Latest news with #HB-1312
Yahoo
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
The truth about Colorado's new transgender rights law
State Rep. Brandi Bradley speaks on the Colorado House floor during the last day of the 2025 legislative session, May 7, at the Colorado Capitol. Bradley is a vocal opponent of House Bill 25-1312's transgender protections. (Lindsey Toomer/Colorado Newsline) Of all the bills introduced this year at the Colorado Capitol, one came to define the legislative session for much of the right in Colorado. Even now that the session is over and the bill has become law, it is taking on new life as opponents exercise their outrage in schoolyard-bully social media posts, depraved sermons and a legal challenge in federal court. The legislation, House Bill 25-1312, enacted several new protections for transgender people. Though the law was a reasonable response to escalating attacks against a besieged segment of the population, especially since the start of the Trump administration and its extreme anti-trans bias, the backlash it prompted is disproportionate, sinister and full of misinformation. The first thing to understand about the trans rights law is that, while it contains several technical passages and underwent extensive debate and revision, the source of opposition to it has very little to do with the bill's actual provisions. It's about hate. It's about bigotry against transgender people. That's all. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX Opponents have become adept at advancing talking points that might sound superficially plausible — rhetoric about threats to women in sports, supposed adverse medical outcomes to minors who transition, parental rights infringements — but these arguments have the inconvenient quality of withering under evidence and counterpoints, and, worse, they're a cover for the ultimate justification bigots use for discrimination against trans people: Christian scripture. Many of the most virulent activists against the law have ties to or are pastors at politically right-wing churches. They justify every other point of opposition by their interpretation of the Bible, which in their reading says trans people are dangerous and beset by evil. Opposition to the law is simply a repugnant form of Christian sanctimony that serves little more than hate of a very recognizably human kind. Many of the most contested provisions of the bill were amended out of the final version, yet some anti-trans activists continue to allude to those passages as part of their denunciations. View with extreme skepticism any criticism that discusses whether anti-trans parents could be disadvantaged in child custody cases or a shield provision against anti-trans laws in other states. Language around those issues were in the bill at one time but later stripped. If they see me get frustrated and angry, they'll just use it against me. I can't let them ... I can't show any kinks in the armor, so to speak, because otherwise they'll try to slay me, and I can't let that happen. – State Rep. Brianna Titone The provision of the governor-signed HB-1312 that has drawn the most negative attention boosts anti-discrimination protections for transgender people in the Colorado Anti-Discrimination Act. Republican state Rep. Brandi Bradley in a social media post and video after passage of the bill told her audience that anti-trans parents could lose custody of their trans children if they discriminate against them, that private schools, churches and other places of public accommodation could be sued for anti-trans discrimination, and that there's no telling when someone deadnames or misgenders a trans person at what threshold discrimination liability kicks in. This is all misleading. CADA has always prohibited discrimination and harassment against certain protected classes, and the protected classes have always included 'gender identity' and 'gender expression.' All HB-1312 does is clarify that gender expression could involve a 'chosen name' and pronouns. 'Their claim that it's now illegal is false,' state Rep. Lorena García, an Adams County Democrat who sponsored the bill, told Newsline this week. 'It's always been illegal.' And it's fearmongering to suggest that someone is liable to a discrimination allegation the moment they misgender or deadname someone. CADA covers particular settings, including employment, housing, and places of public accommodation. Churches and other places used for religious purposes are excluded. Incidental or accidental acts do not qualify as discrimination. 'Within CADA already, it's already like discrimination has to be intentional,' García said. 