logo
#

Latest news with #InSightCrime

Gunfire and gold: How Venezuela is using criminal gangs in border conflict with Guyana
Gunfire and gold: How Venezuela is using criminal gangs in border conflict with Guyana

Miami Herald

time2 days ago

  • Politics
  • Miami Herald

Gunfire and gold: How Venezuela is using criminal gangs in border conflict with Guyana

A burst of gunfire shattered the stillness along the Cuyuní River when soldiers from the Guyana Defense Force came under attack while navigating a remote jungle waterway near the settlement of Eteringbang — deep within the mineral-rich Essequibo region, a territory claimed by both Guyana and Venezuela. The ambush, launched on May 13 from the Venezuelan side of the border, was the first of three coordinated attacks over a 24-hour period. Guyanese troops returned fire and withdrew without casualties. But the rapid succession of assaults has fueled mounting fears that the regime of Nicolás Maduro is using criminal proxies to destabilize the long-disputed region. Analysts and Guyanese officials increasingly see the attacks not as isolated gang violence, but as part of a broader, state-sanctioned campaign. A newly released report by InSight Crime argues that Venezuela is forging a dangerous alliance between organized crime and political ambition to assert control over the Essequibo. 'Maduro has long used allied criminal groups, with whom he operates symbiotically under his hybrid state, to achieve his goals,' the report states. These groups, it adds, 'with strong connections to Venezuela's government and a shared interest in profitable gold mining, could have significant incentives to back Maduro's claim to Essequibo.' As the international community monitors the escalating tensions, the Essequibo conflict is fast emerging as South America's next major flashpoint. The volatile mix of gold, guns, and geopolitics presents not only a test of Guyana's resilience — but a challenge to regional stability. The stakes are high. The Florida-sized Essequibo region covers nearly two-thirds of Guyana's territory and holds vast reserves of oil, gold and other minerals. Venezuela has long claimed the land as its own, despite a 1899 international arbitration award that recognized it as part of Guyana. While Venezuela's long-standing claim to the mineral-rich Essequibo dates back more than 180 years, the dispute has intensified in light of rising gold prices and Maduro's use of nationalist rhetoric to bolster support amid domestic issues and international sanctions. In December 2023, Maduro held a national referendum seeking public approval to use military force to seize the region. His government claimed 98% support, despite widespread allegations of electoral fraud. Also stoking tensions is ExxonMobil's offshore drilling in waters claimed by both nations. In February, a Venezuelan warship entered the disputed maritime zone, threatening the oil giant's operations. The U.S. responded swiftly, with Secretary of State Marco Rubio issuing a stark warning. 'It would be a very bad day for the Venezuelan regime if they attacked Guyana or ExxonMobil,' Rubio said. 'We have a large navy, and it can reach almost anywhere in the world. And we have ongoing commitments to Guyana.' Reacting to U.S. commitments to side with Guyana in the event of an armed conflict, Venezuelan Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino López has accused the Trump administration of plotting to overthrow Maduro to seize the Essequibo. During a recent televised speech, Padrino called the territory a 'spoil of war' for American interests. In a symbolic but provocative move, Venezuela held regional elections on May 25 to name a governor for 'Guayana Esequiba,' Caracas' term for the disputed territory. Though voting occurred solely within Venezuelan borders, the act was a clear assertion of sovereignty. The elected governor, Admiral Neil Villamizar, vowed to extend administrative oversight to the disputed region — and quickly received Maduro's endorsement. Beneath the political theatrics lies a more troubling trend: the quiet incursion of Venezuelan criminal organizations — known locally as sindicatos — into Guyanese territory. These groups, which have long operated with impunity in Venezuela's Bolívar state on the Guyanese border, are now establishing illegal checkpoints along the Cuyuní River, extorting money from miners and traders and asserting control in areas with minimal government presence. Among the most prominent groups are Organización R — a mining syndicate with diminishing political clout in Caracas — and the Claritas Sindicato, reportedly linked to the powerful Tren de Aragua gang. Authorities have also reported sightings of ELN guerrillas, a Colombian-Venezuelan insurgent faction, operating near key Guyanese border towns. The criminal infiltration is not new. Since the creation in 2016 of the Orinoco Mining Arc — a huge area in Venezuela set apart by the regime for mining operations — illegal mining and organized crime have flourished in the southern part of the country, often with military protection. These groups control mining, smuggling routes, taxation systems, and even forced labor in Bolívar state. Now, their model appears to be expanding across the border into Essequibo. Guyanese officials say cross-border incursions have surged since 2022, with some frontier zones effectively under the control of foreign criminal networks. The consequences stretch beyond security. Gold smuggling is on the rise, fueling concerns over laundering and evasion of international sanctions. Though Guyana is a legal gold exporter, official production has declined even as suspicions of illicit shipments grow. In 2024, the U.S. Treasury Department sanctioned Mohamed's Enterprise — one of Guyana's largest gold firms — for allegedly bribing customs officials and failing to report exports. While Venezuelan gold wasn't explicitly cited, reporting by Reuters and InfoAmazonia suggests the company may have laundered smuggled Venezuelan gold through Guyana and into international markets, including Dubai in the United Arab Emirates. 'There's no way to distinguish gold from Guyana and Venezuela once it's refined,' said Guyana Natural Resources Minister Vickram Bharrat. 'That's the real challenge.' As Venezuela's economy withers and Maduro's legitimacy erodes after contested 2024 elections, the Essequibo dispute has become a political pressure valve. By stirring nationalist fervor and outsourcing conflict to criminal networks, Maduro avoids direct military confrontation — while escalating pressure on Guyana. Guyana's military, with just over 4,000 troops, is stretched thin across a dense jungle frontier spanning more than 160,000 square kilometers. Once a natural boundary, the Cuyuní River has become a contested corridor patrolled by syndicates armed with assault rifles. With a ruling on the border dispute from the International Court of Justice is expected later this year, the situation is reaching a critical juncture. What began as a legal dispute over colonial maps is now unfolding in riverside ambushes, illicit checkpoints and territorial extortion.

