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The Print
3 days ago
- Politics
- The Print
Bengal had a real chance at Hindu-Muslim unity before Partition. It was Syama-Huq govt
Such depictions are not totally correct. They tend to ignore the actual context of Syama Prasad's views and politics, and the fact that he was essentially a secularist who believed in sectarian harmony, but not at the cost of the majority. As a prominent leader of the Hindu Mahasabha, he vociferously opposed the politics of the Muslim League, the principal mover behind the creation of Pakistan. This has been taken to indicate that he mirrored the communal politics of the League. The dominant narrative on the Indian nationalist movement, both in India and in Western academia, has been to portray Bharatiya Jan Sangh founder Syama Prasad Mookerjee as a communalist. This is due largely to the fact that after 1946, when the Partition of India was beginning to look more like a reality than before, he vocally called for the separation of the Hindu-dominated areas of undivided Bengal into a separate province of India. A relook at Bengal's last secular government before Partition is required. Also Read: Syama Prasad Mookerjee — the BJP ideologue whose political ideas find echo even today Syama-Huq alliance Recent interest in the politics of pre-Partition Bengal largely revolves around the tragic killings and riots of Direct Action Day (August 1946), and the increasing communal polarisation that accompanied the rise of the Muslim League, which ultimately led to the Partition of the province. Yet, an often overlooked aspect is the effort at communal unity through the formation of the Progressive Coalition government in December 1941. Syama Prasad Mookerjee's coalition government with AK Fazlul Huq, formed that same month, was the last combined Hindu-Muslim provincial government in undivided Bengal. It was a sincere attempt to dilute the hate-filled politics of the Muslim League and its Bengal leadership—particularly that of HS Suhrawardy, later infamous for his role in the Calcutta riots of 1946. Popularly known as the 'Syama-Huq ministry', this alliance—formed while the Second World War was raging in Europe and had reached Southeast Asia—comprised five Muslim and four Hindu ministers. Headed by Huq as premier and with Syama Prasad holding the finance portfolio, it was a genuine effort at communal harmony. Functioning as a loose legislative assembly bloc, the Progressive Coalition prevented the complete vacating of administrative and political space to the divisive politics of the Muslim League. Though Huq also had earlier ties with the Muslim League, his own Krishak Praja Party (KPP) served as an effective secular counterpoise to its vigorous sectarian activities. A secular push against odds While Huq was not without his shortcomings, joining his government was the last chance Bengal had at Hindu-Muslim governmental unity without the League's divisive politics. The League was set on an agenda of communalising the Calcutta Municipal Corporation, as well as Calcutta University, and on dominating the educational, governmental, and administrative apparatus to Islamise Bengal and steer it on a separatist track. In Bengal, the growth of communal Muslim politics was mainly owing to an alliance between elite landowning groups and a vast Muslim peasantry. The Congress, meanwhile, represented the professional middle classes and the largely Hindu zamindari landowners. From the 1930s onwards, however, the rise of Huq's Krishak Praja Party, which championed the interests of rural Muslim peasants in eastern Bengal, brought a new twist to the political paradigm. At the forefront of Huq's agenda was the abolition of zamindari landholdings, which made his tie-up with the Muslim League difficult to sustain. Though the League and KPP formed the first provincial government in 1937, the internal contradictions of class interest quickly made the alliance turbulent. Although elected as a Congress member to the Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1929, Syama Prasad was independent-minded and increasingly diverged from his party's line, especially on Bengal politics. A pragmatist, he had possibly realised that the only way to prevent the ceding of legislative and administrative space to the Muslim League was to ally with Huq when the League-KPP government collapsed in 1941. He was also determined to stymie the increasingly divisive role played by the colonial British rulers, who pandered to the Muslim League. Measures such as the Communal Award of 1932—which ostensibly sought to expand electoral rights by granting separate representation to different Indian communities— ended up deepening fissures on religious lines. In a province like Bengal, where elite landowners and the urban professional class were predominantly Hindu, while the Muslim population was mostly agrarian, this had serious ramifications for communal unity. At a time when Congress had officially resigned from government, it was Syama Prasad's prescience that ensured at least an effort was made to build a non-League political formation. In an assembly of 250 seats, this alliance commanded a sizeable majority. The Bengal Congress did not oppose the government, but stayed neutral. To his credit, Syama Prasad had recognised the League's long game. With Congress absent from governance, he played a major part in keeping the non-League coalition alive and ensured Hindu interests were not overlooked. However, the Muslim League, led in the Assembly by Khwaja Nazimuddin but directed behind the scenes by Suhrawardy, launched a campaign accusing Huq of 'betrayal of the Muslim cause'. 