Latest news with #Haftar


Euronews
11 hours ago
- Politics
- Euronews
Europe's migration crisis isn't just about boats – it's about strategy
Europe's migration crisis is not just a humanitarian emergency or a border control problem. It's a strategic breakdown. From the English Channel to Lampedusa, irregular migration continues to dominate headlines and decide elections. The response thus far from many European capitals has been predictable: short-term containment measures, bilateral return agreements, and new offshore processing schemes. And yet the flow continues, unabated and undeterred. Criminal networks that traffic in human lives adapt. Public pressure rises. And the policies, in turn, grow more reactive. To treat migration as a standalone issue is to miss a much broader point. Irregular migration is a symptom — not the disease. The deeper problem lies in a fragmented European foreign policy, the erosion of state sovereignty in transit countries, and the pervasive influence of malign non-state actors in eastern Libya, led by the renegade General Haftar and his international backers — foremost among them Russia — who malevolently weaponise irregular migration to strong-arm European decision-makers on a range of critical issues, including the recognition of Haftar's secessionist regime based in Benghazi. Strategic blind spots Across North Africa and beyond, these forces have been quietly reshaping migration into an effective lever for political pressure. In Libya, for example, irregular migration has not only become a source of illicit income for criminal networks — but it is also a strategic tool used by the authorities in the Haftar-controlled east to exert influence, extract concessions, or disrupt the European agenda. These networks do not operate in isolation. They are often embedded in local structures and enjoy quiet backing from international players who see irregular migration as a bargaining chip — not a humanitarian concern. Their goal is not stability, but leverage. Equally concerning is the European tendency to engage with these actors in good faith — despite their open disdain for political, legal and diplomatic norms, as well as ethical standards. This spectacle played out in full last week when an EU delegation was abruptly expelled from eastern Libya for the apparent crime of adhering to established diplomatic protocol. Many of these Haftar-aligned groups have a lengthy rap sheet of human rights violations, autocratic behaviour, and disregard for international law. While cooperation with such actors may be tempting for European policymakers eager to secure quick wins on migration and border security that placate domestic audiences, these efforts often amount to little more than window dressing. The reason for this is clear: the Haftar-led regime and its loyalists lack any genuine commitment to democratic principles, human dignity, and legal accountability. Their willingness to violate human rights, cooperate in abuses, or pursue agendas that undermine regional stability makes them unreliable and dangerous partners. Their actions are difficult to predict, and their goals more than often run counter to those of their European counterparts. By engaging these forces sans preconditions or pressure, Europe risks further entrenching them — and turning the serious humanitarian crisis of migration into an exploitable political tool, increasingly used to blackmail and coerce European states and institutions. This is not just a policy failure. It is a strategic vulnerability. Unless Europe urgently reconsiders whom it empowers and on what terms, irregular migration will continue to escalate — not simply as a movement of people — but as a symptom of geopolitical exploitation and structural disorder. The result is chaos. Libya, like other transit states, bears the burden of this political ambiguity. Non-regulatory migration continues to grow, and with tragic human consequences. Smuggling routes expand inland while migrants and refugees are left vulnerable to extortion, violence, and exploitation. European engagement remains focused on border control and externalisation. Proposals like the Rwanda model reflect the desire to contain the issue offshore — to move people, not solve problems. But as we've seen time and again – such deals – however politically useful, rarely survive legal or logistical scrutiny. What is needed is a shift in mindset, from reaction to strategy, from containment to cooperation. Four-point reset If Europe is serious about addressing irregular migration, four changes are essential. Deterrence cannot work without alternatives. Safe pathways, such as those piloted through Safe Mobility Offices in Latin America, should be replicated in North Africa. These can divert irregular flows by offering legal entry for asylum, work, or family reunification. Europe must cease dealing with actors who profit from people smuggling and border disorder as security partners. A clean break from engaging with illegitimate authorities — such as those in eastern Libya — combined with sustained political and economic pressure on subversive parallel state structures, is key to safeguarding Libyan state sovereignty, which in turn is essential to restoring border security. Post-Brexit paralysis on migration must end. A UK-EU admissions agreement rooted in shared responsibility — not unilateral returns — would help rebuild cooperation and restore credibility in clear, legal migration pathways. Voluntary repatriation programs remain vastly underused and underfunded. Europe and the UK must align funding to support returns that are humane, supported by reintegration services, and tied to development incentives for countries of origin. A time for strategic clarity If Europe is to regain control of its migration policy, it must first regain clarity in its strategy. Irregular migration is not just a movement of people — it is a reflection of how Europe engages with the world, and how the world responds in turn. The solution lies not in building higher walls or signing risk-shifting deals, but in crafting partnerships based on accountability, long-term interests, and mutual respect. The time for fragmented fixes is over. What is needed now is a coordinated vision — one that sees migration not as a threat to contain, but as a reality to govern wisely and humanely. Walid Ellafi serves as Minister of Communication and Political Affairs in the Libyan Government of National Unity (GNU).