Former DHS Official Says Relatives of 'El Chapo' May Seek U.S. Protections Under Humanitarian Parole Program
Former DHS Official Says Relatives of 'El Chapo' May Seek U.S. Protections Under Humanitarian Parole Program

Int'l Business Times

time15-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Int'l Business Times

Former DHS Official Says Relatives of 'El Chapo' May Seek U.S. Protections Under Humanitarian Parole Program

A former Department of Homeland Security official says the recent surrender of several relatives of Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán to U.S. authorities may be tied to a humanitarian parole program offered as part of Ovidio Guzmán López's plea agreement—potentially paving the way for more family members to come to the United States in the future. In a recent interview, Oscar Hagelsieb, former head of Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, said the 17 members of the Guzmán family who crossed into the United States earlier this month "won't be the last." Hagelsieb also said that, unlike in cases involving figures such as Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada and Rafael Caro Quintero, the relatives of Ovidio "El Ratón" Guzmán are expected to receive several protections typically granted to individuals admitted under humanitarian parole. In an interview with investigative journalist Luis Chaparro, Hagelsieb said negotiations like this don't happen overnight. "The agreement talks began almost a year ago," Hagelsieb said. "They offered protection not only to the sons of El Chapo—they offered it to a lot of people." According to the former DHS official, there was a long-term strategy within the Sinaloa Cartel to protect certain members of the family, particularly El Chapo's younger sons. The plan involved the selective sharing of information, restructuring of the cartel, and family protection. In the interview reported by Infobae México , Hagelsieb also suggested that other key associates of the Sinaloa Cartel—such as the armed wing known as Los Salazar—were reportedly given "permission" to cooperate with U.S. authorities in exchange for protection for their inner circle. According to InSight Crime , Los Salazar functions as an armed wing of Los Chapitos and controls drug and migrant trafficking routes through Sonora and parts of Chihuahua. Its founder, Adán Salazar Zamorano, joined the Sinaloa cartel decades ago as a deputy to Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán. Humanitarian parole According to the U.S. Department of Justice, humanitarian parole is granted only in exceptional cases, typically for urgent humanitarian reasons or when there is a significant public benefit. Individuals who cooperate with the U.S. government may be eligible for a range of benefits, provided their cooperation is considered both valuable and verifiable. Among these benefits is humanitarian parole itself, which allows legal entry into the country for individuals who would otherwise be deemed inadmissible. In some cases, it also includes relocation to secure areas to protect witnesses and their families. Cooperating individuals may be given new identities to conceal their pasts, along with temporary financial support to help them begin new lives. This support can include housing, education and, in some cases, medical assistance. In certain instances, individuals may also be allowed to retain some assets, as long as those assets are considered clean and not directly tied to criminal activity. As Hagelsieb notes, more of El Chapo's relatives are expected to surrender to U.S. authorities in the coming weeks in hopes of receiving these types of protections. Meanwhile, Ovidio is expected to plead guilty to drug trafficking and money laundering charges during a court hearing in Chicago on July 9. His brother, Joaquín, is reportedly engaged in similar negotiations with U.S. prosecutors. Originally published on Latin Times

