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Al Jazeera
2 days ago
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Does a Trump-brokered deal squeeze Russia, Iran out of the South Caucasus?
Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev, his late father and predecessor Heydar Aliyev and some of their closest political allies hail from Nakhchivan. The name of this tiny, mountainous and underdeveloped Azeri area sandwiched between Armenia, Iran and Turkiye sounds unfamiliar to those outside the strategic South Caucasus region. But Nakhchivan's name and geopolitical significance resurfaced after United States President Donald Trump hosted a White House summit between Azeri and Armenian leaders on Friday. Azerbaijan's Aliyev and the Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signed a preliminary peace deal to end the decades-long conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. In the early 1990s, ethnic Armenians in the Nagorno-Karabakh region broke away from oil-rich Azerbaijan after a war that killed thousands and displaced hundreds of thousands. Moscow brokered a truce in 1994, maintaining two military bases in resource-poor Armenia, supplying it with cheap energy while selling arms to Azerbaijan. Even though the conflict did not involve Nakhchivan, it cut off the Zangezur Corridor, a 40km (25-mile) logistical umbilical cord to Azeri mainland that consists of a derelict road and parallel rusty rail tracks. Air travel and hours-long, bumpy transit through Iran remained the only way to reach the exclave, whose authorities ruled it like a personal fiefdom, with laws and ways of life often contradicting those of the mainland. After winning the 2020 war over Nagorno-Karabakh and restoring control over it three years later, Baku has been eager to revive the corridor, demanding its exterritoriality and even pondering the use of military force. 'A new reality in the region' The reasons go far beyond restoring access to Aliyev's ancestral land. The corridor could become a mammoth transport hub between Turkiye, Azerbaijan and Central Asia. It may increase the flow of Central Asian hydrocarbons to Turkiye and further to Europe, boost the regional economy – and upend Russia's two centuries of domination in the region that also includes Georgia. Armenia was reluctant to allow Azeri access to the corridor, fearing that the emboldened Turkish-Azeri tandem may jeopardise its security. But Trump cut through the Gordian knot on Friday, and his role 'essentially, cements a new reality in the region', according to Emil Mustafayev, the Baku-based chief editor of the Minval Politika online magazine. 'This is a serious shift in the security architecture and transport logistics of the South Caucasus,' he told Al Jazeera. While in the White House, Aliyev and Pashinyan lavished Trump with praise and nominated him for a Nobel Peace Prize. 'What cracked me up is that [they] didn't lose their way about how one has to communicate in Washington,' Andrey Kazantsev, an expert on the region, told Al Jazeera. They also flattered Trump by naming the corridor the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) and leasing it to Washington for up to 99 years with exclusive development rights. What looks like one of Trump's favourite real estate deals actually heralds a tectonic shift. 'Trump's administration has indeed been quick to find its way towards the long-due geopolitical pivot,' Kazantsev said. China, which has been promoting its Belt and Road Initiative in Asia and Eastern Europe, may remain 'neutral' to it, and Russia, which has two military bases in Armenia, may 'ignore it, at least, publicly', he said. 'But for Iran, it's a real blow.' 'A boost of Washington's clout' To guard the TRIPP, Washington may use a private military company – and eventually build a military base that nominally safeguards Armenia but actually keeps an eye on Iran, said Ukrainian political analyst Aleksey Kushch. 'It means more potential pressure on Iran and a boost of Washington's clout in the resource-rich Caspian region where US oil companies made sizeable investments' in the 1990s, he said. And Moscow is also about to lose a lot. 