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Yahoo
25-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
The price of segregation: Who pays and who profits in Phoenix?
Illustration via Getty Images White homeowners gain millions, while Black and Brown communities pay with their lives. Once promoted as 'the winter playground of the Southwest,' Phoenix remains a city deeply shaped by segregation, where privilege dictates who gets to stand their ground and who is displaced — who is protected and who is left behind. Phoenix is the ninth-most gentrified city in the country, but 'urban revitalization' is nothing more than redlining with a fresh coat of paint — another way of systematically displacing Black and Brown residents. It's a modern-day Jim Crow tactic, cleverly disguised as progress. The Fair Housing Act of 1968 was enacted to end these discriminatory practices, yet, much like the de facto segregation of Jim Crow, gentrification still dictates who can remain and who is forced out of their community. Today, instead of train tracks, highways and light rail lines carve through neighborhoods, while real estate deals and 'best neighborhood' websites help reinforce segregation under the guise of personal preference. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX In 1935, the Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC) drafted residential security maps, which gave us the term 'redlining.' They became blueprints for discrimination, rating neighborhoods from 'A' (most desirable) to 'D' (too risky for investment). As a result, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) used redlining maps to decide who deserved a loan and which communities would be denied the chance to build wealth. Redlining maps ensured neighborhoods of color were locked out of home loans, funneling money into the suburbs while excluding and disinvesting in Black and Brown communities. Between 2012 and 2016, residential properties within a half-mile of public transit nationally saw a 4%-24% higher median sale price, while commercial properties in four of seven regions experienced a 5%-42% increase in median price per square foot — a trend that continues today. Take south Phoenix's 85042 ZIP code, which includes the latest extension of the light rail, where median home values have risen from $210,000 in 2012 to $465,000 today. Families near public transportation can save $2,500–$4,400 annually, with one in four needing only one car. However, even though light rail was pitched as a way to help improve life for the Black and Brown people who have called that part of Phoenix home for generations, rising home prices are driving them from the area. Politicians, urban planners, and real estate companies often use diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) rhetoric while simultaneously displacing communities based on race, class, and power. This isn't just about property values — it's about who is allowed to belong and who is pushed out. If you've lived in Phoenix long enough, you've heard the narratives. On one side of South Mountain sits Ahwatukee, derisively nicknamed 'All White Tukee,' which is seen as a privileged safe haven, while the south Phoenix redlined neighborhoods on the other side of the mountain that have long been populated by mostly Black and Brown people — neighborhoods recently bisected by the Loop 202 expansion — are described as violent, crime-ridden and struggling. 'All White Tukee' is not just a nickname: It is a reflection of systemic inequity sewn into the city's foundation. The Arizona Supreme Court recently awarded Ahwatukee homeowners in the Foothill Reserves $12 million in damages, including an additional $6 million for seizing common areas in the community. This comes after a long battle over claims that the controversial Loop 202 construction devalued their properties and impacted their health with increased noise, pollution, and visual obstructions. The judgment acknowledged not just financial loss but also emotional distress due to the increased health risks. Meanwhile, Black and Brown communities in South Phoenix, forced to live in redlined, high-risk areas like 'sacrifice zones,' which causes not only health risks but causes property values to plunge facing an onslaught of injustices with no compensation. 'Separate but equal' was ruled constitutional in the 1896 case Plessy v. Ferguson, cementing segregation into law. The U.S. Supreme Court claimed segregation was legal as long as facilities were 'equal' — but in reality, they never were. Black residents were shut out of white neighborhoods unless they took on predatory loans they could never hope to repay. Even though Brown v. Board of Education in 1954 struck down 'separate but equal' in schools, the damage was already done. Generations of Black families had been denied access to quality education and locked out of homeownership, expanding the racial wealth gap and limiting social mobility. Every day, I am struck by the great migration unfolding in South Phoenix. This is not a movement driven by choice or opportunity. Instead, generations of Black and Brown residents are being forced out by rising home values, increasing property taxes and the systematic closure of