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Indian Express
20-07-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
What are the foundational values of civil services? (Part 2)
The Indian Civil Service stands as a cornerstone of our democracy, deeply rooted in ethical values that ensure not only efficiency at work but also pave a clear path for service aimed at uplifting the nation, its institutions, and individuals. In this second part on the foundational values of civil services, we continue from where we left off, addressing the question: What does it mean to be a civil servant with integrity and purpose? To address the case of objective decision-making, as well as behavioral errors at the macro and micro levels, a civil servant must possess the logical competency which Hegel referred to as a triadic movement, consisting of the dialectic illustration of thesis, antithesis, and synthesis. In such a case, self-knowledge reaches a stage where the subject and object are no longer different or distinct. Furthermore, to bring objectivity into decision-making, partisanship must be removed. A person must not take any side except the side of ethics, and thus reach a level where impartiality guides the decision-making process. If objectivity means remaining unbiased and being consciously certain or grounded in reason, then impartiality is that transparent conduct which is guided by fairness and equality. However, such states of reason depend on emotional stability, where the pain and pleasure of the self, as well as others, can be recognized. This can only be exhibited through the value of empathy, which is the highest form of emotional maturity. Ultimately, ethics deals with issues of morality and investigates the standards of moral judgment and the purpose of life. The value of empathy brings a person out of rival positions and prepares them to receive feelings—spoken or unspoken. Often, in a country like India, poor people feel frightened to talk to doctors, teachers, lawyers, bureaucrats, or even strangers. That hesitation and fear in communication have always been observed and remain vivid in public perception. Here, the value of empathy can bring the needed light of humanity, which is expected from those in power—officers who are diligent and astute. Objectivity, non-partisanship, and empathy are always needed in a democracy like India, where there is a huge gap in the purchasing power of the poor and the rich. Such values are relevant not only at the macro behavioral level but also at the micro, interpersonal level. Practicing these values consistently helps shape healthier personalities and minimizes internal contradictions like ego and inferiority/superiority complexes—especially within the services such as IAS, IPS, IFS, and State administrations. Values also help public servants build stronger teams, recognize others' contributions, and speak and act with maturity. For example, in the India-England Test series, more ethical conduct could have avoided naming a single player repeatedly in a press conference. Such restraint is part of ethical leadership. Ethical values also help in appreciating excellence, even amidst rivalry. That's why sportspersons like Tendulkar, Federer, or Jannik Sinner become role models—not just for their skill but for their humility. Values protect individuals from ego-driven conduct and promote emotional balance. By practicing these cardinal values, a person qualifies for the stage of integrity—the quality of having strong moral convictions and the will to abide by them in both professional and personal life. Given the impact a civil servant has on public welfare and resources, integrity becomes non-negotiable. It also enables officers to serve as ethical role models and provide effective leadership. Integrity naturally leads to commitment, the unwavering dedication to public service goals. Without it, the power or privileges of a position may derail a person from their duties. Commitment ensures that the officer remains focused on societal welfare rather than personal gain. In all interactions, cardinal values act like Kavach-Kundal (armor), freeing the self from ego and complexities, and evolving a person into their best version. If a civil servant succeeds in building trust, solving problems, promoting inclusion, and spreading peace and positivity, the purpose of public service is fulfilled. And that's exactly what the last person in a democracy is looking for—that person, that officer, being good. How does practicing cardinal values help a person attain integrity, and why is integrity non-negotiable for a civil servant responsible for public welfare and resources? (The writer is the author of 'Being Good', 'Aaiye, Insaan Banaen', 'Kyon' and 'Ethikos: Stories Searching Happiness'. He teaches courses on and offers training in ethics, values and behaviour. He has been the expert/consultant to UPSC, SAARC countries, Civil services Academy, National Centre for Good Governance, Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Competition Commission of India (CCI), etc. He has PhD in two disciplines and has been a Doctoral Fellow in Gandhian Studies from ICSSR. His second PhD is from IIT Delhi on Ethical Decision Making among Indian Bureaucrats. He writes for the UPSC Ethics Simplified (concepts and caselets) fortnightly.) Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – Indian Express UPSC Hub, and follow us on UPSC section of The Indian Express on Instagram and X. For your queries and suggestions write at
