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Scotsman
28-05-2025
- Politics
- Scotsman
Why pandering to Reform voters is not the way to win elections in Scotland
Sign up to our daily newsletter – Regular news stories and round-ups from around Scotland direct to your inbox Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... When you're labouring through an organised 10k run, as I was at the weekend, you have plenty of time to wonder about the people around you. As I staggered and spluttered round Edinburgh's Holyrood Park to a personal-worst time, I wondered about the throngs of people who'd turned out at 9am on a Saturday. As well as 4,000 runners, there were thousands more lining the streets around Arthur's Seat, yelling support and waving home-made signs. Some kids had produced boards with messages like 'Touch here for energy' and whooped with delight when runners veered across to oblige. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad I spent much of the run thinking about politics, and reached one particular conclusion: I bet not one person here today would vote for Nigel Farage's Reform UK party. And that being the case, how do Scottish political parties gather these many positive, productive and upbeat people – happy to sacrifice a Saturday morning for a joyous, worthwhile activity – and unite them in the way the Edinburgh Marathon Festival had? Based on current polling, 86 per cent of people in Scotland do not support Nigel Farage's Reform UK party (Picture: Henry Nicholls) | AFP via Getty Images Most Scots don't support Reform We're now a week away from the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election, and the contest has been dominated by the presence of Reform and their potential impact. But even at a high point, this insurgent party is unlikely to achieve more than 25 per cent of the vote in South Lanarkshire, meaning three-quarters of locals would have voted elsewhere. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad The latest Scotland-wide polling indicates Reform would reach about 14 per cent in next year's Scottish Parliament election. In other words, 86 per cent of Scots won't be backing them. Instead of figuring out how to peel voters back from Reform, all parties should be vying for the overwhelming majority of people who reject them. There is a burgeoning group in middle Scotland who do indeed want something different from politics, and are – to use Scotland's cliché-de-jour – 'scunnered'. These voters can be appealed to in a positive way, by talking up the potential of the country and its people, telling good stories about climate change and immigration, and setting out hard-and-fast aspirations for standards in schools and quality of healthcare. They pine for thought, intellect and optimism in their leaders. That rhetoric might not play well with Reform's target market, who want to hear truculent phrases like 'net stupid zero'. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Punching low Farage's recent repugnant Facebook video, which falsely suggested Labour leader Anas Sarwar prioritises Pakistanis over Scots, exposed exactly where Reform thinks its voters are. The intention was clear: you might not be able to pin racism on us, but we sure as hell want the votes of the dregs of society and the lowest common denominator. That could be helpful for the other political parties. Reform's stall has been set out ahead of next year's Holyrood election; they will spend the campaign punching low. Let them. It leaves a swathe of Scots who'd rather look up than down, and all parties have less than a year to bring them on board. As I wheezed my way along the Salisbury Crags at Saturday's running event and the Scottish Parliament building loomed into view, I deeply regretted my lack of training and woeful preparation. Holyrood's established parties must ensure they don't have similar regrets when they return there after the 2026 election.
New Statesman
24-05-2025
- Politics
- New Statesman
Sanction Netanyahu's cabinet ultras now
Photo by Henry Nicholls/AFP 'This is abominable… We are now entering a dark new phase in this conflict.' David Lammy's statement in the Commons on 20 May marked a dramatic shift of tone from the government when it comes to Israel's war, in response to the 11-week blockade on any food, water, medicine and tents entering Gaza. But the Foreign Secretary's statement was not the intervention which grabbed the world's attention. That came from Tom Fletcher, former British diplomat, now emergency relief coordinator and head of the UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. In a speech to the UN Security Council on 13 May, he set out in graphic detail the scale of human suffering as a result of Israel's war policies, from the spectre of starvation and the repeated forced displacements to the collapse of the medical system after repeated attacks on hospitals. Fletcher's harrowing account was the more compelling because Israel bars diplomats and journalists from Gaza, leaving it to humanitarian workers to bear witness to the world. And he used the weight of his evidence to challenge world leaders: 'Will you act decisively to prevent genocide and to ensure respect for international humanitarian law?' Israel's prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu seeks to deter international criticism of Israel by asserting that this amounts to support for Hamas, most recently in his denunciation of the British, French and Canadian leaders for calling the blockage 'intolerable'. But there is no contradiction between condemning the repulsive act of mass terrorism committed by Hamas on 7 October 2023 and the inhuman detention of hostages and demanding that Israel respect its international law obligations, including to facilitate aid and treat civilians humanely. Anti-Semitism is evil, as has been shown yet again by the horrific murder of two Israeli diplomats, a young couple shot down outside the Jewish Museum in Washington on 21 May. But it is not