schools in historically minoritized neighborhoods. This isn't a new phenomenon but a rebrand of segregation and exclusion, rooted in Jim Crow laws that once labeled South Phoenix as 'hazardous,' a designation that justified confining Black and Brown communities. White banks and developers deemed it too risky for investment, while the city allowed industrial facilities like landfills, stockyards and rendering plants into these neighborhoods, banning them from white neighborhoods. Today, Black Americans are approximately 1.5 times more likely to be exposed to pollutants than white Americans due to living near industrial parks, highways and pollution sources, bearing the brunt of environmental racism. Meanwhile, wealthier, predominantly white communities remain protected from these toxic burdens. This stark inequality exposes the systemic neglect of Black and Brown communities, where the cost of industrial development is paid in poor health and a diminished quality of life. Though redlining is illegal, its impact remains embedded in housing policies and urban planning. Much like de facto Jim Crow laws, modern policies and regulations, like exclusionary zoning regulations, still force Black and Brown communities into areas plagued by environmental hazards, underfunded schools and economic disinvestment. Though redlining is illegal, its impact remains embedded in housing policies and urban planning. Exclusionary zoning are regulations that restrict the amount and type of housing that property owners are allowed to construct on their land. One example in Phoenix is the R1-6 zoning code, which restricts housing density by mandating that only single-family homes can be built on lots of at least 6,000 square-feet. This limits the construction of multi-family or affordable housing, making it difficult to provide denser, more affordable options and effectively excluding lower-income residents from certain neighborhoods. Gated communities, a specific type of development, often utilize exclusionary zoning practices to restrict access and create a sense of exclusivity and safety. This can reinforce social and economic segregation, leading to a concentration of wealth and resources in certain areas, while others face disinvestment and limited opportunities. Highways, like Interstates 10 and 17, have long been weapons of gentrification, disrupting and displacing communities of color. The two intersect when highways and gentrification collide with neighborhood revitalization — just as historically disinvested communities begin to thrive on their own, the city steps in, claiming to support them, but instead destabilizing the ecosystem. This pattern echoes past attempts to dismantle Black progress, from Reconstruction to the Black Power Movement. Robert Moses, the powerful New York City urban planner in the early 20th century, exemplified this strategy. He used highways as tools of segregation, intentionally designing roadways that cut through Black and low-income neighborhoods, displacing thousands of residents. His projects, like the Cross-Bronx Expressway, not only destroyed communities but also isolated them from access to wealthier, predominantly white areas. Moses' use of infrastructure to reinforce racial and economic divides serves as a historical parallel to current practices of gentrification and urban displacement. Where vibrant urban farming by Black and Brown communities was revitalizing the area, the city disguised exploitation as progress. Just as freed slaves in the post-Civil War era were granted land to cultivate, only to have it stolen through sharecropping, the city designates these once-neglected, 'hazardous' spaces as valuable only after they begin to thrive — then swiftly takes them away. White residents, with greater access to generational wealth thanks to redlining, can afford rising property taxes and home values, while Black and Brown residents in South Phoenix struggle to keep up with the increased rent and mortgage. Developers, motivated by profit, inflate costs due to rising impact fees, driving up rents and mortgages. Areas like Ahwatukee and Laveen have the lowest impact fees at $15,000, while Scottsdale and North Phoenix face the highest at $37,000. Despite these systemic barriers, some communities fought to defy segregation. One of the first neighborhoods to be demolished, the Golden Gate Barrio, was a historically Mexican American community in South Phoenix that had begun breaking racial barriers. Located where Sky Harbor Airport now stands, it was one of the few places in Phoenix where integration was taking root. But this progress was cut short when the neighborhood was displaced under the guise of airport expansion. As families were forced to relocate, Mexican Americans integrated into other neighborhoods throughout South Phoenix, reshaping the area's cultural landscape. This displacement serves as yet another example of how 'progress' in Phoenix has often come at the expense of minoritized communities. Phoenix's segregation wasn't an accident. It was deliberately designed, reinforced through policy, and sustained by economic and environmental inequality. The language of discrimination may have changed, but its impact remains. The question is: Will we allow history to keep repeating itself, or will we demand justice for the communities that continue to pay the price for Phoenix's progress? SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Yahoo