Mexican officer killed in ambush died symbol of fight against cartels
Mexican officer killed in ambush died symbol of fight against cartels

The Herald Scotland

time03-05-2025

  • The Herald Scotland

Mexican officer killed in ambush died symbol of fight against cartels

The killings in the city of Temixco - typically a peaceful place - came during the 10th anniversary week of the downing of the helicopter, blamed on Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generacion, known as CJNG. The cartel is one of the most militant in Mexico, turning territories they control into warzones through use of rudimentary tanks, roadside bombs and disappearances. "If it was CJNG, it's a very symbolic demonstration of power," Victoria Dittmar, an expert on Mexican cartels with InSight Crime, a group that does research on organized crime. "It's now the headline on every newspaper in the country." The attack comes amid ongoing brazen strikes against Mexican authorities that began with cartel soldiers gunning down the helicopter carrying Morales in 2015. CJNG's attack on the helicopter came when authorities were on a mission to capture the group's elusive leader Ruben "Nemesio" Osegura-Cervantes, known as "El Mencho." Authorities never expected such a direct attack on the military and it was seen as a watershed moment. A decade later, attacks on Mexican soldiers and police have become common in areas CJNG controls. "The group is not weaker than before, if anything it's stronger and we're still seeing expressions of this very direct violence against the state," Dittmar told USA TODAY. "They have been developing their arsenal with IEDs and have been attacking the Mexican army, forcing them to retreat from certain areas." Morales is survived by a 9-year-old boy and a 4-year-old girl. Officer recounts surviving chopper attack Morales was a police officer when cartel members gunned down the chopper he was aboard. His survival made him an icon of the fight against drugs and cartel violence in Mexico and the United States. For him, it was about his child. In 2019, Morales recounted surviving the fiery helicopter crash that left him severely burned and disfigured during an interview with the Louisville Courier Journal, part of the USA TODAY Network. The special report on CJNG was part of a five-year investigation into the source of the drugs fueling the deadliest drug epidemic in American history. The powerful super cartel with more than 5,000 members is blamed, along with the infamous Sinaloa Cartel, for the bulk of fentanyl, cocaine and heroin that saturates the streets of Kentucky, Tennessee and other U.S. states. The morning of the attack, Morales climbed into one of five military helicopters and headed out in the darkness to raid a CJNG compound in a rural area of the western state of Jalisco - known for its oceanside resort town of Puerto Vallarta. He and other federal police officers teamed with soldiers on a secret mission to arrest cartel boss El Mencho, As the helicopters flew over a convoy of CJNG trucks and SUVs, cartel members fired grenade launchers and armor-piercing guns - including one obtained from a U.S. resident in Oregon - and sent Morales' helicopter careening into trees. Morales crawled through flames to escape, suffering significant burns. A fellow officer and several soldiers died. Earlier that day, his then-fiance told him she was pregnant with their first child. The day of the helicopter crash, Morales knew he might die but repeatedly told the soldiers who hoisted him on a stretcher why he needed to survive: "I'm going to be a dad!" Morales suffered second-degree and third-degree burns over 70% of his body and nearly died of organ failure in a Mexico City hospital. His pregnant fiance kept a vigil beside him. Six weeks later, his son was born. "Knowing I was going to be a dad motivated me a lot to fight," Morales said during the 2019 interview. Morales was left disfigured and unable to return to work. Four years after the crash, he said it was difficult to cope with stares and whispers from strangers. Some days, his then 3-year-old son would sit in his lap and trace burn scars with his little fingers and ask what happened. Morales would say he was hurt in an accident because he felt his son was too young to understand the ruthlessness of cartels. He said he dreaded the thought of one day having to tell him the truth. What is CJNG? The brazen show of violence in downing a military helicopter stunned law enforcement on both sides of the border and put them on notice how far CJNG's leader was willing to go to stop them. Drug Enforcement Administration officials put boss El Mencho on its Most Wanted fugitive list and the State Department offered up to $15 million for information leading to his capture, now considered the world's most powerful cartel boss. Justice Department authorities recently celebrated the extradition from Mexico of 29 cartel leaders. Among them was El Mencho's brother, Antonio Oseguera Cervantes, known as "Tony Montana" - the name of Al Pacino's character in Scarface - and influential CJNG figure Erick Valencia. Both face charges in federal court in Washington, D.C. But despite key arrests, the cartel boss remains at large and CJNG remains a powerful force. "Even a key arrest is very replaceable," said InSight expert Dittmar, a native of the state CJNG calls home. "So in terms of demonstration of force, there's been no difference, if anything we've seen an increase." CJNG got its start as an offshoot of the Sinaloa Cartel specializing in producing methamphetamine, according to Dittmar. They are not as rich or powerful as the rival cartel but they inspire more widespread fears. "Their use of violence is more offensive," said Dittmar. "The CJNG model is about expanding, taking territory and eliminating whatever group was there before." Cartel members post videos of themselves on social media riding rudimentary tanks, forcibly recruit foot soldiers and have transformed daily life in areas of Jalisco and surrounding states they control. People not only avoid going out at night but also have to be careful where they step during the day for fear of mines. Scarred father was honored Morales' scarred face was a reminder of government efforts. He appeared at several events through the years and symbolized bravery in the daunting fight against powerful cartels. Then-Mexico President Enrique Pena Nieto honored Morales at a public ceremony. Despite all that Morales lost, he said he had no regrets. "I knew the risks," he said. "I was committed to doing my job." Morales expressed optimism that El Mencho's reign would one day end. "It is not hopeless." Michael Loria is a breaking news reporter for USA TODAY. Beth Warren covers health care for The Tennessean, part of the USA TODAY Network.