Hindustan Times
13-07-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Language row attempts to revive a dead horse
It was the 'swinging sixties' in Allahabad (present-day Prayagraj). British rule had ended two decades ago, but in a city teeming with the old gentry, the colonial ways were still visible. The Civil Lines observed the tradition of a lunch break, and in many shops, salesmen wearing ties could be found speaking in English with their esteemed, genteel customers. The city was proud of its university, dubbed the Oxford of the East. The Indian Civil Service had been rechristened as the Indian Administrative Service (IAS). Yet the nomenclature change did nothing to dampen its power or its regalia. Admission to Allahabad University was considered the essential first step towards realising the goal of cracking the civil services examination. The city hosted many poets and writers. The city had enough reasons to feel snooty and entitled. In such an atmosphere, the residents woke up to a surprise one day when they saw slogans written in coal tar on the walls of the local church, convent schools, and some other prominent places debunking the English language exhorting, 'Angrezi hatao, Bharat bachao' (remove English and save the country). In the initial days, people failed to fathom the long-term impact of a larger movement. The anti-English campaign was the brainchild of socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia, who initiated it in 1957. It took a decade to gather steam, and received the support of the Jana Sangh and other political parties. Sensing an imminent public outcry, then Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri made some critical moves in support of Hindi, leading to violent reactions in the Southern states, resulting in 70 cases of self-immolation or death by poisoning. Some died in the police firing on the protestors. In 1967, for the first time, assembly elections led to the formation of non-Congress governments in eight states. The language row played a key role in this outcome. It shouldn't come as a surprise to anyone. Language is the repository of our cultural moorings, and we shouldn't blame people if they feel emotionally attached to it, considering language as an integral part of their identity. Language played a pivotal role in the formation of the states of Himachal Pradesh and Haryana, both once a part of Punjab province. While creating these two states, Indira Gandhi wouldn't have imagined in her wildest dreams that the decision would in later years provide impetus to the rise of terrorism in Punjab. Earlier, the mobilisation to create Andhra Pradesh, based on Telugu linguistic identity, witnessed extreme violence. Let's return to Allahabad. While studying in the state inter college from class 6 to class 8, Hindi, English, and one regional Indian language were compulsory for all the students. I chose Bangla. I am proud that through Bangla, I was able to connect with a great civilisation, its writers, their intellectual depth, philosophy, history, and the nuances of the Independence Movement. The Bangla language and Bengali people helped shape my personality. This is the reason I was happy when the government of India launched the tri-language formula with some minor tweaks. I firmly believe that every young Indian, along with their mother tongue, should be well-versed in one regional language and in English. There is no better way to bring Indians closer to their Indian roots. As far as English is concerned, let there be no doubt about its relevance and effectiveness in the age of Artificial Intelligence. But politics and politicians are on a different tangent. This is the reason we witnessed the spectacle of Uddhav Thackeray and his estranged cousin, Raj, coming together on a public stage, 19 years after parting ways. They insisted they weren't against Hindi, but Marathi should be given its due and respected in Maharashtra. But is it the case? If there was consistency in their words and deeds, they wouldn't have uploaded viral videos of thugs beating unsuspecting shop owners, insisting that they speak in Marathi. While addressing his workers, Raj Thackrey told them that they can rough up those who fail to speak Marathi, but they shouldn't make and upload videos of this. It's a strange way of showing love for your language. Unfortunately, this malady is spreading quickly in the neighbouring state of Karnataka. The cyber city of Bengaluru witnessed public shaming of Hindi-speaking people when they failed to speak in Kannada. I believe that those who relocate to a new state should make the effort to learn the local language, but perpetrating violence against those who can't speak the language is not only unconstitutional but a dangerous trend for the nation. These incidents have opened a personal wound. In 1980, I went to Calcutta (present-day Kolkata) for the first time. At that time, whenever you asked the locals for an address, they would rebuff you, saying they didn't know Hindi. At such times, I