Latest news with #Indigenousrights
ABC News
2 hours ago
- ABC News
NT police officer involved in Alice Springs death in custody leads case against Kumanjayi White's father
The police prosecutor who was involved in the death in custody of Kumanjayi White in Alice Springs is now involved in the prosecution of Mr White's father. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers are advised that this article contains the name of an Indigenous person who has died, used with the permission of their family. The ABC understands NT prosecutor Steven Haig was one of two plain-clothed officers involved in restraining Mr White at Coles supermarket on May 27. Mr White's arrest followed an alleged confrontation with security guards inside the supermarket. The 24-year-old Warlpiri man from Yuendumu, who was living in Alice Springs due to his disabilities, died soon after his arrest. Mr White's death prompted a wave of vigils around Australia and an outpouring of grief from Mr White's family. Mr Haig has continued working as a police prosecutor in Alice Springs, while NT Police investigate Mr White's death and "whether any criminality was involved". Nearly three months on, the cause of Mr White's death remains undetermined as NT Police wait for a forensic pathologist to "complete further investigation". NT Police has previously said the initial autopsy was inconclusive. Police have also ruled out the possibility of an independent inquiry into Mr White's death, despite repeated calls from his family, community groups, advocates and politicians. Mr White's father by kinship, Martin 'Isaac' Jabarula White, appeared in custody on Wednesday at Alice Springs Local Court, charged with contravening a domestic violence order. The court heard the charges were dismissed as they were "improperly laid" due to an administrative error. Court documents seen by the ABC show Mr Haig signed off on this improperly laid charge. Speaking outside court, Mr White told the ABC it was wrong Mr Haig could sign off on his charges given the officer's involvement in his son's death. "My message is just: get him out of [a] job." Soon after being granted bail, Mr White was arrested and charged again over the same offence when retrieving his personal items from the police watch house. He will now spend a second night in custody at the Alice Springs watch house. Human rights groups and the police union have previously raised concerns about conditions inside the NT's overcrowded police watch houses, where the lights remain on 24 hours a day. In a statement, NT Police said it "will not be identifying any of the individuals involved in the incident". "No charges have been laid in relation to this incident and the officers involved have not been stood down," the spokesperson said. "The community can be assured that a thorough investigation is being carried out to determine the circumstances and cause of Kumanjayi White's death."
The Independent
21 hours ago
- Politics
- The Independent
Takeaways from AP's reporting on armed groups recruiting children in Colombia
When the armed groups that operate in Colombia's drug trade need new recruits, they are increasingly turning to the children of the regions where they are active. Confronting the problem often falls to Indigenous groups, who blame the government for doing too little to stop it. In Cauca, an impoverished department in southwest Colombia, a coalition of Indigenous groups has documented more than 900 cases of Indigenous youth recruited since 2016, including some as young as 9. And the groups say the pace of recruiting has quickened as armed groups have expanded crops like the coca that is used to make cocaine. Here are takeaways from The Associated Press' reporting on the child recruitment: Colombia's violent past is not past Colombia has endured more than half a century of internal conflict that continues today. Leftist guerrillas, right-wing paramilitaries and criminal groups have fought for control of territory. A 2016 peace deal ended the war with the country's largest rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, but violence never fully stopped. FARC dissident groups rejected the peace process. The ELN, a Marxist guerrilla force active since the 1960s, and the Clan del Golfo, Colombia's largest drug-trafficking gang, are also active. All the groups recruit children. Where the dissidents are active, residents complain that they control everything. A schoolteacher at a village near Caldono, surrounded by dense forest and coca fields planted and patrolled by armed groups, said their presence in and around the school is constant. She described several former students, some as young as 11, now in the groups. One group confronting the recruiting The Indigenous Guard of the Nasa people formed in 2001 to protect Indigenous territories from armed groups and environmental destruction such as deforestation and illegal mining. Since 2020, they've seen armed groups amp up their recruiting of children to coincide with the guerrillas' expanded operations in growing drugs like coca. Guard members have stepped up patrols at schools like the one near Caldono to try to discourage recruiting. But they have also undertaken rescue missions to bring back children. One Guard member, 39-year-old Patricia Elago Zetty, told the AP of trekking across mountainous terrain when her own 13-year-old son went missing three years ago to confront the guerrillas suspected of taking her boy and another teenager. She said she and her unarmed comrades were stopped at gunpoint and spent tense moments before the boys were returned to them. But not all such missions are successful, with some groups refusing to return recruits above a certain age. What is the government doing? Scott Campbell, the United Nations human rights chief in Colombia, said the government's response has been 'ineffective and untimely.' He noted a lack of consistent state presence and failure to partner with Indigenous authorities on prevention. The