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CTV News
7 days ago
- Politics
- CTV News
Sask. court rules that legal challenge of province's pronoun policy can move forward
People hold signs while attending a rally against the Saskatchewan government's proposed legislation on pronoun policy in front of Saskatchewan legislature in Regina, on Tuesday, October 10, 2023. (THE CANADIAN PRESS/Heywood Yu) Saskatchewan's Court of Appeal has ruled that invoking the notwithstanding clause cannot stop a court from ruling whether a law violates the Charter. In a Monday decision on an appeal that saw a host of groups join as intervenors, the province's highest court determined a judge can hear the Charter case against Saskatchewan's controversial pronoun law — even if a King's Bench judge is barred from striking it down. Known as Bill 137 or the Parents' Bill of Rights, the legislation requires students under the age of 16 to have parental permission before they can change their pronouns or names in school. The court's decision will allow the UR Pride Centre for Sexuality and Gender Diversity to pursue whether the amendments to the province's education act violates two sections of the Charter, mainly the right to life, liberty, security of the person (Section 7) and equality rights (Section 15). The Government of Saskatchewan first introduced a pronoun policy in August of 2023 – which was legally challenged by UR Pride. The University of Regina-based centre requested and was granted a court injunction which halted the use of the policy. In response, the Government of Saskatchewan recalled the legislature in October of 2023 to enshrine the policy into law and stop the court challenge. In response, the Government of Saskatchewan recalled the legislature to enshrine the policy into law and stop the court challenge. Utilizing Section 33 of the Charter, otherwise known as the 'notwithstanding clause,' the government passed Bill 137 amid heavy criticism from advocacy groups and the Opposition NDP. UR Pride amended its legal challenge to say the law violated Section 12 of the Charter, which protects Canadians from cruel and unusual treatment or punishment. In February of 2024, a Court of King's Bench judge ruled that UR Pride's amended challenge should be heard. The province appealed that decision, arguing that since the original policy was no longer in place, and the law was protected by the notwithstanding clause, the question of whether the law violates the Charter rights of children was essentially irrelevant. Since the provincial government's constitutional maneuver to sidestep the ability of a court to strike the pronoun law down, the government's lawyers have argued it would be an abuse of process for a court to even hear the case or make a judgment on the potential Charter issues. During the two days of arguments, the Court of Appeal panel heard from nine interveners that supported a decision to continue the legal challenge against the bill – ranging from the Canadian Civil Liberties Association to the John Howard Society. The Governments of Alberta and New Brunswick served as intervenors on behalf of the provincial government. Monday's verdict will allow UR Pride's challenge to be heard at the Court of King's Bench at a later date — even though the law will remain in place regardless of what the court rules due to the protections of the notwithstanding clause. Reaction Egale Canada, which launched the legal challenge alongside UR Pride, shared its enthusiasm over the court's decision Monday. 'At the base of this case is a government policy that the Court of King's Bench found – on the basis of expert evidence – would cause irreparable harm to vulnerable young people in Saskatchewan," the organization shared. 'Rather than reverse course, the Government of Saskatchewan has doubled down at every turn, using the notwithstanding clause to intentionally limit the constitutional rights of youth, and implement a law that will cause them harm.' Egale ended off by urging the government to end its defence of 'harmful legislation' and to prioritize creating safe and welcome school environments. Organizations from across the province shared similar sentiments following the decision. 'Today sends a clear message: rights matter, children matter, and the Sask. Party government cannot simply legislate away accountability,' CUPE Sask. president Kent Peterson said in a statement. 'Instead of a serious response to tariffs, wildfires, or understaffed hospitals, the Sask. Party keeps fighting students and educators in court. Wasting hundreds of thousands - if not millions - of taxpayer dollars on this fight is bizarre,' SLF president Lori Johb said in her own news release.
CTV News
08-08-2025
- Climate
- CTV News
Wildfire smoke prompts air quality warnings in Manitoba, Saskatchewan
Broadway Bridge is enveloped by forest fire smoke in Saskatoon, Sask., on Sunday, September 3, 2023. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Heywood Yu Much of Manitoba and Saskatchewan remain under air quality warnings. Environment Canada says wildfire smoke continues to contribute to the very poor air quality in the region and could lead to reduced visibility in the coming days. The agency says the northwestern Manitoba city of Flin Flon is expected to see an air quality index of over 10 throughout Friday and Saturday. Environment Canada also says Manitoba's two largest cities, Brandon and Winnipeg, are forecast to see 'high risk' conditions throughout Friday. Several Saskatchewan communities are similarly affected by air quality warnings, including the northwestern city of Buffalo Narrows, which is expected to see 'very high risk' conditions. Environment Canada is advising people to limit the time they spend outdoors and consider postponing outdoor sports and activities. This report by The Canadian Press was first published Aug. 8, 2025.