06-03-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Redlining in Cedar Grove
The Caddo Parish Civil Rights Heritage Trail project is expanding its scope with a new series designed to help historic villages, towns, neighborhoods, and/or cities in Caddo Parish, Louisiana, investigate three different versions of their communities: the past, the present, and the future. Team members include Dr. Gary Joiner, Mik Barnes, Jaclyn Tripp, Dr. Laura Meiki, Dr. Jolivette Anderson-Douong, Dr. Amy Rosner, Dr. Rolonda Teal, and Brenton Metzler. The team is now focusing on the history of the Cedar Grove neighborhood. In the first article in the series on Cedar Grove, Dr. Gary Joiner (Professor of History at LSU Shreveport) showed us how a social movement in 1911 Shreveport drastically changed Cedar Grove. In the second article of the series, we learned how Shreveport became a hub for automobile production in the early days of the horseless carriage. The third article of the series examined how manufacturing changed in Cedar Grove after automobile production ended. For the fourth article in our series on Cedar Grove, Dr. Gary Joiner took readers back to 1905-1910, when Cedar Grove sprung up in Caddo Parish, Louisiana, as a small oil boom town. The fifth article on Cedar Grove explored how Cedar Grove was settled after the Louisiana Purchase, how streets became bisected in Cedar Grove, and described the topography of the little community that later became a Shreveport community. We will learned about how glass coffins were once fashionable in the United States in the sixth article in the series, and we learned about a glass coffin factory that once operated in Cedar Grove. In the seventh article in the series, Dr. Gary Joiner discusses how redlining harmed Cedar Grove. SHREVEPORT, La. (KTAL/KMSS) – Is it possible to point to a single factor that doomed Cedar Grove from recovering its vibrancy from the first third of the twentieth century? The answer is unequivocally yes. The US Government created the Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) and the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) as part of the New Deal programs in the 1930s. The intent appeared noble: to rescue clients and banks from bankruptcy and catastrophic failure. In practice, however, they assured strong banks would mitigate potential losses by protecting their best accounts. Any property with a mortgage in a 'good' neighborhood was safe. Any street with such housing was deemed acceptable for long-term loans. Any properties not meeting the highest standards became increasingly suspect. Any streets where people lived who were not White Anglo-Saxon Protestant were suspect and affected adjoining 'good' properties. The reasons given for rating neighborhoods are overtly bigoted from today's lens. The HOLC surveyed 239 cities nationwide to determine the viability of granting or continuing mortgages. Only two cities in Louisiana was surveyed–New Orleans and Shreveport. The HOLC came to Shreveport in 1940 and left chaos in its wake. The survey team, by practice, none of whom were from our region, created 25 neighborhoods. Twenty-three were in Shreveport, and two were in Bossier City. They used the 1930 Decennial Census to identify streets. They also used local street maps or Sanborn Fire Insurance Mao Company's index pages. They used the local Globe Map Company street map of Shreveport. The surveyors, called valuators, artificially ranked neighborhoods by letter grade, A-D. Class A was the best, and Class D was 'hazardous' and uninsurable. They created artificial boundaries that suited their purposes. They also did not cover all areas within cities. They flagged industrial areas (appropriately) as non-residential but penalized adjoining residential neighborhoods as undesirable. When they canvassed Cedar Grove, they ended the survey at 79th Street. The canvassers deemed Cedar Grove below the street to be primarily rural. The industrial northwestern area of Cedar Grove was hatched, indicating the proper extremities. The remainder from Hollywood Avenue/Pierremint/Southfield, south to 71st Street, was coded Yellow C-7, except for the area south of 65th Street, midway between Fairfield Avenue and Thornhill Avenue, west to the previous town boundary and south to 71st Street. This portion was coded Red D-9. This extended south to 80th Street and east to Linwood Avenue. C-7Population 90% white, 10% negro – composed of middle class salaried workers, mechanics and quite a few tradesmen who maintain their business in this section. It is the best section of Cedar Grove, formerly a separate municipality. Predominant type of building is single family, with a small commercial area along 70th street and Fairfield street. Area is about 60% built up. Age of properties 1 to 25 years only fairly well maintained. No shifting of population. D-9Population 60% white 40% negro. This section is the Southern part of Cedar Grove. About 20% built up. Population consists mostly of wage earners of lower to