Libya Review
a day ago
- Business
- Libya Review
Greek MEPs Push for EU Sanctions on Libya
Greek members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have intensified calls for the European Union to consider sanctions against Libya amid growing tensions over potential maritime agreements involving Turkey and Libyan military leader Khalifa Haftar, according to a report by Africa Intelligence. The lawmakers argue that any new maritime deal between Ankara and Haftar could bolster Turkey's influence in the eastern Mediterranean, a move that Athens views as a direct threat to its maritime rights and regional interests. Greece has repeatedly criticised previous Turkey-Libya agreements, claiming they violate international maritime law and ignore the rights of Greek islands. The push for EU measures comes at a time when the bloc is navigating complex regional dynamics, particularly concerning energy security and maritime boundaries. With increasing competition over gas pipelines and naval influence in the Mediterranean, Greece is urging Brussels to take a firmer stance on Libya's cooperation with Turkey. Diplomatic sources in Brussels noted that Greek representatives are lobbying both the European Commission and the European External Action Service (EEAS) to monitor developments closely. Athens believes that unchecked maritime cooperation between Libya and Turkey could destabilise the already fragile geopolitical balance in the region. The European Union has yet to issue an official response to these calls. However, analysts suggest that any decision on sanctions or policy shifts would likely require consensus among all member states, many of which maintain strong economic and political interests in Libya. The issue underscores the EU's ongoing struggle to reconcile internal divisions while maintaining influence in the eastern Mediterranean. As energy exploration and maritime boundaries remain contentious topics, Greece's latest move highlights its determination to safeguard its interests in the face of increasing regional competition. Tags: CreteeuGreecelibyaMaritimeMediterranean


Libya Review
2 days ago
- Business
- Libya Review
Libya Signs New Agreement with Italy to Revive Agricultural Sector
On Wedneaday, Libya's High Commission for National Reconciliation, led by Al-Siddiq Khalifa Haftar, signed a new agricultural cooperation agreement in Benghazi with Italian firm Giardina, a company specialized in modern agricultural technologies. The agreement aims to strengthen Libya's agricultural capacity, support sustainable development, and introduce advanced European expertise into the local market. The partnership will focus on key areas such as the transfer of cutting-edge farming technologies, the modernization of agricultural practices, and the launch of targeted training programs for Libyan professionals. It also includes plans to develop local investment projects that support national food security goals and increase the competitiveness of Libyan produce in international markets. During the signing ceremony, Haftar emphasized the importance of integrating international experience into Libya's development process. He described the agreement as 'a meaningful start toward building a resilient and self-reliant agricultural future for Libya,' noting that this step is part of a broader strategy to place Libya at the forefront of sustainable agricultural investment in the region. Haftar added that Libya must no longer depend solely on imports to meet its food needs. He stressed the necessity of leveraging international partnerships to introduce tools, knowledge, and innovation that match the pace of global agricultural advancements. The agreement also aims to attract future investment from other European and regional partners, highlighting Libya's efforts to diversify its economy beyond the oil sector and create jobs in new areas. With Libya's agricultural potential long underutilized, the move reflects an attempt to rebuild essential sectors that support both economic recovery and national stability. Tags: AgricultureAl Siddiq HaftarItalylibya


Nahar Net
4 days ago
- Politics
- Nahar Net
Libya commander Haftar seeks to force international engagement