CTV News
25-06-2025
- Business
- CTV News
Roughriders report $2.1M profit in 2024, highest merchandise revenues since 2018
A Saskatchewan Roughriders helmet is shown at Mosaic Stadium in Regina, on Friday, May 30, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Heywood Yu The Saskatchewan Roughriders are reporting strong financial results from its past fiscal year, with the team boasting an increase in gross revenue along with a net operating profit of $2.1 million. The club held its annual general meeting (AGM) on Tuesday for the fiscal year that ended on March 31. According to a report released from the organization, the Riders' total revenues for 2024-25 were $40.8 million, a 15 per cent increase from the previous fiscal year. Operating expenses were $38.7 million, up from $36.7 million the year prior, resulting in a net profit of more than $2 million. In 2023-24, the team reported a net loss of $1.1 million. The Riders are attributing its strong fiscal year to a better on-field performance, one that saw the team host a home playoff game, as well as strong merchandise sales with the release of the new obsidian green third jersey and alternate logo. Merchandise sales brought in revenues of $6.5 million, the highest since 2018, the team said. The team says it also saw an increase in gate receipts, going from $14,037,247 in 2023-24 to $14,358,495 in 2024-25. 'The increase was driven by record setting single game tickets including breaking the new Mosaic Stadium's single-game attendance record for the Labour Day Classic. These strong results were offset by a decrease in season tickets,' the team said in the report. Sponsorship revenues were also up, increasing from $8 million to $8.7 million, according to the report. The team also said it received $6.7 million in CFL distributions. An increase in expenses was primarily due to hosting a home playoff game and continued investment in football operations, the team said. 'Merchandise expenses increased related to an increase in merchandise costs associated with increased sales. Football operations increased, driven by player salaries, medical and equipment costs. Ticket office costs increased as a result of increased sales,' the team said in the report. Stadium rent also increased by its annual inflationary amount but was offset by the adjustment to previous rent amounts owing, which was agreed upon by the City of Regina relating to the pandemic, the report said. On the field the Riders have started the 2025 regular season 3-0. Following two road games they return home to host the B.C. Lions Saturday at 5 p.m. -More to come….
CTV News
20-05-2025
- CTV News
Man charged after pulling replica CO2 handgun on Saskatoon taxi driver: police
A Saskatoon Police Service badge is shown on an officer's uniform in Saskatoon on Friday, May 5, 2023. Police in Saskatoon are reporting a rather unusual case that saw them catch their suspect -- but lose their car. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Heywood Yu
Yahoo
15-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Trump's Tariffs May Risk Access to This Critical Mineral
A worker holds potash fertilizer at the Nutrien Cory potash mine in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, Canada, on Tuesday, Nov. 29, 2022. Credit - Heywood Yu—BloombergGetty Images As the U.S.-Canada trade war intensifies one of America's greatest vulnerabilities is an unassuming mineral: potash. As a key source of potassium, potash is essential to plant growth, boosting crop yields, and preventing soil depletion—making it irreplaceable in modern industrial farming and vital to global food security. Without it, agricultural output would plummet, driving up food prices and exacerbating shortages. Yet with few domestic sources, the U.S. imports over 80% of its supply from Canada—making the mineral a potential economic weapon for Canada. Recognizing this vulnerability, Ontario Premier Doug Ford has floated the idea of cutting off U.S. exports entirely in response to the Trump administration's promise of escalating tariffs. Even President Donald Trump has belatedly recognized the importance of Canadian potash. In Feb., he lowered his initial 25% tariff to 10%. Yet Trump's willingness to gamble with this critical resource stands in stark contrast to past leaders, who went to great lengths to secure these supplies. Potash, technically a term for a variety of potassium-rich minerals, became essential in the 19th century as industrialization drove the need for chemical fertilizers. With soils depleted by intensive farming, and populations growing rapidly in urban centers, agriculture could no longer rely solely on traditional methods for accessing potassium, such as crop rotation and wood ash. Potassium, along with nitrogen and phosphorus, became one of the three key nutrients in modern fertilizer, and demand for it soared. Germany, with vast deposits in places like Stassfurt, quickly became the dominant global supplier of potash. Long a pioneer in chemical fertilizer, Germany backed its industry with aggressive state intervention. In the early 20th century, the government forced all domestic producers into a centralized, state-supervised cartel. This allowed Germany to regulate output, fix prices, and undercut international competitors—consolidating near-total control over the global potash market and leaving other nations dangerously dependent. How Trump Revived Canada's Liberals The risks of this monopoly became clear during World War I, when Germany cut off exports to weaken the Allies. It worked. The price of potash soared fifteenfold. As countries scrambled by tapping into fertilizer reserves