'Doctrine of benevolent trusteeship stands exploded' The government did not last beyond a year, brought down by the shrill opposition of the Muslim League, aided by the tacit support of the British colonial governor, JA Herbert. With his help, the League started a mass offensive to discredit the Progressive Coalition. Suhrawardy, in particular, tried to turn Muslim students against Huq and stir communal hatred through 'Kafela' tours , according to contemporary sources as well as academic works like Muslim Politics In Bengal (1937-1947) by Shila Sen. League mouthpieces like The Star of India, Azad, and The Morning News upped their inflammatory rhetoric, branding Huq a 'ghaddar'—traitor. Despite the unrest being created by the League, Governor Herbert refused to heed warnings from even senior British ICS officers in the districts, reportedly saying, 'It would be inexpedient at present to restrain Suhrawardy'. Increasingly frustrated by British policies and disregard, Syama Prasad resigned from the government on 16 November 1942. In his resignation letter to Herbert, he stated in unequivocal terms: 'You, as Provincial Governor… have interfered with the work of the Ministry and have rendered so-called provincial autonomy into a meaningless farce. The doctrine of benevolent trusteeship stands exploded and you can no longer throw dust into our eyes.' Also Read: Lion of Bengal AK Fazlul Huq eclipsed Jinnah, fought for tenant farmers What history forgets Revisiting this period of Bengal's history is important for several reasons. Firstly, a rebalancing of historiography is essential. While it is true that academic histories are often rooted in what EH Carr designated as the 'historian's craft' to cherry-pick historical facts, present-day researchers need to take into account the entire context of tumultuous events. Secondly, ordinary readers must also make greater efforts to understand the entire backdrop before arriving at conclusions. For this, an exhaustive reading of a variety of sources presenting diverse views is required. Thirdly, instead of creating artificial binaries between 'academic' and 'popular' histories, the quest should be to refer to as many records and documents of an era as are available. If popular history is able to do so, and also bring greater ease and clarity to mass audiences in understanding complex events, it should be encouraged rather than denigrated. There could be no better way to honour a stalwart nationalist leader like Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee than by diligently searching for the whole historical truth, not fragments of it. As India stands on the cusp of 80 years of independence, it needs to confront its past with confidence, and not treat history as a mere project. Sayantani Gupta Jafa is a writer and policy analyst. She has served as a civil servant with the Government of India in cross-functional areas, including environmental sustainability. Views are personal. (Edited by Asavari Singh)
Hans India
3 days ago
- Politics
- Hans India
Rahul has not produced single explosive proof: BJP MP
Bengaluru: Rahul Gandhi drops an 'atom bomb' of allegations, but can't produce a single explosive proof, BJP MP of Bangalore Central parliamentary constituency, P C Mohan, said on Thursday. It is in the Mahadevapura Assembly segment of his constituency, Congress leader claims, that 1,00,250 votes were 'stolen'. Mohan said, BJP won in Mahadevapura, a Hindu-dominated segment, because Hindus voted decisively against dynasty, appeasement, and entitlement. Earlier in the day, Rahul Gandhi cited an analysis of data from Bangalore Central Lok Sabha constituency to make claims of 'huge criminal fraud' in 2024 polls, perpetrated by the BJP through the Election Commission. The Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha said that the Congress analysed the voter data of the Lok Sabha constituency of Bangalore Central and the Mahadevapura Assembly segment in it. He claimed that approximately 1,00,250 votes were 'stolen' in the Mahadevapura assembly segment. 'Rahul Gandhi drops an atom bomb of allegations, but still can't produce a single explosive proof. If 1,00,250 votes were stolen in Mahadevapura, why wasn't a case filed in court within 45 days instead of holding a press conference one year later? This is just another drama,' Mohan said.
