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How Pahalgam attackers were identified after Operation Mahadev
How Pahalgam attackers were identified after Operation Mahadev

India Today

time6 hours ago

  • Politics
  • India Today

How Pahalgam attackers were identified after Operation Mahadev

During the discussion on Operation Sindoor in Parliament, Home Minister Amit Shah made a big revelation about the success of Operation Mahadev with firm clarity. Cutting through the political noise, the Home Minister brought facts about one of India's most meticulously executed counter-terror operations — Operation Minister Amit Shah confirmed India Today's newsbreak that the three terrorists who were eliminated in Operation Mahadev were the ones responsible for the Pahalgam attack on April 22. But how were the authorities so sure these were the same men? The Home Minister made the announcement and explained how extra caution was used while verifying the identity of these TRAIL USING HUMAN INTELLIGENCE LAYERThe breakthrough began not with bullets but with food and shelter. The National Investigation Agency (NIA) had already arrested individuals in Kashmir who had aided the terrorists. These locals had provided them food, shelter, and logistics. During interrogations, these men gave detailed accounts of the three terrorists they had encountered. Later, after Operation Mahadev was completed, these individuals were brought in to visually identify the neutralised terrorists. They confirmed that the same men they had helped were now lying dead, killed by the CROSSCHECK BASED ON GUNS, SHELLS, SCIENCEWhile human intelligence provided one layer of identification, the security agencies sought irrefutable forensic proof. The AK-47 rifles and an M9 Carbine recovered from the terrorists were immediately flown to the Central Forensic Science Laboratory (CFSL) in experts conducted ballistic matching tests. At 4 AM, the CFSL issued its final report confirming that the bullets fired from the recovered weapons were a match to the shell casings and projectiles collected from the Pahalgam attack site. This scientific confirmation eliminated any EVIDENCE FROM THE OPERATION SITESecurity forces didn't leave it soon as the three terrorists were neutralised in Operation Mahadev, joint teams from the Indian Army, Jammu and Kashmir Police, CRPF, and intelligence agencies launched an immediate on-ground verification thoroughly searched the bodies, weapons, satellite phones, and documents recovered. Among the seized items were thoroughly checked. There was enough evidence that confirmed foreign of the three terrorists were carrying Pakistani voter ID numbers, which were retrieved and verified by intelligence sources, according to the Home BRIEFING DELAYED UNTIL 100% CONFIRMATIONAfter the success of Operation Mahadev, a briefing was planned by the Chinar Corps GOC for 5 pm in Srinagar. But it was delayed. Why? Because the security forces chose caution over haste - they waited for final confirmation from CFSL after the ballistics test report at 4 am the next day did the Indian government officially confirm that the neutralised terrorists were the perpetrators of the Pahalgam Home Minister further revealed that 8 out of the 10 terrorists eliminated in Operation Sindoor were also involved in attacks during the UPA era. With multi-layered intelligence, forensic science, human intelligence, and digital tracking, Indian security forces didn't just strike back — they proved that they eliminated the exact individuals responsible for the heinous Pahalgam attack.- EndsMust Watch

Hiten Tejwani says Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi 2 co-star Smriti Irani is ‘still the same' even after 25 years: ‘Despite everything she's achieved…'
Hiten Tejwani says Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi 2 co-star Smriti Irani is ‘still the same' even after 25 years: ‘Despite everything she's achieved…'

Indian Express

time10 hours ago

  • Entertainment
  • Indian Express

Hiten Tejwani says Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi 2 co-star Smriti Irani is ‘still the same' even after 25 years: ‘Despite everything she's achieved…'

Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi is returning to the small screen with Season 2 today. Ahead of the premiere, actor Hiten Tejwani, who played Karan Virani in the original series 25 years ago, confirmed in an interview that he will be reprising his role. In the recent interview, Hiten also spoke about returning to Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi sets after over two decades and reuniting with Smriti Irani. While talking to India Today, Hiten said, 'It's an honour to be part of a show like Kyunki, and to come back after almost 25 years… it feels like we never stopped. It's like we've just picked up where we left off.' He continued, 'This show is a legacy. Being part of it again feels like a blessing. No one expected it to return. TV has changed, audiences have changed, but the fact that Kyunki is back and people still care and it's amazing.' Recalling his first reaction when he heard the news about season 2 of Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi, the actor said, 'I was really happy. After all, how often does an iconic show like Kyunki come back? I just felt grateful to be a part of it again.' He added, 'We're back as Karan and Nandini. How and in what way, that's something you'll have to watch and find out!' ALSO READ | Amar Upadhyay reveals Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi 2 will run for 10 months to a year: 'Mihir has changed a bit, but his relation with Tulsi is the same' When asked if reprising his role as Karan Virani was a challenge, Hiten Tejwani said, 'It was like coming home. Of course, there's always that process on the first day of figuring the character out again, but it felt easy. Familiar.' Hiten was also thrilled to reunite with actor-turned-politician Smriti Irani after so many years. 'She's still the same on set. Despite everything she's achieved, she brings that same energy,' he shared. Along with core values and relationships, Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi 2 will also focus on contemporary issues. 'Even back then, the show was ahead of its time. This version will also highlight topics that haven't been shown on TV much. The essence remains the same, but the themes will be fresher,' he revealed. Hiten also confirmed that a new generation of Viranis will be introduced in the show. 'You'll see new faces, but the roots are intact.' Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi 2 will air at 10:30 pm on Star Plus tonight and stream on Jio Hotstar as well.

Hiten Tejwani on reprising Karan Virani in Kyunki reboot, reuniting with Smriti Irani
Hiten Tejwani on reprising Karan Virani in Kyunki reboot, reuniting with Smriti Irani

India Today

time11 hours ago

  • Entertainment
  • India Today

Hiten Tejwani on reprising Karan Virani in Kyunki reboot, reuniting with Smriti Irani

Ahead of the much-awaited premiere of 'Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi' reboot, actor Hiten Tejwani confirms he's officially back as Karan Virani, the character that made him a household name nearly two decades ago. And yes, Gauri Pradhan, his real-life wife and on-screen partner, is back too as Nandini exclusively to India Today, Hiten said the return feels surreal. 'It's an honour to be part of a show like 'Kyunki', and to come back after almost 25 years... it feels like we never stopped. It's like we've just picked up where we left off,' he recalled his reaction when he heard about the reboot: 'I was really happy. After all, how often does an iconic show like Kyunki come back? I just felt grateful to be a part of it again.' The actor added that the decision to return felt natural. 'We're back as Karan and Nandini. How and in what way, that's something you'll have to watch and find out!'Stepping back into Karan Virani's shoesFor Hiten, slipping back into Karan's role wasn't a challenge. 'It was like coming home. Of course, there's always that process on the first day of figuring the character out again, but it felt easy. Familiar.'When asked about the emotional arc of Karan, especially being named after Mahabharat's Karna and his complex journey into the Virani family, Hiten fondly recalled how he took it step by step. 'Back then, I wasn't told much. I was just asked to report to shoot. It was only over time, through the way scenes were written, that I started understanding Karan's journey. It was a beautiful arc, and I'm grateful the audience loved it so much.'What's new in 'Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi' this time around?While 'Kyunki' will retain its core themes of family values and relationships, Hiten said that the reboot will also tackle contemporary issues. 'Even back then, the show was ahead of its time. This version will also highlight topics that haven't been shown on TV much. The essence remains the same, but the themes will be fresher.'He also confirmed that a new generation of Viranis is being introduced. 'You'll see new faces, but the roots are intact.'Reuniting with familiar facesOne of the biggest draws for fans is the return of the old cast that includes Shakti Anand, Kamalika Guha Thakurta and Ritu Seth. 'When we met on set again, it didn't feel like we'd been apart. It was like old times, just continuing from where we had paused,' Hiten working with Smriti Irani, now a Union Minister, he added, 'She's still the same on set. Despite everything she's achieved, she brings that same energy.'Shooting today vs then: What's changed?Hiten also reflected on how television production has evolved. 'The technology is faster, smoother. Earlier, we shot with tapes and one or two cameras. Now, we use multiple cameras and chips that can be reused. Everything moves quicker.'He added that work shifts are now more streamlined. 'It's mostly a 9-to-9 or 7-to-7 setup now. Everyone knows their timing—it's more professional across the board.'On the audience's reactionadvertisementSo how does he think the audience will respond to this new chapter of 'Kyunki'?'You can never really predict. But the social media response so far has been amazing. Back in the day, we didn't have this kind of feedback. Now, it's instant. We'll know more once the episodes air.'What being part of 'Kyunki' means to Hiten Tejwani'This show is a legacy,' Hiten said thoughtfully. 'Being part of it again feels like a blessing. No one expected it to return. TV has changed, audiences have changed, but the fact that 'Kyunki' is back and people still care and it's amazing."'Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi' reboot will air on Star Plus starting tonight at 10.30 pm. You can also stream the show on JioHotstar.- EndsMust Watch