anti-Semitic to make reasoned criticism of the policies of the Israeli government. Distinguished Israelis have been far more outspoken than Western governments. For example, Ehud Olmert, a former prime minister, described what Israel is currently doing as 'very close to a war crime'. Yair Golan, the leader of the Democrats party, commented that Israel is 'on the way to becoming a pariah state among the nations, the South Africa of yore'. Keir Starmer has been bold and decisive in Ukraine policy, carving out a leadership role in Europe with the French president Emmanuel Macron. But he has been notably more cautious about increasing the pressure on Israel for an end to the war in Gaza. In his Commons statement on 19 May, Lammy revealed that he had suspended free trade talks with Israel and put sanctions on three individuals and four entities involved in settler violence on the West Bank. But the government's actions are still lagging far behind their rhetoric. There are more measures they can – and should – take immediately. Rather than just sanctioning civilians, the government should slap sanctions on two ultranationalist members of the Israeli cabinet. Lammy himself condemned the finance minister Bezalel Smotrich for speaking of 'cleansing Gaza' and 'destroying what's left'. The national security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has a long track record of inciting violence on the West Bank and advocating starvation as a policy choice in Gaza. It's a positive sign to see reports that such sanctions are now under active consideration. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe The government should also suspend all its arms export licences to Israel. To its credit, it introduced in September 2024 a partial suspension of equipment which could be used in Gaza. But, according to the Campaign Against Arms Trade organisation, the government approved £127m worth of licences in the last quarter of 2024, more than in the years 2020-23 combined. The case for moving now to a complete suspension is compelling. Neither of these measures would change Netanyahu's mind. But they would show that Britain has a principled foreign policy and would be welcomed by the many Israelis campaigning for a ceasefire, the release of hostages and an end to the war. Britain should also take a lead in planning ahead to the period after the fighting stops – the so-called day after. There has to be a better option for Gaza than the future offered by Donald Trump or Netanyahu. Trump's bizarre proposal to buy Gaza and build a 'Mar-a-Lago on the Med' was pure fantasy. But it had the pernicious effect of empowering Netanyahu to pursue the military occupation of the whole of Gaza, potentially leading to Jewish settlement and the displacement of the entire Palestinian population. At the same time, Netanyahu has engineered a rapid expansion of settlements and outposts on the West Bank. The contours of an equitable post-conflict regime have been clear for some time. An informal coalition of Arab and European states along with Canada have been working to develop this. There would have to be a major reconstruction effort in Gaza, financed largely by the Gulf countries, and a reformed Palestinian Authority to take over the territory. The most difficult part is constituting an international force to replace the Israeli military and ensure security. Such a deal would only be conceivable with a different Israeli government. It would have to be robust enough to give Israelis confidence that Hamas would have no part in the future Gaza. The only basis for longer-term stability remains the two-state solution. That raises the issue of recognition of a Palestinian state. So far, 147 of the almost 200 UN members have taken this step. Successive British governments have held the line that they will recognise Palestine when this serves the best interests of peace. The French have taken a similar position but have now called a conference with the Saudis at the UN on 17 June. Macron has suggested this is a prelude to recognition. Netanyahu is doing all he can to make a two-state solution impossible. Now would therefore be a good time for Britain and France, both permanent members of the Security Council, to make a concerted move on recognition. This should be part of a package deal, with the moderate Arab states agreeing to take a leading role in Gaza and ensuring the exclusion of Hamas. At this dark moment in the Gaza crisis, Keir Starmer needs to act with the same decisiveness he has shown over Ukraine – and align his actions with his words. [See also: The brain behind Labour's EU deal] Related
New Statesman
19-05-2025
- Politics
- New Statesman
Starmer faces his unhappy backbenchers
Photo by Henry Nicholls -Monday's meeting could have gone very differently for Keir Starmer. The Prime Minister, flanked by the Home Secretary, Yvette Cooper, was met with rapturous applause as he entered the stuffy committee room where more than 200 Labour MPs awaited him. This rousing welcome is pretty standard for a prime minister (particularly for one only nine months into the job). Privately, however, the party's backbenches are, as one MP put it to me 'almost universally pissed off'. The Prime Minister had spent much of the day parading the UK's new EU-reset deal, but he used his speech to the PLP to take aim at Reform. He told gathered MPs: 'the Conservatives are not our principal opponent. Reform are our main rivals for power.' It makes sense in the wake of the local elections, in which Reform won control of 10 councils. If a general election were held today, the renegade party would likely take a sizeable chunk out of Labour's numbers. Starmer described Nigel Farageas a 'state-slashing, NHS-privatising, Putin apologist, without a single patriotic bone in his body.' According to insiders, however, Starmer's rallying cry did not have the galvanising effect he might have hoped for. One MP told me that compared to July last year – in which members of the 2024 intake were 'brimming