middle class, some salaried workers, laborers and mechanics. White population resides West of Railroad. Single family buildings predominate. Age of properties 1 to 20 years with white property fairly well maintained and negro property poorly maintained. Section is at the extreme end of the city limits, somewhat inaccessible. Cedar Grove has been an integrated, working/middle-class neighborhood from its inception. The harm done by the HOLC in 1940 still rings true throughout the decades. Redlining harmed its residents by preventing them from obtaining mortgages and/or low-interest mortgages. According to the 2020 Decennial Census, Cedar Grove's population is healthy but older: Total population 4161 White 371 White % 8.92 All persons Black 3630 All Person Black % 87.24 Asian 14 Hispanic 120 18+ Population 3210 Housing Units 2260 Occupied 1757 Unoccupied 503 59th Street to Hollywood Ave/Pierremont/Southfield East. Digital composite map Sanborn Fire Insurance Map Company plates from 1935. Plates 233 and 234 in Volume Two, Sanborn Fire Insurance Map Company 1935 maps of Shreveport, Louisiana. Sanborn Map Collection in the Library of Congress. Red lines are neighborhood boundaries. Gray polygons are building layer objects from the City of Shreveport GIS —georeferencing, research, and Cartography by Gary D. Joiner, Ph.D. 71st Street West to 73rd Street West. Digital composite map Sanborn Fire Insurance Map Company plates from 1935. Plates 241 and 242 in Volume Two, Sanborn Fire Insurance Map Company 1935 maps of Shreveport, Louisiana. Sanborn Map Collection in the Library of Congress. Red lines are neighborhood boundaries. Gray polygons are building layer objects from the City of Shreveport GIS —georeferencing, research, and Cartography by Gary D. Joiner, Ph.D. 73rd Street East to 76th Street East. Digital composite map Sanborn Fire Insurance Map Company plates from 1935. Plates 240, 242, and 244 in Volume Two, Sanborn Fire Insurance Map Company 1935 maps of Shreveport, Louisiana. Sanborn Map Collection in the Library of Congress. Red lines are neighborhood boundaries. Gray polygons are building layer objects from the City of Shreveport GIS —georeferencing, research, and Cartography by Gary D. Joiner, Ph.D. 78th Street West to 80th Street West. Digital composite map Sanborn Fire Insurance Map Company plates from 1935. Plates 242 and 244 in Volume Two, Sanborn Fire Insurance Map Company 1935 maps of Shreveport, Louisiana. Sanborn Map Collection in the Library of Congress. Red lines are neighborhood boundaries. Gray polygons are building layer objects from the City of Shreveport GIS —georeferencing, research, and Cartography by Gary D. Joiner, Ph.D. Sources: Library of Congress, Introduction to the [Sanborn Map] Collection. 'Fighters; Louisiana Campaign Gains Heat From Charges, but Effect on Primaries Is Doubtful. Home Rule Chief Issue,' New York Times, December 8, 1935, Section E, Page 11. See Richard L. Engstrom, 'Home Rule in Louisiana—Could This Be the Promised Land?' Louisiana History, Vol. 17, No. 4, 1976, pp. 431-455. 'Cedar Grove Pastor Asks Probe of Riot,' Shreveport Journal, January 7, 1936, Page 11. For an extensive investigation of housing discrimination by the Federal Government during the 1930s and since, see Gary D. Joiner, 'Redlining in Shreveport,' or Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Yahoo
03-03-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
What is redlining? The past and present of racism in real estate
Redlining was a federally supported program that encouraged mortgage lenders to approve home loans in majority-white neighborhoods and deny loans in predominantly Black neighborhoods. Its impact created racial and economic disparities that linger today. Learn more: Home appraisal bias — How to know if you're facing discrimination In this article: What is redlining in real estate? History of redlining in the U.S. The lasting impact of redlining What to do if you suspect redlining FAQs Redlining in real estate refers to when lenders deny loans based on the neighborhood's racial makeup. Banned by the Fair Housing Act in 1968, redlining and other forms of housing discrimination are illegal, and laws forbidding them are enforced by the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ). Before being outlawed, redlining was promoted through federal agencies and quasi-governmental organizations, making affordable homeownership programs inaccessible to the Black community. Redlining maps can be traced back to the Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC), a government-created agency tasked with buying and refinancing mortgages in default or foreclosure as many Americans grappled with the effects of the Great Depression. The HOLC developed a neighborhood rating system based on factors that include class and race, denoting majority-white communities as higher-grade, less risky investments and majority-Black neighborhoods as lower-grade, riskier investments. Riskier neighborhoods were marked with a red line. The Federal Housing Administration (FHA) adopted redlining on a larger scale, limiting its government-insured mortgages to predominantly white suburban areas and encouraging restrictive covenants that shunned Black