'No matter how paradoxical it sounds, it's Moscow that has been and still is a decisive factor in the peace settlement between Armenia and Azerbaijan and in solving the latter's problem of accessing Nakhchivan,' said Alisher Ilkhamov, head of Central Asia Due Diligence, a think tank in London. 'One of the main motives for rapprochement of both sides is their push to get rid of Moscow's influence, of the peacekeeper's role it has imposed on them,' he told Al Jazeera. The new deal 'only highlights how fictitious Moscow's role as peacekeeper and middleman in peace settlement in the South Caucasus is', Ilkhamov said. However, the deal is not yet set in stone, and the Trump-hosted summit 'sparked premature optimism', said Kevork Oskanian of the University of Exeter, in the United Kingdom. This optimism 'should be tempered by realism and historical precedent [as] many peace processes have failed despite promising starts', he told Al Jazeera. A deal not yet done Baku, whose annual $5bn defence spending exceeds Yerevan's entire debt-hobbled state budget, affirmed Armenia's territorial integrity but did not withdraw from some 200sq km (77sq miles) of its land. The TRIPP's concept avoids Baku's demand for the corridor's extraterritoriality, balancing sovereignty with strategic access, Oskanian said. But there are also questions as to whether Washington's initiatives are 'a principled intervention or opportunistic geopolitics', he added. Even without direct confrontation, Moscow and Tehran could try to undermine the deal. 'Their grudging acquiescence is essential – but far from guaranteed,' Oskanian said. Iran threatened on Saturday that the TRIPP 'will not become a gateway for Trump's mercenaries – it will become their graveyard'. Armenia is a democracy 'polarised' over the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh and Pashinyan's conflict with the Armenian Apostolic Church, Oskanian said. To finalise the peace deal, Pashinyan would need to hold a referendum amending Armenia's constitution that mentions the 'reunification' with Nagorno-Karabakh – and win the 2026 parliamentary vote. Therefore, the success of Trump's deal depends on many intricacies of South Caucasus politics – and the West 'must engage with nuance – not just geopolitics', Oskanian concluded.
Arabian Business
04-08-2025
- Business
- Arabian Business
Air Arabia Abu Dhabi boosts flights to Baku, Tbilisi amid rising demand for regional travel
Air Arabia Abu Dhabi is ramping up its regional connectivity with expanded flight schedules to Baku, Azerbaijan and Tbilisi, Georgia, reflecting the growing appetite for affordable travel options between the UAE and popular leisure markets. The UAE's first low-cost carrier announced on Monday that it will now operate six non-stop flights per week between Abu Dhabi's Zayed International Airport and Baku's Heydar Aliyev International Airport. The new schedule includes service every Tuesday through Sunday. Air Arabia Abu Dhabi ramps up regional travel Additionally, beginning August 7, flights to Tbilisi International Airport will increase to eight weekly flights, with double daily service on Thursdays, aimed at boosting convenience for leisure and VFR (visiting friends and relatives) travellers. Adel Al Ali, Group Chief Executive Officer of Air Arabia, said: 'The increased frequencies to both Baku and Tbilisi reflect our ongoing commitment to strengthening our regional network while delivering greater convenience, flexibility, and value to our customers. 'These two vibrant cities remain popular among UAE residents and visitors alike. The enhanced schedules will not only reinforce travel and tourism ties but also offer a more seamless and accessible travel experience.' The move comes as Air Arabia Abu Dhabi continues to expand its network across high-demand leisure and cultural destinations. Recent additions include direct routes to Almaty, Kazakhstan and Yerevan, Armenia. The carrier currently operates 12 Airbus A320 aircraft, with plans to add two more by the end of the year to support its growth strategy and meet rising passenger demand. Flights are now available for booking via the airline's website, call centre, or authorised travel agencies.
OC Media
11-07-2025
- Politics
- OC Media
What was behind the recent spat between Azerbaijan and Russia?