'So the fact that this is just being wrapped into gender identity, we're not changing the threshold of when something is actually considered discrimination.' But discrimination, it turns out, is exactly what some of the most outspoken 1312 critics intend. Many are Christian leaders and pastors, including Jeff Hunt, conservative radio host and former director of the Centennial Institute at Colorado Christian University; Chris Goble of Ridgeline Community Church in Castle Rock; J. Chase Davis of The Well Church in Boulder; and Aaron Carlson of New City Church in Highlands Ranch. Each one of these bullies has singled out state Rep. Brianna Titone, an Arvada Democrat who is the first transgender woman to serve in the Colorado Legislature, to intentionally deadname and misgender her. The only plaintiff named as an individual in the lawsuit against HB-1312 is Travis Morrell, a Grand Junction dermatologist who online broadcasts faith-based motivations. A social media account called Fight1312 has become a primary source of anti-trans sentiment. Its posts make it clear that behind every variety of opposition to transgender rights is essentially one complaint, that God, as conceived by 1312's opponents, commands them to hate transgender people. 'Our good God does not make mistakes,' Goble said in a video of a recent sermon, facing the camera and addressing Titone directly. He aggressively misgendered her and called on her to 'repent.' Titone herself detects an additional motivation among anti-trans activists, noting there have been other episodes throughout history when transgender people faced persecution. 'The big difference now, because of all the social media and everything else, they're making money off of it,' she said. 'So it's not just finding an enemy and a scapegoat you can pick on, to gang up on and get people to come along with you for the kicking fest, but they're actually making money off of it.' But hate does real harm. 'Kids are scared,' Titone said. 'I've heard from kids. They're like, 'I don't know what I'm going to do. I'm afraid my grandfather's not going to like who I am and they're going to not want to talk to me anymore.'' Her own response to bigots is public poise, legislative fortitude and personal resilience. 'If they see me get frustrated and angry, they'll just use it against me. I can't let them,' she said. 'I can't show any kinks in the armor, so to speak, because otherwise they'll try to slay me, and I can't let that happen.' SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Yahoo
20-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Parent groups sue Colorado officials over transgender rights expansion of anti-discrimination law
Rep. Lorena Garcia speaks on the Colorado House floor during the last day of the 2025 legislative session, May 7, 2025 at the Colorado Capitol. (Lindsey Toomer/Colorado Newsline) A coalition of groups that reject transgender rights sued Colorado officials Monday over a newly signed law that put protections for transgender people, and how they are addressed, into Colorado's anti-discrimination law. The lawsuit, filed in the U.S. District Court of Colorado, alleges that House Bill 25-1312 violates the First and 14th Amendments . 'The purpose of H.B. 25-1312 is clear. The law punishes those who refuse to speak using chosen names and pronouns, and it does so in order to suppress traditional beliefs about sex and gender. In other words, the law openly discriminates based on viewpoint,' lawyers for the plaintiffs wrote. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX The lawsuit was brought by the Virginia-based conservative group Defending Education, the Colorado Parent Advocacy Network, Protect Kids Colorado, a health group called Do No Harm, and Grand Junction dermatologist Dr. Travis Morrell. CPAN and PKC are both parental-rights groups that advocate against 'gender ideology' topics in schools, often from a far-right perspective. It names Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser, a Democrat, and the members of Colorado's Civil Rights Division as defendants. HB-1312, also known as the Kelly Loving Act after a transgender woman who died in the 2022 Club Q shooting, expands Colorado's anti-discrimination laws to include a person's chosen name and pronouns. Those laws apply to workplaces, schools and other places of public accommodation. The law also includes provisions to make it easier for transgender people to change their name and gender markers on birth certificates, drivers licenses and marriage documents. It was sponsored by Rep. Lorena Garcia of Adams County, Rep. Rebekah Stewart of Lakewood, Sen. Faith Winter of Broomfield and Sen. Chris Kolker of Centennial. It passed with entirely Democratic support, and Gov. Jared Polis signed it on May 16. The bill was amended to remove several controversial provisions during the legislative process and faced stiff opposition from Republicans and conservative groups, including the parties in the new lawsuit. They allege in the filing that the law could impact their ability to hold public advocacy events, publish materials and do other work. CPAN and PKC use 'biologically accurate pronouns and birth names' for transgender people, a practice also known as misgendering and deadnaming. The groups worry that continuing to use those names and pronouns will result in an investigation from the state's civil rights commission and individual lawsuits. They argue that recent legal decisions — including 303 Creative v. Elenis, where a Colorado website designer did not want to create a hypothetical website for a gay couple — support the claim that HB-1312 unconstitutionally compels speech, in this case forcing them to refer to a transgender person by their name. The lawsuit repeatedly misgenders and deadnames state Rep. Brianna Titone, former state legislative candidate Vivian Smotherman and transgender social media influencer Dylan Mulvaney. 