Pahalgam massacre: India's pain, Pakistan's punishment
Pahalgam massacre: India's pain, Pakistan's punishment

India Today

time12 hours ago

  • India Today

Pahalgam massacre: India's pain, Pakistan's punishment

(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated May 5, 2025)Vinay Narwal, a 26-year-old lieutenant in the Indian Navy, and his wife, Himanshi, had been really looking forward to their dream honeymoon in idyllic Pahalgam after they failed to get a visa for Switzerland. They had flown into Kashmir soon after their wedding reception in Karnal, Haryana. The next day, on April 22, they joined hundreds of other tourists to visit the alpine meadows of Baisaran. 'We never thought this trip would turn into a nightmare,' recounted a dazed and teary-eyed Himanshi, her hands still adorned with henna and the bridal chura (bangles). 'I was eating bhelpuri with my husband,' she is heard telling locals in a video. 'A man came over and asked my husband if he was Muslim. When he said no, the man shot him dead.' Screams filled the meadow as 26 human lives were taken with that same suddenness, on that merest pretext, in the space of a few unending minutes. Soon after, a photographer captured the distraught Himanshi seated beside her slain husband with blood stains on her clothes, framing the horror for a nation. The next day, when Vinay's body was flown to his hometown for cremation, Himanshi broke down before his coffin, draped in the national flag. 'I pray that his soul is in peace, and he has the best time wherever he is,' she managed to say through her haunting, heart-wrenching scenes played out across the country as the coffins of the others slain in the Pahalgam attack came home for their last rites. The brutal killing of innocent tourists in Kashmir, the worst terror attack on civilians in the Valley in over two decades, forced Prime Minister Narendra Modi to cut short his official visit to Saudi Arabia and return to New Delhi. But not before posting a stern message on X: 'Those behind this heinous act will be brought to will not be spared! Their evil agenda will never succeed.' On his return, the prime minister immediately convened a session of the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS), which included home minister Amit Shah, defence minister Rajnath Singh, external affairs minister S. Jaishankar and finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman. They were briefed about the cross-border linkages of the terror attack with Pakistan. THE INDIAN COUNTER The question then arose of what was to be done. A range of steps presented themselves as options before New Delhi—and each may finally find its own time and space. As an instantaneous punitive measure, foreign secretary Vikram Misri announced that the CCS had decided to suspend the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) of 1960 with immediate effect, until, as he put it, 'Pakistan credibly and irrevocably abjures its support for cross-border terrorism.' The 65-year-old treaty, which has survived four wars between the two countries, allots the eastern rivers of the Indus system—the Sutlej, Beas and Ravi—for India's unrestricted use. Pakistan receives much of the waters from the western rivers—the Indus, Jhelum and Chenab. The treaty decrees that any move by New Delhi to alter the flow of the rivers through dams or other means needs to be negotiated with had threatened to revoke the IWT after the 2019 Pulwama attacks as well, but stopped short of executing the threat. It did reiterate its intention to do so in September 2024, though, when it sought a 'review and modification' of the treaty. However, by suspending the treaty now, with stringent clauses for reinstatement, India is shutting the door completely. The move holds serious implications for Pakistan's water security, especially in the populous and politically powerful provinces of Punjab and Sindh. While the suspension will not disrupt the current flow of water to Pakistan, any future unilateral steps by India, like building canals or dams to divert the water for its own use, could seriously affect the lower riparian regions downstream in Pakistan. Islamabad has already called India's action tantamount to an 'act of war'. One disadvantage for India is that while Pakistan's demand for Kashmir has so far been on religious grounds, any threat to its water supply could shift popular opinion in the country in favour of war over Kashmir. Meanwhile, Pakistan also restricted Indian access to its air space, and suspended the Simla Agreement of 1972 as addition to the IWT suspension, the CCS announced a series of other diplomatic sanctions, including the closure of the border check-post at Attari in Amritsar, the expulsion of defence attaches and their senior advisors in the Pakistani High Commission in Delhi, and the revocation of SAARC visas issued to Pakistani citizens. It also made it clear that more punitive measures would follow. At a public rally on April 24 in Madhubani in Bihar, the PM himself sent out a message intended for the world. Switching to English midway through his Hindi speech, he declared, 'Today, from the soil of Bihar, I say to the whole world, India will identify, trace and punish every terrorist and their backers. We will pursue them to the ends of