The very public falling out between Baku and Moscow was arguably the most significant break in bilateral relations since they were first established. Join the voices Aliyev wants to silence. For over eight years, OC Media has worked with fearless journalists from Azerbaijan — some of whom now face decades behind bars — to bring you the stories the regime is afraid will get out. Help us fuel Aliyev's fears — become an OC Media member today Become a member Azerbaijani-Russian relations have reached a new low in the last few weeks following raids on Azerbaijani diaspora centres in Russia, culminating with the death of two diaspora leaders in Yekaterinburg. While this violent incident was the catalyst for the now very public feud, the roots stretch far back, and relate to a confusing web of relations between the criminal underworld and the Azerbaijani diaspora in Russia. Fairweather friends Azerbaijani–Russian relations possess a deep and intricate history, rooted in centuries of shared geopolitical space. The territory of what is now modern-day Azerbaijan became part of the Russian Empire following the Russo–Persian Wars of 1804–13 and 1826–28, with the resulting Treaties of Gulistan and Turkmenchay ceding Qajar Iranian territories north of the Aras River to Russia. After decades under Russian imperial rule, Azerbaijan achieved brief independence in 1918 before being annexed into the Soviet Union in 1920. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the relationship between the newly independent Azerbaijan and Russia evolved through distinct phases. Initial attempts by President Ayaz Mutallibov, the first leader of independent Azerbaijan, to foster close ties were followed by a period characterised as 'anti-Russian' under his successor, Abulfaz Elchibey. However, upon Heydar Aliyev's ascent to power in 1993, warmer relations were re-established. This re-engagement was notably influenced by the shared backgrounds in the KGB between Aliyev and Russian President Vladimir Putin, fostering a personal rapport that shaped diplomatic interactions. Russian President Vladimir Putin (left) with former Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliyev (right). Photo: From 1993 onwards, Russia and Azerbaijan developed robust economic and cultural ties. Russia emerged as a primary market for Azerbaijan's fruit and vegetable exports and served as a vital transport corridor for Russian trade with Iran and other Middle Eastern partners. Azerbaijani business interests also secured significant assets within Russia's construction, real estate, and trade sectors. Furthermore, Russia hosts a substantial Azerbaijani diaspora, with unofficial estimates suggesting as many as 2 million ethnic Azerbaijanis residing there, most being migrant workers. Despite a robust economic relationship, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict served as a persistent source of friction and a tool for Russian influence. Russia claimed neutrality in the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, yet it simultaneously provided economic assistance and supplied weapons to both countries, with the latter also hosting a Russian military base. At the same time, Moscow co-sponsored peace talks under the OSCE Minsk Group and brokered the 1994 ceasefire. This dual approach meant that Russia historically leveraged the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict to maintain influence over both Armenia and Azerbaijan. Its 2020 peacekeeping deployment, following Azerbaijan's significant military gains, solidified this role, providing Russia with a position to observe developments on the ground. Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh. Photo from social media. From an outsider's perspective, the signing of the Declaration on Allied Interaction on 22 February 2022, just days before Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, put Azerbaijan on the aggressor's side. This document was intended to elevate bilateral relations to an 'allied level', emphasising mutual respect for independence, state sovereignty, territorial integrity, and non-interference in each other's domestic affairs. It also committed both parties to refrain from actions that could harm their strategic partnership. This declaration represented a high point in formal relations, signalling a supposed deepening of ties. For many, this was interpreted as Russia securing its southern flank. However, Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and its related military weakness fundamentally altered the geopolitical landscape, profoundly diminishing Moscow's capacity and focus on the South Caucasus. This provided Azerbaijan with an unprecedented opportunity to re-evaluate and rebalance its relations with Russia, leading to a more assertive and independent foreign policy that has increasingly challenged Russia's traditional regional dominance. Advertisement Azerbaijan's lightning military campaign in September 2023 resulted in its reclaiming full control of Nagorno-Karabakh. This decisive offensive led to the dissolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and the mass exodus of nearly the entire ethnic Armenian population from the region — an outcome that was unthinkable just a few years earlier. Despite its peacekeeping presence in Nagorno-Karabakh since the 2020 ceasefire, Russia did not intervene during Azerbaijan's September 2023 military campaign. This non-intervention was largely attributed to Russia being busy with its war in Ukraine, which diverted its attention and resources. In April 2024, Russian peacekeepers began to withdraw from Nagorno-Karabakh, leaving the region under full Azerbaijani control. This withdrawal occurred a year before their mandate was due to expire, signalling a significant concession of influence. Fallout from a plane crash and a deadly police raid Russia's retreat from its traditional backyard equalled 'lack of charisma' in traditional Azerbaijani eyes. Some people, especially the elderly, used to believe that the origins of conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh were rooted in Russia, instead of Armenia. Those voices became once more audible in post-war Azerbaijan, leading to further waning of Russian influence. The level of Russian 'charisma' in Azerbaijani public eyes reached a historic low after the crash of an Azerbaijan Airlines passenger jet en route from Baku to Grozny on 25 December 2024, resulting in the deaths of 38 people. Azerbaijani authorities quickly attributed the crash to the plane being accidentally hit by Russian air defences and criticised Moscow for attempting to cover up the incident, as well as for allegedly denying landing permission that could have averted the disaster. While Putin apologised to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev for the 'tragic incident', he notably stopped short of acknowledging direct responsibility. This incident marked the beginning of the current downward trend in bilateral relations. Many believed that as a result, Aliyev declined to attend Russia's Victory Day parade in Moscow in May 2025. The aftermath of the deadly Azerbaijan Airlines crash in December 2024. Photo: TASS. Tensions further escalated dramatically in June 2025 following violent raids by Russian special forces in Yekaterinburg that targeted ethnic Azerbaijanis. According to Russia's version of the incident, the raids were in connection with a 2001 murder case. These raids resulted in the deaths of two Azerbaijani brothers while in police custody, with Azerbaijani post-mortem investigations alleging torture. Several others were injured and dozens more detained. As a result, Azerbaijan cancelled a planned visit by Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Overchuk, called off a session of the bilateral inter-parliamentary commission in Moscow, and halted all Russian cultural events nationwide. Azerbaijani authorities also raided the Baku office of Sputnik-Azerbaijan, a Russian state media outlet, detaining staff whom Azerbaijani media identified as officers of Russia's Federal Security Service (FSB), along with other Russian nationals. Concurrently, Azerbaijani state-connected media published harsh criticisms of Russia, accusing it of historical ingratitude, political disrespect, 'chauvinism and cruelty', and linking the Yekaterinburg deaths to the mistreatment of labour migrants and the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Some went as far as to describe the actions of the Russian military in the Ukrainian cities of Bucha and Irpin — where Russian troops massacred hundreds of civilians — as 'genocidal'. In an apparent reprisal, Russian authorities similarly cancelled cultural events and filed lawsuits against well-known Azerbaijani individuals. According to Heydar, the son of President Ilham Aliyev, is facing approximately ₽1 million ($13,000) in unpaid property taxes on a $35 million mansion in Moscow's exclusive Barvikha neighbourhood, while billionaire developer Aras Aghalarov is facing enforcement actions for allegedly building without permission. Enforcement actions against Agalarov were started by Russian bailiffs on 26 June, the day before the Yekaterinburg raids. Agalarov is one of 25 defendants who have been compelled to leave their property and follow court orders. A performance by Russian-Azerbaijani singer Emin Aghalarov, the son of Aras Agalarov, in Svetlogorsk was rescheduled from 6 July 2025 to the following year. 