by Naharnet Newsdesk 21 July 2025, 17:43 Libya's eastern authorities recently expelled a senior European delegation in a move analysts say was meant to send a message: the unrecognized administration backed by military leader Khalifa Haftar cannot be ignored. On July 8, an EU commissioner and ministers from Greece, Italy and Malta were in Libya to discuss irregular migration from the North African country. Their visit was divided in two, as is Libya, which is still grappling with the aftermath of the armed conflict and political chaos that followed the 2011 NATO-backed uprising that toppled longtime dictator Moammar Gadhafi. The delegation first visited the capital Tripoli, seat of the internationally recognized Libyan government of Prime Minister Abdelhamid Dbeibah. They then travelled to Benghazi, in the east, where a rival administration backed by Haftar and his clan is based, and with whom the EU has generally avoided direct contact. Almost immediately, a reported disagreement prompted the eastern authorities to accuse the European delegation of a "flagrant breach of diplomatic norms", ordering the visiting dignitaries to leave. In Brussels, the European Commission admitted a "protocol issue". Tarek Megerisi, a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations think tank, said the scene at the airport "was a calculated move". Haftar was playing to EU fears of irregular migration in order "to generate de facto European recognition", and thus "broaden relations with Europe away from just engagement with him as a local military leader". Turning the delegation away showed that declining to engage with the eastern civilian administration was no longer an option. - 'Punish Athens' - The complex situation in Libya has required unusual diplomacy. European governments recognize and work with the Tripoli-based government and not the eastern administration, but still hold contact with Haftar's military forces. In their visit earlier this month, the European commissioner and ministers were meant to meet with eastern military officials. But once at the Benghazi airport, they saw "there were people there that we had not agreed to meet", a European official in Brussels told journalists on condition of anonymity. "We had to fly back," the official said, adding that "of course" it was linked to recognition of the eastern government. Claudia Gazzini, a Libya expert at the International Crisis Group, said she did not believe "it was a premeditated incident". But "the question does present itself as to why" ministers from the eastern government were at the airport in the first place, and why Haftar would let it play out the way it did, she said. "We can't completely rule out that there was some particular issue or bilateral disagreement with one of the countries represented in the delegation," Gazzini added. Libya expert Jalel Harchaoui suggested Greece may have been the target. On July 6, two days before the axed visit, "the Greek foreign minister had come to demand concessions on migration and maritime (issues) without offering any tangible incentives", Harchaoui said. Despite Haftar's personal involvement, the July 6 visit "had yielded nothing", added the expert. Then, on July 8, "a Greek representative -- this time as part of an EU delegation -- wanted to negotiate on the same day with the rival Tripoli government, placing the two governments on an equal footing", he said. This was "an affront in Benghazi's view", Harchaoui said, and the administration wanted to "punish Athens". - Legitimacy - To Harchaoui, the diplomatic flap was a sign not to "underestimate" the Haftars' foreign policy. "The Haftar family is an absolutely essential actor" in tackling the influx of migrants or, for example, advancing energy projects, due to its key role in securing Libya's eastern coast, said Harchaoui. The message delivered at the Benghazi airport "is clear: take the eastern faction seriously", he added. Harchaoui said that the Haftars, already "rich in cash and strong" in terms of strategic assets, have recently increased efforts to "consolidate their legitimacy". Haftar himself was hosted in February by French President Emmanuel Macron, and in May by Russia's Vladimir Putin. And Haftar's son, Saddam, recently visited the United States, Turkey, Italy and Niger. Even Ankara, which has provided support for the Tripoli-based government in repelling attacks from the east, "is now seeking to further profit off the Haftars through things like construction projects", said Megerisi. He added that Turkey also has wider geopolitical ambitions, hoping to see the Haftars endorse a maritime border agreement in the eastern Mediterranean, which Tripoli had already signed but Athens regards as illegal.