the Earth. They will be punished beyond their imagination.'advertisementModi is sending out a clear signal to Pakistan that India will not hesitate to explore all options, including military force, to punish it for crossing a dangerous red line. Kanwal Sibal, former foreign secretary, believes that by choosing to suspend the IWT over exercising military power as in the past, India has sent out a powerful message that it is going to hit where it hurts. At the same time, Sibal reasons, 'It is a wrong time geopolitically and otherwise for India to get into a military conflict with Pakistan. We can talk about it to satisfy our emotions, but just when our growth story is becoming more credible, we will get deflected. We have also held that this is not an era for war, and dialogue and diplomacy are the way out. So, we would lose our credibility internationally.' Sibal notes that while India has viable military options, suspending the IWT will be more effective because water or the lack of it is a significant issue for Pakistan. 'It's a strategic blow to Pakistan.'advertisementOthers argue that punitive measures that have a slow burn, such as suspending the IWT, will not satisfy the Indian public, which is outraged at the brutal killing of their countrymen and wants the Modi government to avenge the attacks through military force. India had done exactly that after the terror attacks in Uri in 2016 and in Pulwama in 2019. In Uri, after four Pakistan-backed Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) terrorists stormed the Indian Army brigade unit on September 18, 2016, killing 19 soldiers, India retaliated strongly. Ten days later, Indian army commandos crossed the Line of Control (LoC) and conducted a series of retaliatory surgical strikes on militant launch-pads and camps, claiming to have killed over 150 militants. In 2019, after a suicide vehicle bomb attack by a JeM operative in Pulwama killed 40 Central Reserve Police Force men, India struck back by sending 12 Mirage 2000 jets into Pakistan territory and bombing the JeM camp in Balakot. It was the first time since the 1971 war that India had deployed its air force for a cross-border Tilak Devasher, a former senior officer of the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and author of several books on Pakistan, says, 'Public opinion demands retribution and once you have set the bar so high after the Uri and Pulwama retaliatory strikes, the Modi government will have to act very decisively for people to feel reassured. What manner it should take is for the government to decide but, in this particular case, the more irrational you are, the more effective you are going to be.'While the Modi government has a range of kinetic (military) options, experts emphasise the need for clarity on objectives and outcomes. Lt Gen. Syed Ata Hasnain, who has served extensively in the Valley, says, 'Starting from a low calibration of letting the current ceasefire go up in flames, which to my mind will achieve nothing, we have a range of options.' Hasnain is clear that the response should go beyond just giving Pakistan a bloody jaw to appease public sentiment. 'We must be clear whether we are messaging Pakistan or the world about our capability. We upped the ante in Uri with surgical strikes and in Balakot with air strikes. Do we do both this time but confine it to terrorist hideouts as we did in the past, or do we expand the ambit and target the Pakistan army directly, which would amount to war? So, it is a question of calibration and what you want to achieve in the end.' THE TURMOIL IN PAKISTANTo calibrate and control the escalation ladder in response to such a strike, India must first understand Pakistan's internal dynamics, say experts. Especially what prompted it to launch such a major terror attack and the targets it chose, knowing India would retaliate. According to Sharat Sabharwal, a former high commissioner to Pakistan, the timing of the attack could not have been more strategic—US Vice President J.D. Vance was in India and Modi was on a bilateral visit to Saudi Arabia. An audacious attack was certain to grab worldwide attention and signal that Pakistan cannot be ignored. The other reason, Sabharwal believes, was to shatter the sense of normalcy ushered in first by the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019 and then the recent assembly election in Jammu and Kashmir. It was most evident in the return of tourists to the region, with J&K attracting 23 million visitors last year compared to 17 million in 2018. By targeting tourists in Pahalgam, Pakistan was not only hitting at this economic revival but also letting India, and the world, know that it remained very much a stakeholder in the Valley's the timing has as much to do with Pakistan's own failings, especially the growing disillusionment with its all-powerful army chief General Asim Munir and his ability to navigate the polycrisis in the country. The daring hijack of the Jaffar Express train by the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) on March 11, in which 31 people, including 18 armed forces personnel, were killed, was a serious setback for Munir. The Pakistan army has long accused India of actively backing the Baloch rebels and many in the establishment see the Pahalgam attack