'Reasons beyond the theatre's control' was the excuse given by the Amber Hall venue for the one-year postponement. Although the event organisers acknowledged the delay, they directed enquiries on the precise reasons to the artists' agents. The Yekaterinburg raids: an ethnically motivated attack or mafia crackdown? Russian authorities maintain the Yekaterinburg operation targeted a criminal organisation led by the Safarov brothers that had operated since the late 1990s, allegedly involved in drug trafficking, illegal alcohol and tobacco sales, gambling, prostitution, and pornography distribution. The authorities further alleged the organisation was connected to murders in 2001, 2010, and 2011, including the killing of an entrepreneur who refused to make protection payments, as well as possible links to mass alcohol poisoning in the city in 2021. Moscow has insisted the detainees were Russian citizens of Azerbaijani origin arrested for serious crimes during a legitimate law enforcement operation. Mazahir Safarov, one of the detainees during the police raids in Yekaterinburg, Russia. Photo: Vladislav Lonshakov/ Putting the Safarov brothers' alleged criminal ties aside, it is a fact that within the Azerbaijani diaspora in Russia, mafia-connected figures fulfilled enforcement and arbitration roles. Migrant-run markets and businesses often fall under protection rackets controlled by Azerbaijani criminal groups linked to so-called 'vor-v-zakone' (the Russian term for thief-in-law) traditions. These groups leverage ethnic and kin ties to recruit, control labour, and enforce territorial order. This phenomenon is still understudied. Prominent figures include Nadir Salifov (Lotu Guli) and Rovshan Janiyev (Lankaranski), both ethnic Azerbaijani crime bosses who built criminal syndicates controlling markets, trafficking, and rackets in Russia and beyond. Salifov, while in prison, is believed to have directed extortion against Azerbaijani businesses across Russia and maintained control of Moscow's wholesale markets. Lankaranski, is similarly believed to have commanded ethnic Azerbaijani criminal networks in Moscow's labour and produce markets, collecting protection fees and overseeing illicit trade until his assassination in 2016. Lankaranski is still revered in Azerbaijani society for his protection of Azerbaijanis in Russia. Even though not reported in the media as much as the Yekaterinburg killings, Russia also arrested two such Azerbaijani thieves-in-law within the same time-frame: Zaur Nakhchivansky (on 2 July) and Vagif Bakinsky (on 4 July). Nakhchivansky is the son of Bayram Talibov, himself a thief-in-law who was murdered alongside Hikmet Mukhtarov in 2006. Nakhchivansky was later 'adopted' by Lankaransky, who subsequently raised him to thief-in-law status in 2013. According to Prime Crime — a Russian-language portal on the criminal underworld — Nakhchivansky is half-Russian and baptised as an Orthodox Christian. Vagif Bakinsky (Suleymanov) is a Georgian Azerbaijani, who is known as a rival of Lankaransky. He has been arrested numerous times for narcotics. When asked by police officers after being detained in July 2025 about his thief-in-law status, Bakinsky refused to answer. Nakhchivansky agreed to speak off-camera. Prime Crime alleges that while a powerful criminal wing of the Azerbaijani diaspora still largely revolves around the thieves-in-law, of the two detained, Bakinsky in particular could become a serious bargaining chip in Moscow and Baku's diplomatic games. For now, as a stateless individual, he has been remanded into custody for three months at the Yegoryevsk holding facility. The geopolitical dimension Karl Lebt, an expert in international law and a graduate of the Albert Ludwig University of Freiburg, has argued that what is happening now between Azerbaijan and Russia should be viewed as an episode of more fundamental processes in Russia related to a new redistribution of property. According to Lebt, the Russian economy cannot sustain the war in Ukraine, so the Kremlin is patching the hole through 'nationalisations', including Moscow's Domodedovo airport, grain traders, warehouse holdings, and other businesses. In this context, Lebt argues that the Azerbaijani community in Russia, one of the country's wealthiest diasporas, cannot help but be selected as an appealing target. However, Lebt has not dismissed the geopolitical layer, arguing that a new logistical and political architecture of the South Caucasus is rapidly forming and Moscow has no place in this setting. If Armenia gets involved in the Middle Corridor (Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor), Russia will effectively lose its natural bridge status between Europe and China. In turn, political scientist Shahin Jafarli has argued that Baku wanted bilateral relations with Moscow to be based on the principle of sovereign equality. However, it became evident once again that Russia views alliance and partnership with former colonies not on the basis of equal rights, but as suzerain-vassal relations. This type of relationship did not satisfy Azerbaijan's leadership, and after a series of events known and unknown to us, they once again realised that serious threats were emanating from Moscow. 