Kilmar Abrego García's tattoos do not prove MS-13 membership, experts say
Kilmar Abrego García's tattoos do not prove MS-13 membership, experts say

Boston Globe

time01-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Boston Globe

Kilmar Abrego García's tattoos do not prove MS-13 membership, experts say

In an interview with ABC News on Tuesday night, Trump again adamantly insisted that Abrego García is a gang member while referencing a photo circulated by his administration on social media that labels the tattoos on his four fingers with: 'M - S - 1 - 3.' Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up 'They looked, and on his knuckles he has 'MS-13,'' the president said in the interview. 'He had MS-13 on his knuckles, tattooed. … It says MS13. … Go look at his hand, he had MS13. … He had MS as clear as you can be.' Advertisement A White House spokesperson did not respond to specific questions Wednesday about how the Trump administration determined Abrego García's tattoos were evidence of gang activity. Law enforcement officials interviewed by The Washington Post said that some of the figures on Abrego García's hand have been seen on gang members before, particularly the marijuana leaf, though that symbol is also widely popular among those not affiliated with a gang. One official has seen some of those symbols in a similar configuration, but none have seen the exact same four symbols solely in that configuration spelling out 'MS-13.' Advertisement Simon Sandoval-Moshenberg, one of the lawyers representing the 29-year-old Abrego García, called the tattoos 'irrelevant.' Before Trump's social media posts, the government had never cited the tattoos as proof of gang affiliation, he said, and had never been found by any court to be a gang member. 'If the government believes they can use his tattoos to justify deporting him, then they should do what the law requires. Bring evidence to a judge and give Kilmar his day in court,' Sandoval-Moshenberg said in a statement. 'So far, that hasn't happened.' Steven Dudley, the co-founder and co-director of InSight Crime and author of the book 'MS-13: The Making of America's Most Notorious Gang,' said that the use of tattoos as displays of affinity and loyalty to the gang has dropped in recent decades after law enforcement officials seized on them to identify members. 'Younger members of the gang are far less likely to tattoo themselves, at least in any obvious manner,' Dudley said. Raymond Tierney, the top prosecutor in Suffolk County, New York - where the MS-13 clique Abrego García was accused of belonging to also allegedly operated - said he recalls explicit tattoos from the gang's members while prosecuting cases against them in the early 2010s. Gang leadership allowed and encouraged certain tattoos that were worn 'like a badge,' with certain acts qualifying members for certain tattoos, Tierney said. Advertisement But Tierney started to notice a shift in tattoos around 2018. 'The gang began to realize that law enforcement was using it as a means of identifying members,' he said. When President Nayib Bukele started his crackdown on MS-13 in El Salvador, 'the tattoos sort of evolved and became more clandestine,' Tierney said. Jeannette Aguilar, a psychologist and security researcher in El Salvador, said that a person's neighborhood - and a gang's territorial control of that neighborhood - remained a consistent factor in helping identify gang affiliation. The neighborhood in El Salvador where Abrego García lived as a child was under the influence of the Barrio 18 gang, a sworn enemy of MS-13. Death threats from that gang after his mother - whose pupusa shop they attempted to extort - shielded him from being recruited into its ranks, prompted Abrego García's family to send him to the United States when he was 16, according to testimony his attorney provided in an immigration court proceeding. He entered the country illegally