Indigenous Councils Association of Northern Cauca, or ACIN, said the government has left armed groups to fill the void by providing roads, food and other basic services in remote and neglected areas. Colombia's Family Welfare Institute, or ICBF — the main agency protecting children — said it funds community programs and Indigenous‑led initiatives that have contributed to 251 children leaving armed groups in the first half of 2025. The ICBF insists it is working with Indigenous authorities and pressing armed groups to uphold a ban on recruiting minors. A recruit who fled and now tries to stop others from going One young woman who recently fled FARC dissidents, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation, said she joined the armed group at 16 not because she was forced but to escape family problems. She said she mainly cooked, organized supplies and cleaned weapons. She was afraid at first but was not mistreated. She eventually fled after a change in commanders left her fearing harsher treatment, or being moved to a faraway region with an increased threat of combat. Now she works with a local initiative that supports families trying to prevent their children from being recruited. She warns teens about the risks of joining armed groups. As for the parents, she said: 'I tell families they need to build trust with their children." ___ The Associated Press' climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP's standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at
Washington Post
21 hours ago
- Washington Post
Takeaways from AP's reporting on armed groups recruiting children in Colombia
CALDONO, Colombia — When the armed groups that operate in Colombia's drug trade need new recruits, they are increasingly turning to the children of the regions where they are active. Confronting the problem often falls to Indigenous groups, who blame the government for doing too little to stop it. In Cauca, an impoverished department in southwest Colombia, a coalition of Indigenous groups has documented more than 900 cases of Indigenous youth recruited since 2016, including some as young as 9. And the groups say the pace of recruiting has quickened as armed groups have expanded crops like the coca that is used to make cocaine.
Associated Press
21 hours ago
- Associated Press
Takeaways from AP's reporting on armed groups recruiting children in Colombia
CALDONO, Colombia (AP) — When the armed groups that operate in Colombia's drug trade need new recruits, they are increasingly turning to the children of the regions where they are active. Confronting the problem often falls to Indigenous groups, who blame the government for doing too little to stop it. In Cauca, an impoverished department in southwest Colombia, a coalition of Indigenous groups has documented more than 900 cases of Indigenous youth recruited since 2016, including some as young as 9. And the groups say the pace of recruiting has quickened as armed groups have expanded crops like the coca that is used to make cocaine. Here are takeaways from The Associated Press' reporting on the child recruitment: Colombia's violent past is not pastColombia has endured more than half a century of internal conflict that continues today. Leftist guerrillas, right-wing paramilitaries and criminal groups have fought for control of territory. A 2016 peace deal ended the war with the country's largest rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, but violence never fully stopped. FARC dissident groups rejected the peace process. The ELN, a Marxist guerrilla force active since the 1960s, and the Clan del Golfo, Colombia's largest drug-trafficking gang, are also active. All the groups recruit children. Where the dissidents are active, residents complain that they control everything. A schoolteacher at a village near Caldono, surrounded by dense forest and coca fields planted and patrolled by armed groups, said their presence in and around the school is constant. She described several former students, some as young as 11, now in the groups. One group confronting the recruiting The Indigenous Guard of the Nasa people formed in 2001 to protect Indigenous territories from armed groups and environmental destruction such as deforestation and illegal mining. Since 2020, they've seen armed groups amp up their recruiting of children to coincide with the guerrillas' expanded operations in growing drugs like coca. Guard members have stepped up patrols at schools like the one near Caldono to try to discourage recruiting. But they have also undertaken rescue missions to bring back children. One Guard member, 39-year-old Patricia Elago Zetty, told the AP of trekking across mountainous terrain when her own 13-year-old son went missing three years ago to confront the guerrillas suspected of taking her boy and another teenager. She said she and her unarmed comrades were stopped at gunpoint and spent tense moments before the boys were returned to them. But not all such missions are successful, with some groups refusing to return recruits above a certain age. What is the government doing?Scott Campbell, the United Nations human rights chief in Colombia, said the government's response has been 'ineffective and untimely.' He noted a lack of consistent state presence and failure to partner with Indigenous authorities on prevention. The Indigenous Councils Association of Northern Cauca, or ACIN, said the government has left armed groups to fill the void by providing roads, food and other basic services in remote and neglected areas. Colombia's Family Welfare Institute, or ICBF — the main agency protecting children — said it funds community programs and Indigenous‑led initiatives that have contributed to 251 children leaving armed groups in the first half of 2025. The ICBF insists it is working with Indigenous authorities and pressing armed groups to uphold a ban on recruiting minors. A recruit who fled and now tries to stop others from going One young woman who recently fled FARC dissidents, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation, said she joined the armed group at 16 not because she was forced but to escape family problems. She said she mainly cooked, organized supplies and cleaned weapons. She was afraid at first but was not mistreated. She eventually fled after a change in commanders left her fearing harsher treatment, or being moved to a faraway region with an increased threat of combat. Now she works with a local initiative that supports families trying to prevent their children from being recruited. She warns teens about the risks of joining armed groups. As for the parents, she said: 'I tell families they need to build trust with their children.' ___ The Associated Press' climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP's standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at