residents to disinvested areas. FHA loans removed much of the risk for mortgage lenders, allowing them to offer lower interest rates, lower down payment requirements, and longer repayment terms. These favorable loan terms contributed to the housing boom in the 1940s that primarily benefited white, male, and higher-income residents. This practice persisted systematically for decades until the 1968 Fair Housing Act outlawed redlining and other discriminatory acts. Looking for a mortgage lender that prioritizes underserved communities? Read our review of New American Funding and our CrossCountry Mortgage review. It is now illegal for lenders to approve or deny services based on the racial makeup of the neighborhoods. However, decades of shutting out the Black community from affordable homeownership leaves a lasting and detrimental legacy. According to Q4 2024 Federal Reserve Economic Data (FRED), over 74% of white residents own their homes — a stark difference from the 46.4% homeownership rate for Black residents. Limited access to credit, institutionalized by redlining, is just one of many factors perpetuating this racial homeownership gap. Areas that were redlined decades ago are still less likely to have residents with mortgages, according to a May 2024 study from the National Community Reinvestment Coalition. On average, Black families have $23 for every $100 of white family wealth, according to research from the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis's Institute for Economic Equity. What drives the racial wealth gap is a complex and intertwined system, but homeownership plays a key role. 'Nearly three-quarters of White Americans have access to home equity resources to help their children with down payments, enabling them to purchase their first home and begin building their own generational wealth,' said Tai Christensen, co-founder and president of Arrive Home, a national affordable housing program, via email. 'This is access that many minority families do not have due to historically lower homeownership rates driven by systemic redlining and racial wealth disparities.' Even though redlining is illegal, Black and brown residents still make up a large portion of historically redlined areas. The foundational belief that properties in these communities are riskier investments fuels disinvestment, leaving these communities highly underserved in areas like education and well-paying jobs. 'The effects [of disinvestment] compound over time, as families in minority communities have less access to financial resources, quality education, high-paying jobs, and essential services,' noted Christensen via email. 'Addressing this issue requires equitable housing policies and investment in historically marginalized communities.' Read more: What is an appraisal gap, and what can buyers do when it happens? While illegal, redlining can still happen today. In October 2023, the DOJ reported it secured over $107 million in relief for communities impacted by redlining. If you believe you've experienced redlining or any form of lending or housing discrimination, you have options for filing a complaint: Report your case to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) online or call 1-800-669-9777. This federal agency investigates and works to resolve cases. File a complaint with your local Fair Housing Alliance agency, a nonprofit organization focused on advocacy. If there's no local agency in your area, submit a form with the National Fair Housing Alliance (NFHA). Submit an online complaint to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), a federal agency that works with law enforcement partners to investigate unlawful businesses. Contact the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), which investigates and addresses lending discrimination. You can also call 1-855-411-2372. Learn more: What is the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau? Redlining is a discriminatory practice in real estate where residents are denied credit because of the racial makeup of the neighborhood. The practice has gone on for a long time. Still, the term 'redlining' didn't enter the nomenclature until the 1930s when mortgage lenders used pens with red ink to outline areas on maps with majority-Black residents, marking these neighborhoods as having a higher lending risk. Although Black residents were the primary focus in the past, the redlining real estate definition includes all characteristics protected under the Equal Credit Opportunity Act. An example of redlining could be a mortgage lender avoiding approving home loans in areas with predominantly Black or brown residents. Redlining practices can happen knowingly or unknowingly, hidden in the dangerous belief that minority groups, in general, are riskier borrowers. Reverse redlining refers to lenders targeting communities of color with predatory lending products. Predatory loans can include mortgages with high fees or balloon payments. Victims of predatory lending may have difficulty repaying the mortgage and could face foreclosure. Like redlining, reverse redlining is illegal and violates the Fair Housing Act and Equal Credit Opportunity Act. This article was edited by Laura Grace Tarpley.