with enthusiasm' – the mood is 'very subdued'. Among the primary concerns are recent government announcements on welfare cuts and Starmer's 'island of strangers' immigration speech last week. Last year's Winter Fuel Payment cut, an issue which featured heavily on the doorstep during the locals, continues to haunt Starmer's administration too. During the meeting, the Prime Minister took 26 questions, of which I am told he answered three. One Lancashire MP pointed out that the party is on its knees in the county after the locals (Reform now control Lancashire County Council). There is little they can do to coax voters back from Reform, and so asked why the party doesn't stick to its traditional values anyway. Diane Abbott used the meeting to take direct aim at Starmer's immigration white paper in a speech which one MP described as a 'scolding' (although another tells me privately that she went on for too long and eventually lost the room). Many MPs used their questions to ask Starmer directly – what do you stand for? Though criticism from the left of the party following last week's speech was inevitable (particularly those elected pre-2024), it is becoming increasingly clear that even newbie Starmer loyalists are feeling disaffected (a few tell me they didn't even go to Monday's meeting). It is a surprise, then, that this gathering of the PLP was not a more fractious affair. But unless something is done to mend the fractures, Starmer's party will only grow unhappier. [See more: Labour's Europe deal is a trap for Brexiteers] Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Related
The Star
19-05-2025
- Entertainment
- The Star
Ex-England striker Gary Lineker to leave BBC presenting role
FILE PHOTO: Former British football player and BBC presenter Gary Lineker leaves his home in London, Britain, March 12, 2023. REUTERS/Henry Nicholls/File Photo LONDON (Reuters) - Gary Lineker, a former England captain and the face of soccer on British television for over two decades, will leave the BBC, the broadcaster said in a statement on Monday. Lineker, 64, had been due to cover the 2026 World Cup for the broadcaster, but his early departure comes after he apologised last week for sharing a social media post about Zionism which featured a picture of a rat, historically used as an antisemitic insult. He rose to become the BBC's highest paid star after presenting its Match of the Day (MOTD) highlights show for 25 years. The BBC announced last November he would step down from MOTD this year but carry on working for it until 2026. (Reporting by Sarah Young; editing by Michael Holden)
BBC News
11-05-2025
- Sport
- BBC News
Sussex on top after setting Worcs 351 to win
Rothesay County Championship Division One, 1st Central County Ground, Hove (day three)Sussex 284 & 256: Alsop 72; Allison 3-52Worcestershire 180 & 117-3: Libby 64*; Robinson 1-18Worcestershire (3 pts) need 244 more runs to beat Sussex (4 pts)Match scorecard Sussex go into the final day of their County Championship fixture against Worcestershire with their noses in front after dismissing New Zealand stalwart Henry Nicholls and number four batter Kashif Ali late in the evening 81-run second-wicket stand from Nicholls and opening batter Jake Libby had steered the visitors into a decent position before Nicholls' mistimed pull shot found the gloves of wicketkeeper John Simpson and gave Sussex debutant James Hayes his maiden first-class Ollie Robinson snagged the day's final wicket in the penultimate over, extracting a thick edge from Ali, which fell to the grateful hands of James Coles at third on 117-3, Worcestershire require a further 244 runs to win after twin fifties from Tom Alsop and Coles, and some tail-end bashing helped the hosts to a second innings lead of chance of a Worcestershire victory likely rests with Libby, who remains unbeaten on 64, accompanied by nightwatchman Ben Allison on three. Libby kept a steady head while wickets fell around him and cashed in on some loose Hayes deliveries to pass fifty with a thrashing cut Karvelas took Sussex's only wicket of the Worcestershire innings, bowling Gareth Roderick for four with a dipping yorker that snuck beneath the opener's home side secured its dominant position in the morning session with a sturdy batting performance from Alsop and Coles. Both began the day in the twenties and took advantage of some loose deliveries from Worcestershire's fast bowlers, striking 21 boundaries between them as the Sussex lead sailed past Coles was particularly strong through the leg side, passing fifty with a forceful clip for four off Ben Gibbon in the 39th over. Alsop was equally convincing and reached his half-century one over later against the same 125-run partnership took Sussex from a potentially dangerous situation to a likely insurmountable lead before both were dismissed lbw before the lunch break. Coles fell for a 132-ball 68, shouldering arms to an inswinger from Ben Waite before his batting partner played back to a sharp-spinning Fateh Singh delivery for dismissals led to something of a mini-collapse for Sussex, who lost four wickets for 45 runs around the lunch break as captain Simpson 13 and Hudson-Prentice were both caught behind off the bowling of Allison, for took 3-52 in the the flurry of wickets, Sussex at 188-7 had extended their lead past 300 and now looked in the mood to attack as first-innings centurion Jack Carson combined with Robinson for a fiery rearguard stand of targeted left-arm spinner Singh, who the former hit for consecutive fours in the 66th over, and the latter crashed for a long, straight six in the fun came to an end soon after when both batters sprinted to the same end after a single and Robinson was run out for a feisty 30. Singh, who finished with admirable figures of 3-58 from his 17.4 overs, took the final two Sussex wickets in quick succession as Sussex were dismissed for 256. He first bowled Karvelas for a single before last man Hayes edged a turning delivery to second Reporters' Network supported by Rothesay