and using alternatives such as sea kelp, the embargo put a serious strain on global food supplies. Potash also was an essential ingredient in gunpowder, adding to the strain of the embargo. The wartime potash shortage left an indelible mark on other European nations, which emerged from the conflict determined to secure their own supplies. For France, the answer lay in Alsace—a region it had previously controlled and the location of a major potash mine once integrated into the German cartel. When Alsace was returned to French control under the Treaty of Versailles, French authorities quickly seized the mine and took over operations, transforming it into a reliable domestic source and a safeguard against future foreign dependence. Britain, however, had no such ready solution. Lacking domestic reserves, its leaders looked farther afield—to the Dead Sea, whose mineral-rich salts contained one of the world's most promising untapped sources of potash. The region around the Dead Sea (part of the Ottoman Empire prior to WWI) held enormous economic appeal for imperial powers; a 1929 New York Times article estimated the Dead Sea's salts to be worth a staggering $100 to $200 billion—in 1925 dollars. One member of the UK's House of Lords, Viscount Templeton even described the Dead Sea, Haifa Bay, and the Jordan Valley as a 'unique industrial trilogy,' arguing that their value made 'permanent British control' essential. The economic promise of Dead Sea potash played a key role in Britain's insistence on governing Palestine after World War I. But extracting the mineral posed a challenge. Elsewhere, potash was mined from rock, while its viability as a large-scale waterborne extract remained uncertain. Rather than take on the financial risk directly, Britain sought private investors, offering a monopoly concession to exploit the Dead Sea's resources—a move that would allow private capital to absorb the risk while the empire reaped the benefits. The strongest bid for the Dead Sea potash concession came from Moshe Novomesky, a Siberian engineer and the only applicant with a proven extraction method. Backed by deep-pocketed New York investors from the Palestine Economic Corporation, Novomesky had already built a small experimental plant that successfully demonstrated a low-cost process for extraction that relied on solar evaporation of Dead Sea waters. His results convinced British officials in Palestine that he was the best choice to secure this critical resource. Yet Novomesky's bid also posed a problem: he was Jewish and an active Zionist. British officials fearedhis loyalties lay more with the Zionist movement than the Empire—a concern that blended legitimate strategic considerations with antisemitic suspicions of Jewish disloyalty. More pressing, they worried that granting such a lucrative concession to a Zionist would inflame Arab opposition. To ease British concerns, Novomesky partnered with several respected British citizens—Major Thomas Gregorie Tulloch, and Victor Bulwer-Lytton, the second Earl of Lytton—and agreed to various export and production guarantees. While this reassured London of his loyalty, it did little to address the second problem. Still, the value of an independent potash supply outweighed the risks. Despite significant parliamentary pushback, Britain awarded Novomesky the concession, convinced he was the best option to develop the resource. Why Trump's Tariffs Could Raise Grocery Prices That decision proved economically sound for the British. Novomesky's company, Palestine Potash Limited, exceeded its production quotas, vindicating British faith in his methods. But fears of unrest were well-founded. As historian Jacob Norris has shown, Palestinian Arabs viewed the concession as yet another example of British favoritism toward Zionists and a plundering of their country's resources, fueling nationalist anger and Palestinian unrest. Britain even faced the threat of embarrassing potential legal challenges to the concession in The Hague. Yet, despite the backlash, the government held firm and Britain's gamble paid off when World War II broke out. As Germany once again cut off potash exports, Britain invoked an emergency clause in Novomesky's concession, diverting nearly all Dead Sea production to the Empire. What had once been a geopolitical risk—investing in a Zionist-led extraction enterprise—became a strategic advantage, ensuring Britain's uninterrupted supply of a critical wartime resource. While the conflict devastated numerous supply lines worldwide, Britain had secured its potash lifeline. The lesson? The British Empire understood that securing a reliable supply of potash was essential to its survival. So essential that it subordinated other national goals to ensure access to the mineral—a kind of Britain First policy. While Britain's rule in Palestine is rarely judged a success, its decision to prioritize potash helped Britain safeguarded its supply. In contrast, Trump appears willing to gamble with the U.S. supply of potash, even as major alternative producers—Russia, Belarus, and China—pose geopolitical challenges. Meanwhile, Israel, a U.S. ally, supplies only 5% of the global market, and its reserves, still harvested through Novomesky's solar evaporation method, are literally drying up. Jacob Beckert is a doctoral candidate at the University of Washington, Seattle, where he researches American investment in Mandatory Palestine and its ties to capitalism and conflict in the region. Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Learn more about Made by History at TIME here. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors. Contact us at letters@
