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News18
01-07-2025
- Politics
- News18
Janata Experiment Failed As Post-Emergency Coalition Leaders Sought To Undermine Sangh's Role
As mere anti-Congressism proved to be a weak glue to keep the Janata Parivar parties together, similarly, anti-BJPism would not take the INDIA bloc very far It's been about a week since the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the imposition of the Internal Emergency by the Government of India headed by Indira Gandhi started. Unfortunately, the posters and banners put up by the Bharatiya Janata Party units have already started to fade. Newspapers in their own way tried to commemorate the dark chapter in post-Independence history by commissioning articles. These articles have been written mostly by those who were part of the movement itself and ended up being anecdotal in their write-up. The best among the plethora of articles has been the one written by Kuldip Nayar, who was editor of The Indian Express when Emergency was imposed, and this article was published on the morning of June 26, 1975. Last week, The New Indian Express, one of the heirs to the Express legacy, reproduced the article on its editorial page. Reels and posts on the social media handles on the atrocities of Emergency, too, have gone dry. What has really been missing are articles that could have indicated with firm references whether Emergency or the movement against it managed to change the trend of Indian politics, or was it just an aberration? The imposition of Emergency and the valiant movement against it led by Jayaprakash Narayan did not bring a structural change in the Indian polity, as did the implementation of the Mandal Commission report for reservations in government jobs for candidates from the Other Backward Classes in 1990. No wonder the role of the Mandal Commission has been much more discussed and debated, but again, not in as much quantum as the Ramjanmabhoomi movement. This is a very sharp indicator that the turmoil in society, which started with the Mandal report implementation, has somewhat settled for a stable polity following the political success of an essentially social Kamandal (Ramjanmabhoomi) movement. This brings us to the question, was the decision to impose Emergency and the movement against it have a social quotient too? In the understanding of this writer, there was no element in either the action or the reaction which affected society the way it rattled the polity. The biggest evidence of this premise is that the Janata Party got dismantled with the same speed and momentum with which it was formed. What was the main reason for it? The Janata Parivar disowning the contribution of the Sangh Parivar in the movement and the role it played in the electoral defeat of the Congress in the 1977 general elections. In a recent newspaper interview, RSS sarkaryavah (general secretary) Dattatreya Hosabale mentioned that the Socialists and the Sangh had common ground in the movement against Emergency. 'The underground movement was sustained greatly because of the Sangh's personal contacts and through the help of their families. To run an underground movement, it is necessary to escape from the eyes of the police… The RSS had this informal contact and communication," Hosabale mentioned in the interview. However, soon after coming to power, a struggle within the Janata government began. The lack of a cohesive ideology beyond anti-Congressism made it difficult to sustain the government and present a unified front, leading to its eventual collapse. Despite their shared goal of restoring democracy, the alliance, when it came to sustaining the government, fell prey to internal conflicts, particularly over the association of members of the government with the RSS. In turn, it facilitated the return of the Congress to power within three years of being voted out. The Janata experiment, though in the short term contested a constitutional dictatorship vigorously, it failed to bring a long-term paradigm shift either in polity or in society. Without the organisational structure of the Sangh, the Janata Parivar was no match for the Congress's political behemoth, which was essentially built by Mahatma Gandhi during the freedom struggle. Though in 1989, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) once again became part of the move to replace the Congress government, it kept a distance and did not settle to be part of the National Front governments, first led by Vishwanath Pratap Singh and later Chandra Shekhar. It instead focused on the social agenda of cultural nationalism and harvested the political fruits of the movement in the formation of the first NDA government in 1998 under Atal Bihari Vajpayee, which remained in office till 2004, and the second government in 2014 under Narendra Modi, which continues to rule. There is a very strong message from the failure of the Janata experiment for the present-day Opposition too. As mere anti-Congressism proved to be a weak glue to keep the Janata Parivar parties together, similarly, anti-BJPism would not take the INDIA bloc very far. What's today called the BJP's election machinery is a synonym for the Sangh's well-entrenched social networking. There indeed are limitations to building political movements solely around an anti-incumbency sentiment. The writer is author and president, Centre for Reforms, Development & Justice. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : BJP congress emergency rss Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 02, 2025, 04:08 IST News opinion Opinion | Janata Experiment Failed As Post-Emergency Coalition Leaders Sought To Undermine Sangh's Role