would wonder, I could talk in Bengali, but how will anyone survive in the metropolis if they don't know the local language? During the coverage of the Punjab insurgency, I found that people in rural areas had difficulty understanding Hindi. However, during the last two decades, the winds of encouraging change have been blowing in the southern states. Hindi Heartland isn't far behind. Some months ago, when southern superstar Allu Arjun came to Patna, a huge crowd gathered to welcome him. Can we attribute the miracle to central government services, the old tri-language formula, and the culture of corporatisation? The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has tried to douse the flames of the language row by insisting that every Indian language is a national language. However, the moot point is whether politicians will stop fomenting trouble? It pays to remember the language controversy has lost its sting. It can help a politician hiss, but doesn't offer enough political venom to bite. Shashi Shekhar is editor-in-chief, Hindustan. The views expressed are personal
Time of India
23-06-2025
- Science
- Time of India
Alan Turing: The story of the mathematician prosecuted for being gay
Image credits: Getty Images June 23 is an important day. While for most the day is just another day of the summer, for some it is International Olympic Day. Not many remember June 23rd, as the birthday of Alan Turing, a legendary British mathematician whose life story is as inspiring as disheartening. Who was Alan Turing? Image credits: X/@fermatslibrary On June 23, 1912, in Maida Vale, London, Alan Turing was born to Julius Mathison Turing, who was on leave from his position with the Indian Civil Service (ICS) of the British Raj government and Ethel Sara Turing. He studied at St Michael's primary school from the age of six to nine and at Hazelhurst Preparatory School in Sussex later. At 13, he went to Sherborne School, an independent boarding school where he is said to have found his first love- Christopher Collan Morcom, a fellow pupil whom he lost to bovine tuberculosis. It was also during this time that Turing found his love for science and mathematics which he shared with Morcom. After graduating from Sherborne, Turing received a scholarship at King's College, Cambridge where he studied an undergraduate course in Schedule B. During his time here, he wrote numerous mathematical papers where he proved a version of the central limit theorem, equivalence of left and right almost periodicity. Between 1935 and 1936, he worked on the decidability of problems, from Gödel's incompleteness theorems, where he replaced Godel's universal arithmetic-based formal language with formal and simple hypothetical devices that later came to be known as Turing machines. During the Second World War, he was a leading participant in the breaking of German cyphers and also worked with Government Code and Cypher School, a British codebreaking organization. Here he worked on cryptanalysis of the Enigma cypher machine used by Nazi Germany. He specified an electromechanical machine called the 'bombe' that could break Enigma more effectively. Over the years, Turing made great advances in mathematics and cryptanalysis and came to be known as the father of modern computing and artificial intelligence. While his career was exemplary, his personal life's struggle was worth remembering. Why was Alan Turing prosecuted for being gay? Image credits: Getty Images In December 1951, Turing met Arnold Murray, a 19-year-old unemployed man with whom he began an intimate relationship in 1952. On January 23rd, Turing's house was burgled and Murray revealed to him that he and the burglar were acquainted. Turing reported the crime and during the investigation accepted his sexual relationship with Murray. Homosexual acts were criminal offences in the United Kingdom at the time and thus both men were charged with "gross indecency" under Section 11 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885. Turing was arrested, pleaded guilty and convicted. However, instead of prison, he was subjected to chemical castration, where he received oestrogen injections for one year, intended to reduce his libido. Due to the entire case, his professional and personal life both were troubled with him being restricted from work. Tragically in 1954, Turing was found dead from cyanide poisoning that was ruled as a suicide. But his death was not for nothing. In August 2009, British programmer John Graham-Cumming started a petition urging the British government to apologise for Turing's prosecution as a homosexual and with the petition receiving more than 30,000 signatures, Prime Minister Gordon Brown released a statement describing Turing's treatment as "appalling" In 2013, Queen Elizabeth II granted him a royal pardon under the Royal Prerogative of Mercy which fuelled the momentum for the 2017 'Alan Turing Law' which automatically pardoned thousands of men convicted under historical anti-gay laws. Alan Turing's story is not just that of a genius but also of a man who unabashedly accepted himself and was resilient in all his pursuits- be it a career or love.
The Hindu
07-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
What are the challenges faced by the civil services?