Yahoo
28-01-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Redlining in Stoner Hill
The Caddo Parish Civil Rights Heritage Trail project is expanding its scope with a new series designed to help historic villages, towns, neighborhoods, and/or cities in Caddo Parish, Louisiana, investigate three different versions of their communities: the past, the present, and the future. Team members include Dr. Gary Joiner, Mik Barnes, Jaclyn Tripp, Dr. Laura Meiki, Dr. Jolivette Anderson-Douong, Dr. Amy Rosner, Dr. Rolonda Teal, and Brenton Metzler. This month's focus is the Stoner Hill neighborhood. In Stoner Hill's origin story may surprise you, Dr. Gary Joiner (Professor of History at LSU Shreveport) taught us that Stoner Hill is older than the city of Shreveport. In part II of our series on Stoner Hill, Was Stoner Hill in Shreveport named after cannabis lovers, we learned where Stoner Hill got its name and how it connected to America's Civil War. Part III of the Stoner Hill series showed what Stoner Hill was like in 1935 vs. what Stoner Hill is like today. Part IV examined how a tornado destroyed much of the Stoner Hill community in 1912. In Part V, Dr. Gary Joiner answered a question from Cookie Coleman, who asked the team if rumors about a mass grave located in Stoner Hill were true. Part VI discussed how Stoner Hill became one of the first testing grounds for road machines in Louisiana. Now Part VII examines how the Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) and the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) redlined portions of Stoner Hill beginning in 1940. Dr. Gary Joiner took the lead on this article. SHREVEPORT, La. (KTAL/KMSS) – The US Government created the Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) and the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) as part of the New Deal programs in the 1930s. They surveyed 239 cities nationwide to determine the viability of granting or continuing mortgages. The HOLC came to Shreveport in 1940 and left chaos in its wake. The surveyors, called valuators, artificially ranked neighborhoods by letter grade, A-D. Class A was the best, and Class D was 'hazardous' and uninsurable. Stoner Hill was divided into two areas. Below East Columbia Street was ranked 'C' and labeled C-3. From Ford Street down to Columbia Street was ranked 'D' and labeled D-4. Holk determined the following about Stoner hill in 1940: In 1940, HOLC determined the following about the area of Stoner Hill below Columbia Street: The population was 50% white and 50% black The black population lived in the area East of Kings Highway and Southeast of Bayou Pierre, between the levee and the river The white population lived in the West end of the area The black population consisted of mostly domestic workers who were employed in adjacent white areas of Shreveport The white population consisted of 'good class of salaried workers.' On the South side of the Western end, fronting Kings Highway, were many filling stations and lunch stands. Stoner Hill was approximately 40% built up Properties in the white section were described as 'well maintained' Properties in the black section were described as having 'only fair maintenance' Holk also published the following about Stoner Hill: '(The black) area is influenced by river levee. Future development may cause the destruction of the levee and in this event the property now occupied by (the black population) may be replaced with white development.' In 1940, HOLC determined the following about the area of Stoner Hill from Ford Street down to Columbia Street: The population was 95% back, 5% foreign-born white Population composed of laborers, tradesmen, mechanics, and domestic workers Single family residences were the predominant type of building The area was about 20% built up Age of properties was between 1 and 30 years Properties were described as 'poorly maintained on the average.' The population was not shifting. Another HOLC finding about this area of Stoner Hill was that 'Quite a few of the (black population) in this section own their homes and they are fairly well maintained, others poorly maintained. Stoner Hill has been an integrated, working/middle-class neighborhood since its inception. The harm done by the HOLC in 1940 still rings true throughout the decades. Residents were harmed by their inability to obtain mortgages or, if so, at much higher rates. Thankfully, the 2020 Decennial Census shows that Stoner Hill's population is still healthy. TOTAL POPULATION 2174 White 282 Black 1646 Asian 92 Hispanic 164 18 years or older 1671 # of housing units 1202 occupied homes 994 unoccupied homes 208 Using digital versions of the 1935 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map Company maps and current digital data, a direct comparison of remaining buildings and new construction reveals a wealth of information. The following figures portray the data in east-west block format, stacked in the following order: Fort Street to Vine Street (Dr. S. W. Jackson Avenue) Vine Street to East Stoner Avenue East Stoner Avenue to East Herndon Avenue East Herndon Avenue to East Wichita Street East Wichita Street to East Olive Street East Olive Street to East College Street East College Street to East Dalzell Street East Dalzell Street to East Robinson Place East Robinson Place to East Columbia Street East Columbia Street to East Kings Highway The 'Little Texas' section When split by Youree Drive, the rows are divided into West and East maps. Modern buildings are displayed in semi-transparent gray, allowing the older buildings to be seen behind them. A black dot adjoining the modern building, labeled 'single,' indicates a contemporary single-family residence. Red lines indicate neighborhood boundaries. Light gray indicates streets and paved parking lots. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