Hindustan Times
20-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Hindustan Times
Reel life in the dark room of Emergency
It didn't take even three decades for the sovereign democratic Republic of India to face a nation-wide internal Emergency (June 25, 1975–March 21, 1977), which in practice meant democratic despotism and electoral autocracy. Both paradoxical and contradictory-in-terms, when film producers, directors and artistes saw how their freedom was clipped while the censorial scissors became extra-constitutionally sharper in the hands of an elected despot. After the Emergency got over, the newly elected Janata Party government at the Centre published a White Paper on Misuse of Mass Media During the Internal Emergency in August 1977, that listed all branches of mass media (including cinema) and examined how their rights were violated through the reckless abuse of power. Playback singer Kishore Kumar was another artiste who fell out with the authorities during the Emergency. (HT Photo) My story begins with two instances from Southern India that the White Paper did not mention. Incidentally, on the very day of the clamping of the draconian Emergency, i.e. June 25, 1975, a Kannada film was winding up its shooting while a Malayalam film project was being launched in Bengaluru; the Malayalam film crew was in the Karnataka capital because at that time the State government was offering a subsidy of ₹ 50,000 to producers who made films in that state. The Malayalam film was Kabani Nadi Chuvannappol (When the Kabani River Turned Red, 1975). The director of the film, PA Backer, and its producer, Pavithran, are no more, but I spoke with TV Chandran, who debuted as an actor in Kabani (Chandran is better known as a screenwriter and director in Kerala today). Chandran recalled how they were harassed during the shoot because the film dealt with the theme of student revolt against the establishment. Later, the censors asked the producer to chop off nearly 1,000 feet of the footage. Parts of the film were reshot and was resubmitted to two central representatives. The film was screened for the two men at the massive Kalaivanar Arangam theatre in Madras (Chennai), who did not find anything objectionable in it. However, Kabani Nadi Chuvannappol was withdrawn from a cinema hall in Thiruvananthapuram a couple of weeks after its release under government instruction. This time, the police ordered further cuts. The second story is about the Kannada film, Chanda Maruta (Rogue Winds, 1975) starring Snehalatha Reddy and directed by her husband Pattabhi Rama Reddy. The film, inspired by P Lankesh's play Kranthi Bantu Kranthi had, in fact, prophesied the Emergency. The censors banned the film. On June 25, 1975, Snehalata Reddy, who was one part of the lead pair (along with Girish Karnad) in Samskara (1970), Pattabhi Rama Reddy's adaptation of UR Ananthamurthy's celebrated novel, was imprisoned on false charges. She was tortured in Bangalore Central Prison and passed away while on parole on January 20, 1977. She was only 45. Eminent Malayalam writer-director MT Vasudevan Nair had planned to make a film about her, which, unfortunately, didn't happen. However, Uma Chakravarti's documentary Prison Diaries (2019) provides us an invaluable document about the imprisonment of a number of women who resisted the Emergency through the life of Snehalatha Reddy. Anand Patwardhan's 1978 film Prisoners of Conscience is a chronicle of how, under the Emergency, dissenters were detained and tortured in prisons. Among the films the White Paper mentions is Aandhi (Storm, 1975) directed by Gulzar and starring Sanjiv Kumar and Suchitra Sen. The film's heroine was to be modelled on Indira Gandhi but that idea was dropped. Permission was granted only after the producer revised the film. Kissa Kursi Ka, directed by Amrit Nahata in 1975, fared worse. The film was a satire on the politics of that time. It was first banned and later, its prints were confiscated. The film as well as its negative were destroyed. Andolan, directed by Lekh Tandon (1975) dealt with the 1942 movement. It could not be released because the producer was ordered to cut all the portions dealing with underground activities that were contextualised around the story. Even the blockbuster Sholay wasn't spared. The censors asked the producer to change the end scenes. Playback singer Kishore Kumar was another artiste who fell out with the authorities during the Emergency. As a result, his songs were banned from the radio and television, both controlled by the government, and the sale of gramophone records with his songs was made unlawful! Such bullying and arm-twisting by the central government were commonplace during the 21 months of the Emergency. Like Snehalatha Reddy and Kishore Kumar, not everyone meekly surrendered. Actor Dev Anand opposed the Emergency publicly and described it as a 'dark night, a nightmare, an insult to the people'. He even formed a political party – the National Party of India – which had to be disbanded when he failed to find suitable candidates to fight elections after the Emergency was lifted in 1977. As the nation commemorates the 50th anniversary of the Emergency, these instances of pushback should be remembered. Amrit Gangar is a Mumbai-based author, curator and historian. The views expressed are personal.