'These are the underlying causes of the problems', Jafarli wrote on Facebook on 30 June. Despite the heated diplomatic exchanges, the influence of warmongers, bloggers' calls for harsher responses, and even military escalation, neither Putin nor Aliyev have commented on the elephant in the room. Even though Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyi called to express his support to Aliyev, there is no reason to assume a possibility for new, full-scale escalation or a new front against Russia in the South Caucasus. Russian President Vladimir Putin (left) and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev during Putin's visit to Baku in August 2024. Official photo. Russian Emergency Minister Alexander Kurenkov arrived in Baku on 7 July to participate in a meeting of the Executive Council and General Assembly of the International Civil Defence Organisation (ICDO). Nonetheless, Azerbaijani pro-government Telegram channels speculated that Kurenkov was also on an unofficial mission of mending the strained relations, perhaps even relaying a message from Putin. The Azerbaijani side does not appear to be eager to continue its sabre-rattling either, as evidenced by the government apparently opting not to confirm the rumoured phasing-out of Russian-speaking schools and banning a request for an anti-Russian protest to be held in front of the embassy in Baku. While the media might be silent, however, the discussions behind closed doors still continue. So far, the news is not promising. The head of the Azerbaijani diaspora of the Moscow region, Elshan Ibrahimov, was deported from Russia on 9 July. Ibrahimov was deprived of citizenship on 18 June for 'committing actions that pose a threat to the national security of the Russian Federation'. He has headed 'the national-cultural autonomy of Azerbaijanis of the Moscow region' since 2018 and was a close ally of Andrei Vorobyov, the governor of Moscow Oblast. Perhaps unrelated to the topic, but interesting enough — Vorobyov isn't alien to the South Caucasus either; he was one of the few known soldiers of the Russian ODON (Separate Operational Purpose Division) who was deployed to Sumgait, Baku, and later Yerevan, to quell the nationalist riots and pogroms in the crumbling Soviet Union. This expulsion could bring another harsh reaction from Baku. If one is to believe pro-government media (remember, they never post anything without knowledge of the Presidential Administration), the next target might be Russian-language schools of Azerbaijan. This is, however, a topic for another article. For now, we can safely rule out any military escalation. At the time of writing this article, the Azerbaijan State Security Service had arrested two individuals — Ramil Aliyev (born in 1991) and Ismayil Hasanov (born in 1974), accusing them of enlisting in the Wagner armed group (serving in foreign mercenary units is considered a crime in Azerbaijan). It is hard to say where the escalation will stop.
Morocco World
08-07-2025
- Politics
- Morocco World
South-Southism: Azerbaijan-Morocco's Enduring Bridges in a Complex World
In an increasingly complex geopolitical landscape, the cooperation between Azerbaijan and Morocco stands out as a testament to the power of strategic cooperation rooted in mutual respect, shared values, and a commitment to multilateralism. Political dialogue and constructive South-South cooperation Over the past three decades, relations between Baku and Rabat have matured into a dynamic framework encompassing political dialogue, parliamentary diplomacy, education, and cultural exchange. Today, Azerbaijan–Morocco ties are a model for constructive South-South cooperation and demonstrate the value of building bridges across regions. At the political level, official reciprocal visits have reaffirmed the two countries' intent to deepen bilateral cooperation. The visits of Moroccan Parliament Speaker Rachid Talbi Alami to Baku in 2022 and 2023 — including participation in the Non-Aligned Movement Parliamentary Network and the special session honoring National Leader Heydar Aliyev — underscore Morocco's recognition of Azerbaijan's growing role as a regional and international actor. Equally, the official visit of Milli Majlis Speaker Sahiba Gafarova to Rabat in 2023 and her meetings with Moroccan political leadership reflect the shared aspiration to elevate bilateral ties to a new strategic level. Parliamentary diplomacy plays an increasingly active role in this evolving relationship. The Azerbaijan–Morocco interparliamentary working groups and frequent institutional dialogues have paved the way for stronger legislative cooperation, policy exchange, and coordinated positions in international forums. Recently, a parliamentary delegation from Morocco paid a productive visit to Baku. The delegation's meeting with members of the Azerbaijan–Morocco Interparliamentary Working Group was a testament to the growing role of parliamentary diplomacy in bilateral relations. Discussions focused on education, cultural ties and parliamentary cooperation, with both sides affirming the importance of aligning national efforts with global goals on literacy and development. Equally significant was the visit of a group of senior Moroccan journalists representing leading media outlets. Their meeting with members of Azerbaijan's Milli Majlis (Parliament) provided a platform to discuss regional peace, interfaith harmony, and visit the liberated territories of Azerbaijan showcased the role of media diplomacy in promoting peace and reintegration. Such collaboration is vital in advancing the interests of the Global