First, Afghanistan is infamous as a geopolitical trap that lures a potential aggressor, and once the country is occupied by a foreign power, it launches resistance. History has witnessed Britain, the Soviet Union and the US, all experiencing this fate. Foreign occupation has never been possible without local support, and it is well known that Afghan loyalty can be bought. After 9/11, millions of dollars were used to buy the loyalty of Afghan tribal chiefs who deserted Taliban leading to the Taliban's collapse. This time, the new Great Game is employing a similar strategy as Trump seeks control of Afghanistan, particularly its strategic Bagram airbase, by offering carrots to the Taliban. In the coming weeks, increased American involvement in Afghanistan is expected via soft power: aid, investments and diplomacy. Second, Trump's core objective in reclaiming the Bagram airbase is to gain strategic leverage over Iran and Pakistan. Notably, it was from Bagram airbase that US Navy SEALs sneaked into Abbottabad, Pakistan, on May 2, 2011, to get hold of global terrorist Osama bin Laden. In the wake of Khalilzad's mission to Kabul, alarmist conspiracy theories also suggest that the US may use Bagram as a base to intervene in Pakistan if political instability threatens its nuclear arsenal, to ensure that it does not reach Islamist forces. While these claims can be rejected, the timing of America's demand for Bagram base from the Taliban is significant. Since long, questions have been raised about the safety and security of Pakistan's nuclear weapons in case there is an internal upheaval. Pakistan's nuclear control and command hierarchy has ruled out any threats to the safety and security of its nuclear arsenal. The Taliban government's reaction to the US demand for Bagram airbase for strategic use remains to be seen. Critics point to the unreliability of the Taliban regime in Kabul and its perceived anti-Pakistan stance. The growing Indo-US nexus may influence the Taliban to allow Washington to take control of Bagram air base. In return, the US may help end the Taliban's diplomatic isolation and possibly hand over the 80 billion dollars worth of weapons left behind during the 2021 withdrawal as a gift to Kabul. Additionally, the US might offer maintenance for these advanced weapons, thereby augmenting the Taliban's military power. Third, the resurgence of the new Great Game in Afghanistan is now a reality which poses fresh challenges for Pakistan in days to come. For that purpose, Pakistan must stabilise its internal affairs to deal with new strategic equation between Taliban and the US.
Russia Today
21-03-2025
- Politics
- Russia Today
India can stabilize geopolitical rifts in Arctic
Russia has lauded India's growing interest in and constructive approach towards the Arctic, highlighting the country as a stabilising factor amid rising geopolitical tensions in the region. Russian Ambassador to India Denis Alipov on Thursday stressed the potential for collaboration between Moscow and New Delhi in scientific research, economic development, and polar navigation. Alipov told a bilateral conference on cooperation in Arctic, organised by Russia's North Forum and India's leading think tank Vivekananda Foundation, that 'Russia sees India's interest in increasing its presence in the Arctic as a stabilising factor. We view India as a strategic partner in the joint development of the Arctic area and coordinated scientific, environmental, and commercial efforts.' Climate change has opened new avenues for economic activities, including shipping and resource extraction, making the Arctic a key area for international cooperation and competition, the ambassador said. However, he cautioned that NATO's growing military activity in the Arctic has escalated tensions, affecting regional security. Alipov noted that NATO countries' activities have negatively impacted the Arctic Council, a key governance forum for Arctic affairs, which has been largely inactive since 2022. 'In contrast to their hostile approach, we value India's constructive approach in the Arctic Council since its accession as an observer in 2013,' he said. 🇷🇺🇮🇳 On March 20, #Russia 'n Ambassador to #India Denis Alipov addressed the international conference "Uniting #North & #South for Sustainable Development in the #Arctic " jointly organized by the Northern Forum and @vifindia .👉🏻 #RussiaIndia #DruzhbaDosti — Russia in India 🇷🇺 (@RusEmbIndia) March 20, 2025 India's Deputy National Security Advisor Pavan Kapoor, warned the conference of 'great risks of damage to the delicate Arctic ecosystem.' 'The claims for resources and territorial claims have to be managed carefully, the fact that there are geopolitical tensions in the Arctic don't make it easier. We hope that things will improve becuase there is a great potential for many countries,' Kapoor stated. Read more The Great Game in the Arctic: Why the region is the next flashpoint between superpowers He pointed out that New Delhi sees multiple tangible benefits through operations in the Arctic. For example, the Northern Sea Route through the Arctic Ocean, linking Europe to Asia, could help India reduce the cost of energy and other vital commodities, said Kapoor, who also served as Ambassador to Russia from 2021 to 2024. Moscow and New Delhi have been engaging in scientific collaboration in the region, which includes research on climate change, atmospheric and geosciences, glaciology, and polar biology. Indian scientists, for instance, are currently investigating how Arctic climate patterns influence monsoons in South Asia. Additionally, both countries are exploring joint ventures for extracting Arctic resources, particularly energy deposits and rare earth elements. In 2024, the two nations signed a memorandum of cooperation to enhance scientific research in the Arctic. Alipov noted that Indian firms are considering investments in projects led by Russian energy giants such as NOVATEK and Gazpromneft, particularly in the Dolginsky oil field and the Vostok oil cluster, in collaboration with Rosneft. Further potential sits with the Yamal LNG and Arctic LNG-2 projects. Russia has also welcomed India's growing expertise in polar navigation and ice-class vessel construction. As part of their cooperation, Moscow has offered to train Indian seafarers in navigating the Arctic's challenging waters.