Hindustan Times
3 days ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Bengaluru traffic restrictions: Roads to avoid today for Rahul Gandhi's ‘vote theft' rally
As Congress leader Rahul Gandhi prepares to address a massive rally in Bengaluru today over alleged voter fraud in the 2024 general elections, the city police have issued a traffic advisory, warning of disruptions and temporary parking bans across major routes. Commuters are advised to use alternative routes during these hours. 'Public are requested to co-operate.(PTI) In anticipation of a VVIP visit, Bengaluru Traffic Police have prohibited parking and urged commuters to avoid key arterial roads at two specific intervals on Thursday. (Also Read: Tyres punctured, windshield smeared: Bengaluru doctor's car vandalised for parking 'lawfully') Roads to avoid: 10.30 am to 11.30 am: Old Airport Road MG Road Cubbon Road 3.30 pm to 4.30 pm: Old Airport Road MG Road Cubbon Road Commuters are advised to use alternative routes during these hours. 'Public are requested to co-operate,' the advisory stated. Rahul Gandhi alleges 'vote theft' in Mahadevapura Earlier in the day, Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of orchestrating what he called a "huge criminal fraud" in the Bangalore Central Lok Sabha constituency, specifically pointing to Mahadevapura Assembly segment, where he claimed over 1,00,250 votes were "stolen" in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Calling it a 'vote chori' (vote theft) operation, the Congress leader alleged that the fraud was carried out with the help of the Election Commission. He claimed that the data analysis carried out by the Congress revealed major discrepancies in voter rolls that favoured the BJP. Responding sharply, BJP MP from Bangalore Central, P C Mohan, dismissed the allegations as baseless and dramatic. 'Rahul Gandhi drops an atom bomb of allegations, but still can't produce a single explosive proof,' said Mohan, who is serving his fourth term. Mohan questioned the timing of the Congress claims. 'If 1,00,250 votes were stolen in Mahadevapura, why wasn't a case filed in court within 45 days instead of holding a press conference one year later?' he asked. Defending the BJP's win in the Mahadevapura segment, which he described as 'Hindu-dominated', Mohan said voters had decisively rejected 'dynasty, appeasement, and entitlement.' He accused Rahul Gandhi of disrespecting voters, saying, 'To him, any minority-heavy seat must belong to Congress. The problem is not fraud. The problem is the verdict.' Mohan further stated that electoral rolls were shared with all parties during the Special Summary Revision of 2024, and no objections were raised by Congress before or after final publication. 'Now, after losing Bangalore Central, they cry about vote theft at a press conference,' he said.