Arabian Post
20-06-2025
- Politics
- Arabian Post
Fifty Years After Emergency, The Present Modi Regime's Authoritarianism Is No Less Stifling
By P. Sudhir It may appear rather unusual to recall the inglorious sequence of events that began at midnight on June 25, 1975, with the declaration of the Internal Emergency. However, we are reminded of those immortal words of wisdom: 'those who tend to forget the lessons of history are condemned to repeat them.' These words compel us to revisit that dark chapter in the history of Indian democracy. The late 1960s had dealt a blow to the Congress party's monopoly on power, with opposition parties securing victories in several states. In response, Mrs Indira Gandhi repositioned herself through a series of progressive-sounding slogans such as Garibi Hatao, bank nationalisation, and the abolition of the privy purse. Departing from traditional political practice, she concentrated power in herself, bypassing strong state-level leaders and directly appealing to the masses at the grassroots. This approach yielded some gains for Mrs Gandhi. However, what truly bolstered her bid for political hegemony was India's intervention in support of the Bangladesh liberation struggle. The eventual establishment of an independent Bangladesh and the decisive defeat of Pakistan significantly enhanced her stature. The presence of the Soviet Union also played a crucial role in deterring potential US intervention aimed at rescuing Pakistan's military regime. This reinforced Mrs Gandhi's stature and ensured her victory in the 1971 general elections. Nevertheless, this overall picture could not stop the CPI(M), which emerged as the single largest party in the West Bengal Assembly. But, this was not allowed to progress naturally. The 1972 assembly elections were thoroughly rigged, paving the way for nearly half a decade of semi-fascist repression. This period of authoritarianism seamlessly merged with the declaration of the Emergency on the midnight of June 25, 1975. During much of the Emergency, Gandhi's political opponents were imprisoned, and the press was censored. Over 10,000 political opponents, journalists, and activists were jailed under her regime. Meanwhile, the country was grappling with a series of economic challenges stemming from the recent war with Pakistan, droughts, and the global oil crisis of 1973. Rising unemployment and inflation further fuelled public discontent and political opposition. These growing pressures, coupled with Mrs Gandhi's sense of personal insecurity and legal setbacks – particularly the threat of losing her Lok Sabha membership – contributed to the decision to impose Emergency. In essence, the Emergency of 1975 was declared due to a combination of political, social, and economic factors. The government invoked Article 352 of the Constitution, which permits the declaration of an Emergency in the event of war, external aggression, or internal disturbance. The official justification cited threats to national security and public order, leading to the suspension of fundamental rights and the concentration of power in the executive. Exposing the political dynamics that led to the Emergency, A K Gopalan, leader of the CPI(M) group in the Lok Sabha, stated during the debate on the Statutory Resolution for Approval of the Emergency proclamation on July 21, 1975:'The warning given by our Party about the rise of the tendency towards totalitarian and one-party dictatorship over the last three years has proved true with the sudden declaration of the new Emergency.'He went on to say that this abrupt move by the ruling party to extricate itself and its leader from a deepening personal and political crisis was a sign of weakness, not strength. It was designed to crush opposition voices and people's movements. He also exposed the false narrative that this Emergency was aimed against the extreme Right and Left adventurists. The inevitable followed, and the Congress, along with Indira Gandhi, could not avert political defeat. The eighteen-month Emergency has gone down in contemporary Indian history as a grave aberration and a sordid disruption of democracy. A broad coalition of forces ensured the restoration of democracy following the 1977 Lok Sabha elections. Today, Narendra Modi invokes the Emergency era, describing its imposition on June 25, 1975, as a 'black spot on the Constitution' of India. He has declared, 'These 50 years since the Emergency remind us to protect our Constitution and democracy with pride. The countrymen must resolve that such a travesty will never be allowed to happen again. We commit ourselves to ensuring a vibrant democracy and fulfilling the common man's dreams as outlined by the Indian Constitution.' However, this posturing is increasingly turning into a great hoax – an attempt to camouflage the RSS-BJP's own most obnoxious assault on Indian democracy, as it has unfolded over the past eleven years. Looking back fifty years later, the Emergency can be seen as the first major onslaught on India's democratic system – one that severely curtailed civil liberties and democratic rights. But it is a mistake, as many tend to do, to draw a direct comparison between the Emergency of 1975 and the present situation. The past decade under Modi is often referred to as an 'undeclared Emergency,' but such a comparison is misplaced on several counts. The current scenario has emerged against the backdrop of a global resurgence of the ultra-right, amidst a changed correlation of political forces in favour of imperialism. This phase has ushered in an era of finance capital driven global economies, marked by sharp inequality, rampant unemployment, and overwhelming corporate dominance. Accompanying this are unprecedented levels of identity-based polarisation and a relentless hate campaign, fostering the 'othering' of fellow citizens in both economic and social spheres. Thus, the present assault on democracy and constitutional principles is far more insidious. It has led to the rise of institutionalised authoritarianism – or what some observers term 'electoral autocracy.' In the Indian context, this authoritarian shift has been spearheaded by the RSS, injecting the toxic ideology of Hindutva, which seeks to fundamentally transform the very idea of India. This idea of India – born from the anti-colonial struggle – was anchored in a democratic, secular, socially just, and federal republic. The current onslaught is therefore more pervasive and stifling, aimed at dismantling the foundational principles of Indian citizenship. In hindsight, the 1975 Emergency now appears almost amateurish compared to the full-fledged authoritarianism we are experiencing today. While the current regime may seem harder to dislodge, the experience of fighting back against the Emergency in the 1970s should inspire confidence. A people united, with the will to resist the pernicious ideology of the RSS and reclaim democracy, can still meet and overcome today's challenge. (IPA Service)