Int'l Business Times
4 days ago
- Politics
- Int'l Business Times
Libya Commander Haftar Seeks To Force International Engagement
Libya's eastern authorities recently expelled a senior European delegation in a move analysts say was meant to send a message: the unrecognised administration backed by military leader Khalifa Haftar cannot be ignored. On July 8, an EU commissioner and ministers from Greece, Italy and Malta were in Libya to discuss irregular migration from the North African country. Their visit was divided in two, as is Libya, which is still grappling with the aftermath of the armed conflict and political chaos that followed the 2011 NATO-backed uprising that toppled longtime dictator Moamer Kadhafi. The delegation first visited the capital Tripoli, seat of the internationally recognised Libyan government of Prime Minister Abdelhamid Dbeibah. They then travelled to Benghazi, in the east, where a rival administration backed by Haftar and his clan is based, and with whom the EU has generally avoided direct contact. Almost immediately, a reported disagreement prompted the eastern authorities to accuse the European delegation of a "flagrant breach of diplomatic norms", ordering the visiting dignitaries to leave. In Brussels, the European Commission admitted a "protocol issue". Tarek Megerisi, a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations think tank, said the scene at the airport "was a calculated move". Haftar was playing to EU fears of irregular migration in order "to generate de facto European recognition", and thus "broaden relations with Europe away from just engagement with him as a local military leader". Turning the delegation away showed that declining to engage with the eastern civilian administration was no longer an option. The complex situation in Libya has required unusual diplomacy. European governments recognise and work with the Tripoli-based government and not the eastern administration, but still hold contact with Haftar's military forces. In their visit earlier this month, the European commissioner and ministers were meant to meet with eastern military officials. But once at the Benghazi airport, they saw "there were people there that we had not agreed to meet", a European official in Brussels told journalists on condition of anonymity. "We had to fly back," the official said, adding that "of course" it was linked to recognition of the eastern government. Claudia Gazzini, a Libya expert at the International Crisis Group, said she did not believe "it was a premeditated incident". But "the question does present itself as to why" ministers from the eastern government were at the airport in the first place, and why Haftar would let it play out the way it did, she said. "We can't completely rule out that there was some particular issue or bilateral disagreement with one of the countries represented in the delegation," Gazzini added. Libya expert Jalel Harchaoui suggested Greece may have been the target. On July 6, two days before the axed visit, "the Greek foreign minister had come to demand concessions on migration and maritime (issues) without offering any tangible incentives", Harchaoui said. Despite Haftar's personal involvement, the July 6 visit "had yielded nothing", added the expert. Then, on July 8, "a Greek representative -- this time as part of an EU delegation -- wanted to negotiate on the same day with the rival Tripoli government, placing the two governments on an equal footing", he said. This was "an affront in Benghazi's view", Harchaoui said, and the administration wanted to "punish Athens". To Harchaoui, the diplomatic flap was a sign not to "underestimate" the Haftars' foreign policy. "The Haftar family is an absolutely essential actor" in tackling the influx of migrants or, for example, advancing energy projects, due to its key role in securing Libya's eastern coast, said Harchaoui. The message delivered at the Benghazi airport "is clear: take the eastern faction seriously", he added. Harchaoui said that the Haftars, already "rich in cash and strong" in terms of strategic assets, have recently increased efforts to "consolidate their legitimacy". Haftar himself was hosted in February by French President Emmanuel Macron, and in May by Russia's Vladimir Putin. And Haftar's son, Saddam, recently visited the United States, Turkey, Italy and Niger. Even Ankara, which has provided support for the Tripoli-based government in repelling attacks from the east, "is now seeking to further profit off the Haftars through things like construction projects", said Megerisi. He added that Turkey also has wider geopolitical ambitions, hoping to see the Haftars endorse a maritime border agreement in the eastern Mediterranean, which Tripoli had already signed but Athens regards as illegal.