as a forceful warning from Islamabad asking India not to meddle in its internal affairs. Meanwhile, Pakistan faces mounting pressure on its western front from the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). A Pashtun movement that wants to overthrow the Pakistan government and form an Islamic emirate, it is backed by the Taliban in Afghanistan. As Sibal notes, 'Pakistan created the Taliban in Afghanistan, was gleeful when it returned to power and, now, they are bombing each other. That is a strategic failure of policy.' SHOW OF SOLIDARITY: Kashmiri traders observe a candlelight vigil at Lal Chowk in Srinagar, Apr. 23. (Photo: AFP) On the political front, despite being in jail for various charges, Imran Khan continues to be Pakistan's most popular politician. In 2023, supporters of his party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e Insaf (PTI), even stormed the house of the Lahore corps commander in protest. Munir responded with a harsh crackdown and also sacked PTI backers in the army, but considerable damage was done to the military's credibility. Meanwhile, the Shehbaz Sharif-led coalition government is seen as completely indebted to the army for its trouble is building with the infighting among the ruling coalition's main partners, the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) or PML(N), to which Shehbaz belongs, and its one-time arch-foe, the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), of which President Asif Zardari is the co-chairperson. Differences between the two political frenemies came to a head recently over a canal project to supply Indus river water to Cholistan in southern Punjab. The PPP, which rules the Sindh province, complained that the project would deprive them of their share of water; its leader Bilawal Zardari Bhutto even threatened to pull out of the coalition if the issue was not resolved. In this situation, India's move to suspend the Indus Waters Treaty can exacerbate these divisions and prove an effective punitive measure that will give Pakistan there is any consolation for Pakistan, it is in the modest signs of recovery the economy is showing, helped in large part by the first few tranches of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)'s $7 billion bailout. In a positive sign, the country's GDP grew at 2.5 per cent last year; it was $337 billion in 2023 compared to India's $3.5 trillion. As Ajay Bisaria, former Indian high commissioner to Pakistan, puts it, 'The economy has moved out of the ICU but is still in the critical care ward. But it may sink again as, so far, there are no structural reforms to ensure sustained growth.' Munir seems to have extended his influence here as well, becoming a member of the Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC) Shehbaz formed last July. Such a council, the Pakistan premier had argued, was necessary for 'a unified approach' to steer the country out of the economic crisis, as he mandated it to frame economic policies. Members of the army brass will be national coordinators for both the apex and the executive who took over as army chief in November 2022, has also ensured that he will continue for five years instead of three through a specially enabled legislation in Parliament last November. But with the army's credibility waning, especially after the train hijack by Baloch rebels and rising terror strikes across Pakistan by others, he is leveraging the Kashmir issue to deflect attention from the country's own internal crises. In a speech to the Overseas Pakistanis Convention in Islamabad on April 16, six days before the Pahalgam attack, Munir invoked Kashmir, saying, 'Our stance is absolutely clear, it (Kashmir) was our jugular vein, it will be our jugular vein, we will not forget it. We will not leave our Kashmiri brothers in their heroic struggle.' In the same speech, Munir also revived the two-nation theory and its continued relevance, which for Bisaria is reminiscent of the Islamic orthodoxy of General Zia-ul-Haq's reign in the 1980s. 'General Munir was basically trying to rally people around the flag and break Imran's support among overseas Pakistanis,' he says. 'He was also garnering support with the army and, by taking up the Kashmir cause, hoping to strengthen his internal position, besides bolstering the mullah-military alliance.' Experts see it as a key reason for Munir taking the huge gamble of escalating tensions with India and perhaps authorising the Pahalgam believes there were clear signs of Pakistan getting ready to attack. In the run-up to the strike, the establishment had issued strong statements accusing India of interference in Balochistan and warning of action against the militants and their backers. Despite a ceasefire at the LoC in place since 2021, there has been renewed volatility and border transgressions in recent weeks. Last year, too, ahead of the assembly election in J&K, Pakistan-backed militants had launched a series of terror strikes in the Jammu region, including the killing in Reasi of nine pilgrims travelling by bus. Another strike followed Omar Abdullah's swearing in as chief minister in October, when six migrants and a doctor were targeted in Ganderbal. Experts say security agencies should have been alert, particularly in a popular tourist location like Pahalgam, and beefed up presence in these areas. Ground forces in the Valley, therefore, need to analyse both the failure in intelligence as well as in what army calls 'area dominance' to prevent future attacks by Pakistan as India ups the ante. Lt Gen. Vinod Bhatia, former director general of military operations, stresses the need for an immediate and focused counterstrike. 