South and reinforcing the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and peaceful coexistence. A multidimensional friendship Trade and economic relations, while still modest in volume, show promise. The 7th session of the Joint Intergovernmental Commission on Trade, Economic, and Scientific-Technical Cooperation held in Baku in May 2023, and the visit of Azerbaijani Foreign Minister to Rabat created new momentum for economic engagement. The presence of Moroccan companies in Azerbaijan's tourism and energy sectors reflects untapped potential for business-to-business collaboration. Cultural diplomacy has become an increasingly significant dimension of Azerbaijan–Morocco relations. During her visit to Morocco last year, Ms. Leyla Aliyeva, Vice-President of the Heydar Aliyev Foundation, engaged in meaningful discussions focused on child welfare and the Foundation's initiatives aimed at enhancing support services for children. This year, cultural ties were further deepened by the visit of Her Royal Highness Princess Lalla Hasnaa, President of the Rabat Heritage Preservation Foundation, who attended the International Carpet Festival in Baku as its honorary guest. The organization of the Rabat Carpet Art Exhibition at the Azerbaijan National Carpet Museum was a vivid reflection of the growing cultural affinity between the two nations. Her Royal Highness was warmly received by H.E. Mehriban Aliyeva, First Lady and Vice-President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, underscoring the strong bond between our countries through high-level cultural engagement. Education exchanges, including the visits of Azerbaijani university delegations to Morocco and Moroccan students benefitting from Azerbaijani government scholarships, have further strengthened people-to-people connectivity. The common membership in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and the Non-Aligned Movement provides a solid multilateral platform for coordination. Both countries advocate for a fairer global order, support dialogue among nations, and emphasize the importance of cultural heritage, and development-oriented partnerships. A strong foundation of trust and shared values As Azerbaijan prepares to host the World Urban Forum (WUF13) in 2026, Morocco — a leading country in urban planning and sustainability — will be one of the stakeholders and partners in this globally significant event. Looking ahead, the future of Azerbaijan–Morocco relations rests on a strong foundation of trust, respect, and shared values. By investing in youth exchange, green energy cooperation, digital transformation, and regional connectivity, both countries can transform their bilateral agenda into a broader platform for Afro-Eurasian dialogue and prosperity. In a divided world, the enduring friendship between Azerbaijan and Morocco reminds us that meaningful diplomacy, anchored in common values and mutual benefit, can still thrive — and deliver results. Tags: Azerbaijan and Morocco
The Independent
02-07-2025
- Politics
- The Independent
Tensions are rising between Russia and Azerbaijan. Why is this happening now?
Deaths of ethnic Azerbaijanis rounded up by police for decades-old murders in a Russian city. The crash of an Azerbaijan Airlines passenger jet that Baku blamed on Moscow. Growing ties between Azerbaijan and Turkey, along with waning Russian influence in the troubled South Caucasus region. These are among the factors that have led to the escalating tensions between Russia and Azerbaijan, the oil-rich Caspian Sea country where President Ilhan Aliyev has been in power since 2003 -- almost as long as the 25-year rule of Vladimir Putin in Russia. Here is a look at the previously warm relationship between Russia and Azerbaijan and what has happened: Economic ties between Russia and Azerbaijan Russia and Azerbaijan developed strong economic and cultural ties after 1993 when Aliyev's father, Heydar, who also was Azerbaijan's Soviet-era Communist boss, became president. Like Putin, the younger Aliyev has suppressed political foes and restricted independent media. Azerbaijan has bought oil and natural gas from Russia to meet internal demand while exporting its own energy riches to the West. Russia also has been the main market for Azerbaijan's fruit and vegetable exports. It also is a key transport corridor for Russia's trade with Iran and other partners in the Middle East. Azerbaijani businessmen control significant assets in construction, real estate, trade and other sectors of the Russian economy. Russia is home to a sizable Azerbaijani diaspora. A 2021 census listed about a half-million ethnic Azerbaijanis living in Russia, but unofficial estimates put that number as high as 2 million. Relations with Baku have become increasingly important for the Kremlin since it sent troops into Ukraine in 2022, especially as Turkey has become a key economic partner for Russia as it faced sweeping Western sanctions. The Karabakh separatist conflict Just before the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, an open confrontation erupted