'When CPAN and (Executive Director) Ms. Gimelshteyn use birth names and biologically accurate pronouns, they are not doing so to be malicious or hurtful. They do so because this expression reflects their deeply held beliefs that sex is fixed in each person from the moment of conception and cannot be changed,' the lawsuit says. If they cannot use that language, their impact will be 'greatly diminished.' Morrell, the dermatologist, contended in the lawsuit that using someone's 'biological pronouns' is necessary for clear communication, as a person's sex assigned at birth could be important when determining proper treatment. Representatives from the Colorado Civil Rights Division and the attorney general's office were unable to comment on the litigation. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Yahoo
05-03-2025
- Health
- Yahoo
Colorado is not immune to anti-vaccine sentiment
Blood sample positive with Measles virus (iStock / Getty Images Plus) The Texas measles outbreak has drawn renewed attention to declining vaccination rates nationwide, and Coloradans should be among the most concerned. With some of the lowest kindergarten immunization rates in the country and a long-standing reluctance from elected leaders to act with a sense of urgency to create stronger immunization policies, our state is particularly vulnerable to a preventable public health crisis. Despite pressing warnings from public health officials, attempts to strengthen Colorado's vaccine policies have repeatedly stalled in the face of political opposition. In 2019, amid ongoing efforts to strengthen school-entry immunization requirements, Gov. Jared Polis took a strong stance against House Bill 19-1312, a bill aimed at modernizing vaccine exemption processes and reporting. When asked about the legislation, Polis expressed deep skepticism about government-mandated vaccine requirements, arguing that such measures 'infringe on personal freedoms.' Polis' indication that he would not sign HB-1312 into law would have almost certainly derailed the bill had it not died on the Senate floor before making it to the governor's desk. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX A year later, in 2020, a coalition of parents, educators, health care professionals, and public health advocates returned to the Legislature to push for stronger immunization policies in Senate Bill 20-163, a renewed attempt to update school entry immunization requirements and reporting. As COVID-19 surged toward the end of the 2020 legislative session, the stakes of vaccine hesitancy became clearer than ever, creating enough political will to move the bill forward. Despite the victory, SB-163 remained a moderate step, one that clarified processes and added a tool for increasing immunization rates but failed to establish the robust vaccine mandates public health experts had long pushed for. What we have seen from Polis over the years is the prioritization of ideological debates over public health action, leaving Colorado communities susceptible to preventable outbreaks like the one currently unfolding in Texas. Polis' recent praise of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., crediting him for 'defeating vaccine mandates in 2019' and suggesting he will 'make America healthy again,' reinforces how deeply entrenched vaccine resistance remains at the highest levels of state government, rhetoric that has real-world consequences. Research shows that vaccine misinformation, especially online, drives hesitancy and lowers immunization rates in a cycle that has become increasingly difficult to interrupt. In Texas, experts are sounding the alarm that misinformation is a key driver of the declining vaccination rates that have contributed to the recent outbreak. The political approach to Colorado's immunization requirements is especially bleak when considering just how vulnerable we really are to an outbreak. Herd immunity is achieved when a large percentage of the population is vaccinated, limiting the spread of disease. For measles, achieving a 92% to 94% immunization rate is critical for herd immunity. Falling below this threshold compromises community protection, especially for individuals who cannot be vaccinated due to medical reasons. As of the 2022-23 school year, Colorado ranks 45th in the nation for kindergartners who have received the measles, mumps and rubella (MMR) vaccine, representing only 86.8% of kindergarteners. Colorado's dangerously low immunization rates are not just numbers — they represent a systemic failure to prioritize public health, underscored by political inaction and the spread of misinformation that erodes public trust in vaccines. The measles outbreak in Texas should serve as a warning for states like ours, where personal choice has been placed above collective safety. If we fail to act now, through stronger immunization policies, improved public health messaging, and a commitment to combating misinformation, we risk following in the footsteps of states already seeing a resurgence of diseases that we once declared as eradicated. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