Scroll.in
27-07-2025
- Politics
- Scroll.in
Ramachandra Guha: It is time for India to redeem its betrayed promises to Jammu and Kashmir
In August 2015 – almost exactly ten years ago – I visited the Kashmir Valley, and spoke to a cross-section of people from different walks of life. One of them was the journalist, Shujaat Bukhari. In January 2015, I had bumped into Bukhari in a Delhi bookshop, and he urged me to visit his home state. When I turned up in Srinagar later in the year, we had a long, and for me, most educative discussion about Kashmir past and present. As I prepared to leave, Bukhari remarked, half-jokingly, that he was grateful that, unlike the government of India, which had left unhonoured almost all the promises it made to Kashmiris down the decades, I had kept my word to him and come. In June 2018, Shujaat Bukhari was tragically murdered by assailants whose identities and motives remain unknown. The following year, the government of India abrogated Article 370, in a legal sleight-of-hand whereby an unelected governor was deemed to represent the democratic will of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. For the first time in the history of independent India, a full-fledged state of the republic was downgraded to a mere Union territory. The home ministry then appointed a Bharatiya Janata Party loyalist as lieutenant governor. A betrayal The abrogation of Article 370 was a betrayal of a constitutional promise made to the people of Jammu and Kashmir. However, it was not entirely unanticipated, since it was now the BJP and not the Congress that was in power in New Delhi, and the party had long advocated the junking of Article 370. Notably, while annulling the Act, the government of India did make a fresh promise in Parliament – that it would restore full statehood to Jammu and Kashmir. It is now almost six years since that promise was made, and there is no sign of it being honoured. This delay is not a case of bureaucratic apathy but of malign political intent. The Narendra Modi-Amit Shah government allocated just one month for the revision of the electoral rolls in Bihar. In Jammu and Kashmir, whose population is one-tenth of that of Bihar, it took them five years to organise elections. There was a reallocation of assembly constituencies which favoured Hindu-dominated Jammu at the expense of Muslim-dominated Kashmir. In Kashmir itself, the BJP sought to promote a third, and even a fourth, party as alternatives to the National Conference and the Peoples Democratic Party. The press within Kashmir was muzzled, with independent-minded journalists being harassed by the police, arrested, or forced into exile. In the event, all these efforts by the BJP to manipulate the electoral process to its advantage failed. The National Conference, a party which Vajpayee's BJP was in partnership with but which Modi's BJP detests, won a comfortable overall majority in the assembly. Several months before the elections, the Supreme Court had called for the restoration of statehood in Jammu and Kashmir. But once the results came in, and the Jammu and Kashmir unit of the BJP had to sit in the Opposition, there was little incentive for Modi and Shah to heed its call. Jammu and Kashmir now has an elected chief minister, Omar Abdullah. In an important symbolic act, the National Conference appointed its sole Hindu MLA as deputy chief minister. But with all effective decision-making in the hands of an unelected lieutenant governor, the chief minister and his cabinet can do little to move Jammu and Kashmir in the direction of peace and prosperity. Since he took office as chief minister, Omar Abdullah had largely chosen the path of reconciliation, even deference, over confrontation. He eschewed direct criticism of the lieutenant governor, while politely pleading with the Union government to restore statehood. Earlier this month, however, Abdullah was compelled to take on the lieutenant governor directly. On July 13, 1931, some 21 Kashmiris protesting against the autocratic rule of Maharaja Hari Singh were killed by the Maharaja's police. Ever since, July 13 is commemorated as Martyrs' Day in the Valley, much as January 30, the day that Mahatma Gandhi was murdered in 1948, is marked as Martyrs' Day in other parts of India. This past July 13, however, Kashmiris of all political tendencies were prohibited by the lieutenant governor from any commemoration of the event. After being confined by the police to his house on July 13, the next day, the chief minister defied the lieutenant governor by climbing over a fence and paying his respects to the martyrs in the cemetery in which they were buried. Till August 5, 2019, July 13 was a public holiday in Jammu and Kashmir. However, after the state became a Union territory, it was removed from the list of holidays. Instead, the birthday of Maharaja Hari Singh was made a public holiday. This was an act of spite, and possibly also of majoritarian intent. After being denied permission