The story so far: On the occasion of Civil Services Day (April 21), Cabinet Secretary T. V. Somanathan IAS, spoke about the importance of civil services in maintaining and strengthening democracy, the need for lateral entrants and greater transparency. What is merit versus spoils system? The merit system entails appointments to government posts after a rigorous selection process by an independent authority. In India, this commenced in 1858 when the British introduced the Indian Civil Service to select officers for administering the country. After independence, it is the Union Public Service Commission which conducts such exams. The merit system is aimed at building career bureaucrats who are expected to function without any political leanings and provide independent advice to the incumbent political executive. The spoils system works on the adage 'to the victor belong the spoils.' It is a system where the incumbent political executive appoints its supporters to various posts in the government. It has its origins in the U.S., and continued until 1883 when it was replaced largely by the merit system. What is the role of the civil services? The civil services have contributed significantly in the administration of our democratic system. As mentioned by the Cabinet Secretary, they have been instrumental in the conduct of free and fair elections, and ensuring smooth transfer of power both at the Centre and States. There have been numerous instances when States have been placed under President's rule, with the civil services ensuring uninterrupted administration during such times. On the development side, they are a repository of institutional knowledge. They provide advice to ruling governments in policy making and also implement the policies made by the political executive. The administrative tasks of public bureaucracy include executing and monitoring programmes, and laying down laws, rules and regulations. Civil servants have been the fulcrum around which governance activities like delivery of essential services, providing relief operations etc., have been carried out. What ails the civil services? But the civil services also suffer from significant challenges. First, neutrality as a trait is fast eroding among bureaucrats, resulting in political bias in discharge of critical functions. It is pertinent to note that both the cause and effect of this phenomenon is the increasing political interference in all aspects of bureaucracy including postings and transfers. Second, career bureaucrats who are generalists, may lack the expertise needed to address technical challenges. Third, there is also significant corruption at all levels of the bureaucracy that often goes unpunished. What reforms are required? Some of the measures that need to be taken are summarised here. In a democracy, the mandate is with the elected government and it needs to be respected. However, the neutral bureaucracy needs to be insulated from undue political interference to uphold the rule of law and constitutional values. To maintain a harmonious balance between the political and permanent executive, the autonomy of career bureaucrats is essential. This includes reasonable independence with respect to postings, tenures and transfers. Also, there needs to be a shift in the focus of bureaucrats from 'procedure' to 'outcomes.' Monitoring at present in the government is primarily through the measurement of outlays and at best through outputs. There is a need to move towards measurement of 'outcomes.' This reform can be hastened by hiring domain experts as lateral entrants, especially at senior levels. These reforms would uphold the essential traits of an effective civil service. Rangarajan. R is a former IAS officer and author of 'Courseware on Polity Simplified'. The views expressed are personal.
Indian Express
03-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
From Census of nearly a century ago, a roadmap — and a note of caution
The government's surprise announcement of a caste census as part of the upcoming population enumeration exercise may have dented the Opposition's campaign but the experience of John Henry Hutton, an anthropologist-civil servant from nearly a century ago, frames the challenge on the road ahead. Those were the heady days of Mahatma Gandhi's civil disobedience movement. Hutton, a Yorkshire-born, Oxford-trained officer who as Census Commissioner of India conducted the 1931 Census, the last to tabulate data on caste, writes with a hint of annoyance that the exercise 'had the misfortune to coincide with a wave of non-cooperation, and the march of Mr. Gandhi and his contrabandistas…'. Hutton, who joined the Indian Civil Service in 1909 and served for the greater part of his career in the Naga hills writing two voluminous monographs on Naga ethnography, brought to his census office his experience as an anthropologist. On the complexities of counting caste, his census report, laced with insight and wit, refers to former census chief Sir Herbert Risley, whose formulation of the caste system as a racial hierarchy in the 1901 Census laid the basis for subsequent surveys and policies on caste. 