around 2011. It would be 'very improbable,' Aguilar said, that he would join a rival gang once he arrived in the United States. But Abrego García did get tattoos on his hands and arms, which he said was only because he liked how they looked, according to his attorney, Lucia Curiel, who provided The Post notes from a conversation she conducted with her client in 2019 about the tattoos. Abrego García told his attorney he got a star on his elbow, saying, 'I like the Cowboys.' A heartbeat near his wrist came in 2018, the product of a since-ended relationship with a girl who had a matching tattoo. Advertisement The tattoo artist behind those pieces also filled in his left knuckles: a marijuana leaf, a smiley face, a cross and a skull, he told Curiel. 'I got the skull because I like it,' he said, according to Curiel. Curiel said he never described the tattoos as gang-related, nor did he suggest they carried any deeper meaning. In an interview with The Post, Jennifer Vasquez Sura, Abrego García's wife, put it simply: 'He thought tattoos were cool.' The tattoos did not factor at all in the gang affiliation allegation made by the Prince George's County gang unit detective who was summoned to a Home Depot parking lot to question Abrego García and three other Latino men in their 20s after they were detained by another police officer. Abrego García has said he was at the parking lot frequented by day laborers in search of work and did not really know the other men. Ivan Mendez, the Prince George's police detective who made the allegation, cited Abrego García's clothing, including a Chicago Bulls cap, and information from unnamed confidential informant in his allegation. He did not check a box in his 'Gang Interview Field Sheet' that was reserved for tattoos as proof of gang ties. Mendez was later charged with misconduct for providing information to a sex worker he had hired about an investigation into the brothel that she ran. Of eight law enforcement officials or gang culture researchers interviewed by The Post, some said it could be plausible the symbols photographed on Abrego García's knuckle spell out MS-13. Leandro Paulino, a former corrections officer at Rikers Island in New York and founder of the International Law Enforcement Officers Association said that 'a tattoo alone cannot confirm gang affiliation. However, the specific positioning of the symbols and their meanings strongly suggest the MS-13 connection.' Advertisement Aguilar, the Salvadoran researcher and psychologist, also pointed to the facility where Abrego García was transferred after he was initially taken to the high-security Terrorism Confinement Center, which is reserved for El Salvador's most hardened gang members. The 'semi-open' Santa Ana penitentiary center where Abrego García is currently being held is specifically designated for inmates who are not gang members, Aguilar said. 'The government is contradicting itself by sending him to a place where no gang member would be admitted,' she said. Dudley, who has conducted nearly two decades of research on MS-13, said he has never seen Abrego Garcia's knuckle tattoos 'as a representation of membership' in the gang. He said he has also never seen those symbols in different orders used to represent the letters or numbers of the gang. But he warned that any discussion about the tattoos and their significance was missing the broader picture on Abrego García's case, which is centered on his right to due process and the fact that the Trump administration has admitted that it mistakenly violated an immigration judge's 2019 order that he not be deported to El Salvador. 'At the end of the day, we have fallen into their trap: You cannot determine gang affiliation by tattoos alone, but this is what we are left debating,' Dudley said about the Trump administration. Gang affiliation does not cancel out the need for due process, he said, 'and we are not even talking about that.'