'The security forces must first hunt out the four militants who carried out the attack and eliminate them,' he says. 'Time, surprise and space are the key elements in the military domain. Action has to be pre-emptive, pro-active and punitive. And a punitive strategy must be at a time and place of our choosing.' THE OPTIONS BEFORE INDIAAccording to a key military strategist, India should consider launching a multi-pronged offensive against Pakistan, one that spans the diplomatic, economic, military, political and informational domains. Given that the two countries had already expelled their respective high commissioners after the abrogation of Article 370, the current punitive action of reducing the staff strength of their missions is minimal. Two-way trade between the two countries is also a mere trickle, so there is not much India can do by way of economic India can do is to rally major powers to penalise Pakistan for backing terror groups, using global watchdog FATF (Financial Action Task Force) which monitors terror financing. That, in turn, can restrict Pakistan's access to international financial institutions such as the IMF. Sabharwal also advocates for covert options targeting high-value figures in Pakistan, including top leaders of the JeM and the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) while ensuring deniability. After all, it is The Resistance Front (TRF), a proxy for the LeT, and the Peoples Anti-Fascist Front (PAFF), a front organisation of the JeM, that have claimed responsibility for the Pahalgam carnage. Pakistan's vulnerability to internal militants was evident when in 2009, local terror groups stormed the highly fortified General Headquarters of the army in Rawalpindi. They held armed forces personnel hostage for a while and killed a brigadier and a lieutenant, before the army killed the militants and regained has a broad range of options when it comes to overt punitive military action. According to Lt Gen. K.J.S. Dhillon, former GOC 15 Corps, Srinagar, 'The military has prepared area-specific and depth-specific options, ranging from shallow to deep strikes, involving single or tri-service operations. These are pre-planned, rehearsed, and ready for execution upon approval. The response will be strategic, timed and aimed at delivering a disproportionate, crushing retaliation to inflict significant pain on Pakistan.' Lt Gen. Deependra Singh Hooda, who led the 2016 surgical strikes in Uri as Northern Army commander, believes India can consider abandoning the existing LoC ceasefire agreement to begin with and launch surgical strikes on select targets. It could also deploy air force assets as it did in Balakot to hit terror infrastructure. According to the latest Indian intelligence reports, there are 42 active terrorist launch-pads in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) near the LoC, with 110-130 terrorists, including Pakistan nationals. Some strategists advocate a 'Balakot Plus' option, which would involve the use of India's short-range tactical ballistic missiles such as the Prithvi series and Pralay, the hypersonic Shaurya missile and the BrahMos cruise missile. All these systems are designed for battlefield use and can effectively strike strategic targets near the border. Hooda, though, cautions against the use of missiles given that Pakistan has a range of tactical missiles, both conventional and nuclear, and the situation could very rapidly escalate into a full-scale also warn against yielding to jingoistic demands by the political class to take back PoK. Military experts who have gamed the option say while India can capture a few features close to the LoC, seizing all of PoK could well be a three-year war as Russia is discovering with Ukraine. According to Hooda, 'It would be a long-term campaign, with the Pakistani deployment matching the Indian one on the LoC.' The problem may not end there either, he says. 'Once you occupy it, it's not as though the people living there would welcome India. You could end up with other problems, including insurgency.'Pakistan also remains a nuclear-armed state that has shunned the 'no first-use' doctrine. It would not hesitate to exercise the option if its territorial integrity is under threat. The risk of a nuclear war, therefore, remains high. As such, India's response must be calibrated, encompassing strategic restraint and precision. In another significant turning point, much of the Valley showed no support for Pakistan's attack on the innocent tourists in Pahalgam. Political parties across the spectrum universally condemned the act; many joined public protests to express their outrage. With the public and political sentiment in its favour, India must exercise even greater circumspection so that it can deliver a befitting reply to Pakistan while retaining the moral high ground. —with Pradip R. SagarSubscribe to India Today Magazine- EndsTune InMust Watch