CBC
4 days ago
- Politics
- CBC
First Nation on Vancouver Island wins rights, title along Fraser River in Lower Mainland
A Vancouver Island First Nation has won back fishing rights and title for part of the land its ancestors used as a summer home in the Lower Mainland, despite opposition by two other Indigenous communities. A B.C. Supreme Court judge says in a written decision posted Friday that the Cowichan Tribes have established fishing rights on the Fraser River and title to a portion of almost 7½ square kilometres of land they claimed on Lulu Island in Richmond, B.C. The Musqueam and Tsawwassen First Nations, along with the federal and provincial governments, the City of Richmond and the Vancouver-Fraser Port Authority all opposed the claim during the 513-day trial. Justice Barbara Young ruled that land titles grants issued by the Canadian and B.C. governments to others "are defective and invalid" as they "unjustifiably infringe the Cowichan Nation Aboriginal title to these lands." The decision says both governments owe a duty to negotiate with the nation "in good faith" on how to reconcile its land title with what's now in the territory, including the Vancouver Airport Fuel Delivery Project property. B.C. Premier David Eby says in a response that the province is reviewing the decision for a possible appeal and will also seek to resolve the issue by negotiating with all nations involved. "But let me be clear: owning private property with clear title is key to borrowing for a mortgage, economic certainty, and the real estate market," Eby says. "We remain committed to protecting and upholding this foundation of business and personal predictability, and our provincial economy, for Indigenous and non-Indigenous people alike." The area where the Cowichan have established title was used by the nation's ancestors during the summer as a "permanent post and beam village" but was never established as a reserve, resulting in B.C. giving away the land starting in 1871. The Musqueam Indian Band — which declared in 1976 that it holds the Aboriginal title covering both the north and south arms of the Fraser River — says in a statement that it is deeply disappointed and "fundamentally" disagrees with the court decision. It says that it has established "national legal precedent on Aboriginal title and fishing rights" through two major cases in the Supreme Court of Canada, and it plans to "continue to vigorously defend these rights." "Musqueam is shocked the court didn't give effect to oral history and traditional governance protocols, which guide intercommunity relationships since time immemorial," the statement says. Musqueam Chief Wayne Sparrow said in an interview that the land in question is in the heart of the nation's territory and double the size of the Musqueam reserve. "We're disappointed, but not surprised. We've been down this path many times before," he said. "We've had decisions that the lower courts go against us, and we brought them to the higher courts and were successful there. And those are the options that we're going to be looking at in the next week or so." All parties have 30 days to decide if they will appeal. Cowichan celebrates win The Vancouver Fraser Port Authority says in a statement that it is reviewing the implications and details of the decision alongside other affected federal government departments, and further updates will be provided at an appropriate time. The Cowichan Tribes says in a news release that it is "celebrating a historic victory," while honouring "generations of leaders" in the community who fought to win the Aboriginal title on the Fraser River land. "It is in their honour and for the well-being of our future generations that the elders, knowledge holders, and chiefs who have gone before us brought this case forward to recognize our Aboriginal title and fishing rights, as a basis for truth and reconciliation, through the courts," it says. Young says in the decision that while evidence shows a number of Coast Salish groups being historically located in the lower Fraser River region, some places, such as the area of the Cowichan claim, "belonged to specific groups." The judge says the Cowichan "had the capacity and intention to exclusively control their village land and some surrounding areas on the south arm of the Fraser River" before 1846, when the British Crown asserted sovereignty in the area. "This was the Cowichan village," the ruling says. "It belonged to the Cowichan, and other groups respected that it was on Cowichan land. "The Cowichan exercised effective control over their land. There is no evidence of other Indigenous groups occupying this village." The court recognizes that the case "raised complex … and novel issues," its decision says. "The fact is, all the parties have continued interests, rights and obligations around the south arm of the Fraser River and limited resources need to be shared and preserved," Young says in the decision. "Now that this multi‑year journey has concluded, it is my sincere hope that the parties have the answers they need to return to negotiations and reconcile the outstanding issues."