Ecuador's President Daniel Noboa declared election winner as rival demands recount
Ecuador's President Daniel Noboa declared election winner as rival demands recount

Saudi Gazette

time14-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Saudi Gazette

Ecuador's President Daniel Noboa declared election winner as rival demands recount

SANTA ELENA — Ecuador's President Daniel Noboa won the country's presidential election on Sunday based on preliminary results, an electoral official said, as his main rival demanded a recount of the vote following a race overshadowed by drug-fueled violence that has consumed the once-peaceful South American country. Noboa, a conservative, has made fighting crime and economic revitalization two of his main goals — summed up in the slogan 'New Ecuador'— as he faces, among other challenges, violence by criminal groups and an energy crisis that has caused constant blackouts in the country. With 90% of the ballots counted, the trend in favor of Noboa is irreversible and he is considered the winner, National Electoral Council president Diana Atamaint told a press conference Sunday. But Noboa's closest challenger, leftist lawyer Luisa González, said she rejected the results and demanded a recount. 'In the name of the people we represent, we do not recognize the results presented by the (National Electoral Council),' González said in front of supporters. 'I refuse to believe that a people would prefer lies instead of truth, violence instead of peace and unity,' González said in Quito, according to Reuters. 'We are going to demand a recount and for them to open ballot boxes.'Noboa, meanwhile, thanked those who voted for him during a rally with his supporters in the beach town of Olón.'This day has been historic, this victory has also been historic, a victory by more than 10 points, a victory by more than a million votes where there is no doubt who the winner is,' Noboa vote was the latest electoral contest between the two candidates. In the 2023 snap election to complete the term of the previous president, Noboa defeated González with just over 50% of the sought a full four-year term to continue his controversial war on gangs and drug traffickers, which has so far had limited 37-year-old leader has declared numerous states of emergency, deployed military units to tackle gang activity, and began construction on a new maximum-security prison after an infamous criminal leader escaped from custody last according to figures from the government, the start to the year has seen an unprecedented level of violence with more than 1,000 homicides. Data from organized crime research center InSight Crime suggests Ecuador has the highest homicide rate in Latin who cast their ballots earlier Sunday, overwhelmingly told CNN that security was their main concern.'Tranquility ... is the most important thing for the country because there is a lot of insecurity,' one voter said.'Security is in pieces,' another voter said, adding that she hoped the next president would keep their promise to tackle stamp out the crime wave, Noboa has openly solicited the help of foreign governments and companies, especially from the United States. In March, he announced a 'strategic alliance' to fight organized crime with Erik Prince, the founder of the controversial private defense contractor formerly known as obtained by CNN show that Noboa's government has been preparing to house US military forces in a new naval base on the Ecuadorian coast. He also proposed lifting a ban on foreign military bases from the country that was established when Ecuador rewrote its constitution in a protégé of Ecuador's left-wing former President Rafael Correa, had offered an alternative model for security based on what her party described as 'prevention, violence reduction and coexistence.'Running on a campaign to 'Revive Ecuador,' González proposed a return to high social spending to help the country's poorest citizens. She said her party represents hope and transformation, arguing that 'Noboa represents fear.'The leftist politician also opposes foreign intervention to tackle the crime crisis, and has proposed reestablishing the Ecuadorean Ministry of Justice, which was dismantled in 2018. She's also set on eliminating the agency that manages the country's dysfunctional government said it deployed some 45,000 troops across the country on election day to guarantee voters' electoral authorities also prohibited voters from taking photos of ballots during the election, warning of fines ranging from $9,000 to $32,000 for violators. This follows reports from the first round vote in February that criminal groups forced some people to vote for certain candidates and send pictures as proof. — CNN

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store