How to put an end to Hepatitis B
How to put an end to Hepatitis B

India Today

time12 hours ago

  • Health
  • India Today

How to put an end to Hepatitis B

(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated August 4, 2025)Every 30 seconds, globally, someone dies from hepatitis-related liver infections—amounting to 1.3 million deaths annually as per WHO 2024 estimates. The Hepatitis B Virus (HBV) alone contributes to nearly 900,000 of these deaths, mostly due to cirrhosis and liver cancer. That's more than malaria, and approaching tuberculosis levels. The virus is carried by an estimated 29 million Indians—the second-highest number globally. And yet, despite having a protective vaccine and effective antivirals for over three decades, we have failed to eliminate it. Why?advertisementThe painful truth: doctors have failed to engage society. We treated HBV as a medical issue, not a societal one like COVID-19, HIV or tuberculosis. For most people, the infection lasts less than six months. For others, it can get chronic and seriously damage the liver. Shockingly, less than 10 per cent of infected individuals are diagnosed; stigma around sexual transmission of the virus has led to under 5 per cent receiving treatment. This ignorance is far from bliss. The HBV can spread through blood, semen, saliva and other bodily fluids, as well as maternally. But the infected are not at the real case of 67-year-old Dr D. Basu (name changed) from Hubli. A CT scan for mild abdominal discomfort revealed a 5 cm liver cancer. He had tested HBV-positive 35 years ago, but never followed up or took treatment. He even hid the diagnosis from his family. When we treated his cancer, his brother and 37-year-old daughter Kalyani also tested positive, likely due to maternal transmission and later sexual or vertical transmission. This tragic case underlines some key precautions to follow. Periodic monitoring in the HBV-infected is a must—one in 10 of those infected develop cirrhosis or cancer. Patients undergo repeated testing but get no treatment as current guidelines are restrictive, excluding nearly 60 per cent from treatment. Patients live with anxiety, fear and stigma. We must move from treating a select few to treating all HBV-positives. One pill, like tenofovir, taken daily can suppress the virus lifelong, halt transmission and prevent Dr Basu's daughter, could have been protected with a birth dose. She was not given HBV vaccination at birth. India's birth-dose coverage is just 63 per cent. Despite being one of the cheapest vaccines and India being a major vaccine producer, the HBV vaccine is scarcely available in private markets here and public awareness is dismal. Only 4.4 per cent of Delhi's adults are fully vaccinated. Are you? Sadly, nearly one-third of health professionals aren't either. Every Indian child and adult should know: the HBV vaccine is safe, effective and for taught us the power of self-testing. All close contacts of the HBV-infected must be screened. Enact anti-discrimination laws in education, workplaces and healthcare. We need HBV kits to enable one-stop testing and treatment. At least 80 per cent of diagnosed patients must be linked to free, accessible treatment. Integrating HBV services with programmes for prenatal care, non-communicable diseases, HIV and tuberculosis is essential. We must integrate hepatitis testing into routine healthcare check-ups and general population-based screening. Pregnant women should be screened for both HBV and Hepatitis C Virus (HCV)—the latter spreads only through blood contact and affects 5.5 million launched the National Viral Hepatitis Control Program (NVHCP) on July 28, 2018—one of the world's largest campaigns aiming to eliminate viral hepatitis by 2030. It offers free diagnosis and treatment for HBV and HCV. While impressive work on screening has been done, the treatment uptake remains low. We need a massive awareness drive and a movement for public around 3,500 global hepatitis deaths daily—11 per cent from India—the crisis demands urgency. Every avoidable death is a call to act. Each preventable infection highlights our collective failure, and an opportunity to act. We need a society-wide approach, powered by political will, scientific leadership and strong community engagement. Let us break it down. No shame. No blame. Just a cure.—The author is Professor of Eminence, Chancellor, ILBS UniversitySubscribe to India Today Magazine- EndsTrending Reel

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