to visit the cemetery, Omar Abdullah tweeted: '13th July massacre is our Jallianwala Bagh. The people who laid down their lives did so against the British. Kashmir was being ruled under the British Paramountcy. What a shame that true heroes who fought against British rule in all its forms are today projected as villains only because they were Muslims.' While the first sentence quoted here is somewhat hyperbolic, the other sentences ring true. Between 1857 and 1947, all Maharajas and Nawabs, almost without exception, were British toadies. And even by the standards of princely India, Hari Singh was a thoroughgoing autocrat. However, that he was a Hindu, and those protesting his autocratic rule were largely Muslim, may be behind the revision of the list of public holidays in Jammu and Kashmir. The refusal to grant statehood is a betrayal of a solemn promise made by the Modi-Shah government. Yet the ill-treatment of the Kashmiris extends beyond this issue, while responsibility for this ill-treatment also lies with Indians outside of government. On August 12, 2019, Mukesh Ambani, the chairman of Reliance Industries, promised that his group would set up a 'special task force' to make a series of investments in Jammu and Kashmir. There is no sign of that happening yet. Nor have other Indian companies taken up the baton. Industrial investments in Jammu and Kashmir are meagre, leading to an ever-increasing exodus of the best and brightest, as captured in a recent report in the Deccan Herald newspaper, which documents how 'across villages, towns and cities in Kashmir, young professionals, graduates, and even school students are slowly turning away – not just from home, but from hope'. Also culpable are the Indian media. In my experience, the most reliable information on Jammu and Kashmir comes from reporters on the ground, usually writing for newspapers and websites that are not headquartered in the National Capital Region. In the matter of Kashmir especially, the 'godi media' in the NCR fully lives up to its lapdog status, with newspapers suppressing reports that might show the Union government in a poor light, and television channels actively promoting falsehoods, as when a peace-loving Indian citizen of Poonch, who died in shelling from across the border, was demonised as a 'Pakistani terrorist'. In everything they have done – and not done – since August 5, 2019, the Union government has made it manifest that it wants Kashmiris to be submissive and docile subjects, not free and self-respecting citizens. Tragically, the aam aadmi of peninsular India have, in deplorably large numbers, likewise displayed their hostility towards the people of Kashmir. Unceasing demonisation The manner in which Kashmiri students in other states were abused and made to flee their colleges in the wake of the Pahalgam terror attack, the lack of gratitude to the Kashmiris who acted with such exemplary bravery and decency to rescue tourists and take them to safety, the regular and unceasing demonisation of Kashmiris on social media, speak of a mindset in which too many Hindus either unconsciously or willingly project our Kashmiri fellow citizens as disloyal and unreliable only because they are Muslims by faith. Pakistan may have once had a tenuous legal case when it came to Kashmir, yet by its regular, sustained, and cynical promotion of terrorists and terrorism, it has long since abrogated any claim to the territory and its people. However, for Indians to make their own case more robust and more credible, more worthy of themselves and the values they claim to uphold, it is past time that we begin redeeming promises made by successive governments to the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Restoring statehood, and doing so immediately, is a necessary first step. At the same time, we shall have to do much more to make Kashmir and Kashmiris feel properly and honourably part of the Republic of India.
Time of India
22-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Temple politics in Bengal: How Mamata Banerjee is trying to counter BJP's 'Jai Ma Kali' push
NEW DELHI: Chief minister Mamata Banerjee, who is often accused of appeasement politics by her opponents, seems to be charting new waters to take on the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as the political temperatures rise ahead of the 2026 West Bengal assembly election. In the recent bypoll in Nadia's Kaliganj assembly segment, BJP, which although lost the election, felt that the party had significant takeaway from the results - consolidation of Hindu votes. "We have been able to reap the benefits of assimilating Hindu votes in the region. The effort has paid off since we have received an overwhelming majority of votes from Hindu-dominated areas like Palassey," Suvendu Adhikari, leader of opposition, said. This perhaps explains Mamata's recent visible tilt towards soft Hindutva as she tries to do a course correction. With the grand inauguration of Rs 250 crore Jagannath Dham in April, and now the announcement of 'Durga Angan' project, Mamata is signaling a deliberate recalibration of her ideological narrative, long dominated by BJP. The 'Durga Angan' gambit With the 2026 West Bengal assembly elections looming, the chief minister has moved to the heart of the state's cultural and religious identity with her announcement to create 'Durga Angan', a grand year-round temple complex dedicated to Ma Durga. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Here's The Estimated Cost of a 1-day Walk-in Shower Upgrade Homebuddy Learn More Undo "Just as we developed Jagannath Dham, we will create 'Durga Angan' so that people can visit and experience it throughout the year," the TMC chief said. Interestingly, the announcement comes at a time when BJP is swiftly invoking Bengal centric religious symbols like 'Jai Ma Kali' and 'Jai Ma Durga' in its campaign narrative. On July 18, Prime Minister Narendra Modi invoked the Goddesses at the beginning of his speech in Durgapur as he said that BJP is the only party that truly respects and protects Bengali 'ashmita' (pride). Later Banerjee, targeting PM directly during Martyrs' Day rally asked: "Why is it that you suddenly start remembering Ma Kali and Ma Durga only during the elections? Ma Durga is our revered goddess, and Durga Puja has even received international recognition as an Intangible Cultural Heritage. Now listen, just as we developed Jagannath Dham, we will create 'Durga Angan' so that people can visit and experience it throughout the year. " The CM, however, gave no timeline or details of the project. BJP slams TMC's Hindu symbolism Soon after Mamata's announcement, BJP slammed the decision as unconstitutional, alleging misuse of public funds to promote religion and branding it a political ploy to woo Hindu votes traditionally gravitating toward BJP. Suvendu Adhikari, leader of the opposition in the West Bengal assembly, asked, "No religious institution - temple, mosque, church or gurudwara - can be built using taxpayers' money." He accused Mamata of misusing public funds and ignoring constitutional benchmarks. He further added, "She hasn't read the Constitution, nor does she understand her own religion. She must educate herself before making such statements." TMC defends its faith credentials TMC spokesperson Riju Dutta, in rebuttal, pointed out Mamata Banerjee's long-standing spiritual affinity and said, "She performed Kali Puja at home even before entering politics. Building temples like Jagannath Dham or Durga Angan stems from genuine faith." He also cited prior state support for thousands of grassroots Durga Pujas and securing a Unesco heritage tag for the festival as evidence of the TMC's longstanding cultural engagement. "She has supported thousands of grassroots Durga Pujas with financial grants and helped secure UNESCO's heritage tag for the festival. She even organises the annual Durga Puja Carnival. Does that not count? BJP mocks Jagannath Dham as a 'theme park' and now questions her faith, people will judge them," he added. Why temple projects matter for TMC In West Bengal, the BJP election campaigns have focused on alleged Muslim appeasement by TMC, drawing support from Hindu voters. This has been especially effective in districts such as Murshidabad, Malda, Nadia, and North 24 Parganas. As Mamata government fights the aftermath of recent riots in Murshidabad, rapes in Kolkata medical college and B-school, the temple projects help TMC's double strategy of blending soft Hindutva symbolism with welfare-centric politics. These moves also come at a time when BJP has brought in Samik Bhattacharya, a staunch party loyalist with deep RSS roots to lead BJP state unit president marking a strategic move by the central leadership to stabilise the state unit amid internal rifts and prepare it for the 2026 Assembly elections. Since the BJP's 2021 assembly poll defeat, the organisation has suffered desertions, infighting, and setbacks in the 2023 Panchayat polls, 2024 Lok Sabha elections and recent bypoll in Kaliganj. In the 2021 assembly elections, TMC secured 48.02% vote share and 215 out of 292 seats, while BJP captured 37.97% but only 77 seats. In the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, TMC won 29 of 42 seats with approximately 45.76% vote share, up from around 43.3% in 2019; BJP fell to 12 seats with 38.73%, from 40.7% in 2019. While TMC retains advantage, Mamata's recent turn toward Hindu imagery appears bipartisan in purpose: a fence-mending strategy with Hindu voters while reinforcing her base among minority groups and welfare beneficiaries. As Banerjee positions herself at the cross-section of symbolism and state resources, her gamble may well be to preempt BJP's Hindutva allure. For now, the electoral arithmetic still favors TMC, but the game is tightening. In Bengal's increasingly polarised politics, religious symbolism is now a shared battlefield, and Mamata is choosing to play offense.