'All subsequent census officers in India must have cursed the day when it occurred to Sir Herbert Risley… to attempt to draw up a list of castes according to their rank in society. He failed, but the results of his attempt are almost as troublesome as if he had succeeded, for every census gives rise to a pestiferous deluge of representations, accompanied by highly problematic histories, asking for recognition of some alleged fact or hypothesis of which the census as a department is not legally competent to judge…' he wrote in the section titled 'The Return of Caste'. Saying that doing away with caste entries 'would be viewed with relief by census officers', Hutton wrote, 'Experience at this census has shown very clearly the difficulty of getting a correct return of caste and likewise the difficulty of interpreting it for census purposes.' Among the many challenges the census officials faced as they asked people to identify their caste was 'misrepresentation' and people used the data collection exercise to jostle for a higher spot on the social order. The census also offered examples of multiple castes consolidating into a single caste for bolstering their numbers or claiming a new social status. 'The best instance of such a tendency to consolidate a number of castes into one group is to be found in the grazier castes which aim at combining under the term 'Yadava' the Ahirs, Goalas, Gopis, Idaiyans and perhaps some other castes of milkmen, a movement already effective in 1921,' the report said. It also noted that 'carpenters, smiths, goldsmiths and some others of similar occupations desired in various parts of India to be returned by a common denomination such as Vishwakarma or Jangida, usually desiring to add a descriptive noun implying that they belonged to one of the highest Varnas of Hinduism, either Brahman or Rajput… Of the two, Brahman was usually desired at this census though in some cases a caste which had applied in one province to be Brahman asked in another to be called Rajput and there are several instances at this census of castes claiming to be Brahman who claimed to be Rajput ten years ago.' The census explained these as attempts either at upward mobility, a 'desire to rise in the social estimation of other people', or 'a desire for the backing of a large community in order to count for more in political life'. Despite the complexities the exercise involved, the anthropologist in Hutton recorded the social benefits of counting caste. Addressing the criticism 'for taking any note at all of the fact of caste', he wrote, 'It has been alleged that the mere act of labelling persons belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system… It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should tend to stabilize that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like the proverbial ostrich… Indeed the treatment of caste at the 1931 census may claim to make a definite, if minute, contribution to Indian unity.' Recent scholarship, including Nicholas B Dirks's Castes of Mind (2001), has, however, argued that under colonialism, caste became a 'single term capable of naming… subsuming India's diverse forms' and that census operations such as Hutton's reinvented and essentialised caste – rather than simply capturing what was already there. Hutton's report quotes from the Government of India's instructions on counting the 'depressed classes' (defined as 'castes, contact with whom entails purification on the part of high caste Hindus'). In these instructions are both a roadmap and a forewarning for what lies ahead. 'It will be necessary to have a list of castes to be included in depressed classes and all provinces are asked to frame a list applicable to the province. There are very great difficulties in framing a list of this kind and there are insuperable difficulties in framing a list of depressed classes which will be applicable to India as a whole,' read the instructions that were issued to various Superintendents of Census Operations. Hutton's prediction that, with time, there will be other ways to represent demographic data — beyond caste and religion – is open to debate to this day. 'The time will no doubt come when occupation will serve the purpose at present served by religion and caste in presenting demographic data, but that time is not yet, and at the present moment their barriers have not so far decayed that their social importance cannot be ignored for public purposes, though progress in this direction may well prove much than one anticipates,' he had said. The following Census, in 1941, though caste details were collected, it was dropped from the final tabulation. Hutton's successor, M Y M Yeatts, a Scott whose term as Census Commissioner coincided with limitations imposed by World War II, wrote, 'The time is past for this enormous and costly table as part of the central undertaking and I share Dr. Hutton's views expressed ten years ago. With so constricted a financial position and with so many fields awaiting an entry there is no justification for spending lakhs on this detail.' In the 1951 Census, in a newly Independent India shaped by the ideals of equality and secularism, the government led by Jawaharlal Nehru decided there would be no caste enumeration. Hutton, meanwhile, tapped into his experience to write Caste in India, considered an authoritative source on the subject. He retired from the Indian Civil Service in 1936 and moved to Britain, where he continued his academic work and was elected to the William Wyse Chair of Social Anthropology in Cambridge, then among the most prestigious academic positions in British anthropology. He died at his home in Wales on May 23, 1968 – over two decades before the Mandal Commission reshaped the salience of caste in society and politics.