between two of its former republics in the South Caucasus — Azerbaijan and its neighbor, Armenia. After years of fighting, Armenian-backed separatists won control of Azerbaijan's region of Karabakh and nearby territories. Russia claimed neutrality in the conflict even though it provided economic assistance and supplied weapons to Armenia that hosted its military base. Moscow cosponsored peace talks under the auspices of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, but they didn't produce a deal. In 2020, Azerbaijan's military, bolstered by weapons supplied by ally Turkey, recaptured broad swaths of territory that were held for nearly three decades by Armenian forces. Russia brokered a truce and deployed about 2,000 peacekeepers to the region. Azerbaijan reclaimed full control of Karabakh in September 2023 after a lightning military campaign. Russia, busy with its war in Ukraine, didn't intervene, angering Armenia's leadership that responded by scaling down its ties with Moscow and bolstering relations with the West. The victory in Karabakh has fueled Azerbaijan's ambitions and prompted Aliyev to take a more assertive stand in relations with his neighbors. The crash of an Azerbaijan Airlines flight On Dec. 25, 2024, an Azerbaijan Airlines passenger jet crashed while on a flight from Baku to Grozny, the regional capital of the Russian republic of Chechnya. Azerbaijani authorities said the jet was accidentally hit by fire from Russian air defenses, then tried to land in western Kazakhstan when it crashed, killing 38 of 67 people aboard. Putin apologized to Aliyev for what he called a 'tragic incident' but stopped short of acknowledging responsibility. Aliyev, meanwhile, criticized Moscow for trying to 'hush up' the incident. In May, Aliyev declined to attend Russia's Victory Day parade in Moscow alongside other leaders of ex-Soviet nations. Later that month, a Ukrainian foreign minister visited Baku, a sign of closer ties with Kyiv. Police raids lead to heightened tensions On June 27, police raided the homes of several ethnic Azerbaijanis in Yekaterinburg, Russia's fourth-largest city, in what authorities said was part of an investigation into murders dating back decades. Brothers Huseyn and Ziyaddin Safarov died and several other ethnic Azerbaijanis were seriously injured. The bodies were sent to Azerbaijan, where authorities attributed the deaths to 'post-traumatic shock caused by multiple injuries.' The Prosecutor General's Office said the brothers were subjected to beatings and other physical abuse by Russian police. Azerbaijan responded by calling off previously scheduled Russian official visits and cultural events. On Monday, masked police stormed the Baku offices of Sputnik Azerbaijan, a Kremlin-funded media outlet, and arrested seven of its employees. Police also rounded up eight other Russian IT experts and other professionals, who were accused of drug trafficking and cybercrime. Images of the detainees, who didn't have any known criminal record, showed their faces were badly bruised. The images caused outrage in Russia where many hawkish commentators accused Azerbaijan of treating Russians as hostages and urged a tough response. Russia on Tuesday briefly detained the leader of the Azerbaijani community in Yekaterinburg for interrogation. A video on Russian social media showed special forces breaking the windows of his vehicle, dragging him and his son out, and making them lie face down on the pavement. A prominent member of the Azerbaijani diaspora also was arrested in Voronezh in southern Russia. Tough talk from Baku and Moscow Azerbaijan strongly condemned what it called 'the demonstrative and deliberate acts of extrajudicial killing and violence' by Russian police following the deaths in Yekaterinburg. After the arrests of the Sputnik employees and other Russians in Baku, the Russian Foreign Ministry summoned Azerbaijan's ambassador to protest 'the recent unfriendly actions of Baku and the intentional steps of the Azerbaijani side aimed to dismantle bilateral relations.' Azerbaijan shot back by summoning the Russian ambassador to demand a probe into the deaths, punishment for those responsible and compensation for the victims — steps it said were 'crucial for eliminating the negative atmosphere in bilateral relations.' It shrugged off Moscow's complaints about the arrests of Russians in Baku Aliyev discussed the tensions with Russia in a call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, an act that seemed designed to rile the Kremlin. Zelenskyy said he expressed support for Baku 'in a situation where Russia is bullying Azerbaijani citizens and threatening the Republic of Azerbaijan.' Asked about the call, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Wednesday that 'Ukraine will do everything possible to add fuel to the fire and provoke the Azerbaijani side to continue emotional actions.' Peskov noted that the head of Russia's top investigative agency has been in contact with Azerbaijan's chief prosecutor. He wouldn't say if Putin would speak to Aliyev to defuse the crisis.
