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Business Standard
06-05-2025
- Politics
- Business Standard
India slams OIC's statement on Kashmir, says 'absurd, at Pakistan's behest'
India on Tuesday slammed the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) for its May 2 statement regarding tensions between India and Pakistan after the Pahalgam terror attack that killed 26 Indian civilians. Responding to media queries, the Ministry of External Affairs' (MEA) spokesperson described the OIC's statement as 'absurd' and refusing to recognise the facts of the Pahalgam attack. "The OIC statement, issued at the behest of Pakistan, is absurd in refusing to recognise the facts of the Pahalgam terrorist attack and its cross-border linkages. This is yet another attempt by Pakistan, a country that has long engaged in cross-border terrorism, to manipulate and misguide the OIC Group to issue a self-serving statement," the MEA said. The ministry further said that the government rejects the OIC's interference on matters that are internal to India. What did the OIC say? On May 2, the OIC issued a statement calling for restraint and the urgent resumption of dialogue between Pakistan and India. It added that there was a need to resolve differences through peaceful means, in accordance with international law and the United Nations Charter to safeguard peace, security, and stability in South Asia. "It (OIC) also recalled the decisions of the Islamic Summit and the resolutions adopted by the OIC Council of Foreign Ministers reaffirming the Organisation's unwavering support for the Jammu and Kashmir question. The General Secretariat urged the international community to intensify efforts to find a peaceful resolution to the Jammu and Kashmir dispute, in line with the relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions," the statement added. This is not the first time India has accused Pakistan of misusing OIC.
News18
06-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
OIC Urges Restraint, Echoes Pakistan's Kashmir Propaganda In ‘De-Escalation' Plea
Last Updated: The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) on Monday urged Pakistan and India to exercise restraint but parroted Pakistani propaganda on Kashmir. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) on Monday reignited controversy by referring to Jammu and Kashmir as a 'dispute" and backing past resolutions that favour Pakistan's narrative. India has previously called out these statements as biased and uninformed. The reference to Kashmir was made in a statement which urged restraint between the two nuclear-armed states as tensions remain high following the deadly April 22 attack on civilians in Pahalgam by Pakistan-based and trained terrorists who gunned down 26 people, most of them tourists holidaying in the Baisaran. 'The General Secretariat of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) expressed deep concern over the deteriorating security situation in the South Asian region and called for restraint and the urgent resumption of dialogue between the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the Republic of India," the OIC statement said. 'It also recalled the decisions of the Islamic Summit and the resolutions adopted by the OIC Council of Foreign Ministers reaffirming the Organisation's unwavering support for the Jammu and Kashmir question," the statement further added, referring to the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir as a 'question". The OIC echoed Islamabad's long-standing position on Kashmir, calling the issue 'the core challenge" to peace and stability in South Asia, a claim India has rejected time and again as factually baseless and politically motivated. The 57-member body has repeatedly backed Pakistan on Kashmir, often provoking strong responses from India. After India revoked J&K's special status in August 2019, the OIC issued a statement condemning the move, calling it 'unilateral" and urging India to refrain from 'changing the demographic composition" of the region. India's rejected the statement, calling it 'factually incorrect and based on a misrepresentation of matters internal to India." First Published: May 06, 2025, 19:12 IST
Asharq Al-Awsat
16-03-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Toufic Sultan Recalls to Asharq Al-Awsat Mutual Hatred between Hafez al-Assad and Yasser Arafat
Journalists sometimes hear shocking statements—ones they lock away in their memory, fearing their repercussions. Some are too violent, too damaging, or too costly to repeat. Others risk swift denial from those who made them. That was the case in late January 1987, when Kuwait hosted the fifth Islamic Summit. Among the leaders in attendance were Saudi Arabia's King Fahd bin Abdulaziz, Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, Lebanese President Amin Gemayel, and Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) Chairman Yasser Arafat. I had requested an interview with Arafat, and he agreed to meet. After an exchange of pleasantries, he delivered a series of startling remarks. 'What's happening in Beirut?' he asked. 'You know the country is grappling with the aftermath of the war of the camps,' I replied. 'No, Ghassan,' he shot back. 'This is not the 'war of the camps.' The real name is the 'war on the camps.' It was personally ordered by Hafez al-Assad. Regrettably, the Amal Movement, led by Nabih Berri, is carrying out the decision, aided—unfortunately—by the Lebanese Army's Sixth Brigade.' Arafat must have noticed my surprise at his bluntness, because he raised his voice in anger. 'Assad is trying to finish what Ariel Sharon started in the 1982 invasion but failed to achieve. This is a continuation of Sharon's mission to eliminate the PLO,' he charged. Veteran Lebanese politician Toufic Sultan speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat) Assad: A Souk Al-Hamidiya merchant I pointed out that his accusations were grave, targeting Syria's head of state. His frustration only grew. 'Assad is not Syria's president,' Arafat fumed. 'He is a merchant from Souk al-Hamidiya. If only he focused on reclaiming the Golan instead of blocking Palestinian independence to please America and Israel. Mark my words: time will prove me right. Hafez al-Assad does not recognize Palestine, nor Lebanon. He loathes Iraq under the guise of hating Saddam Hussein.' Stunned, I listened as he went on. 'What they call an 'uprising' within Fatah is a conspiracy orchestrated by Assad and funded by [Libyan leader Moammar] al-Gaddafi. Assad's only dream is to turn the Palestinian cause into a bargaining chip and to dominate Lebanon.' As Arafat's anger subsided, our conversation shifted to other topics. A few days ago, I met with veteran Lebanese politician Toufic Sultan—a man who carries the collective memory of two cities. Born in Tripoli, he has also witnessed Beirut's political twists and turns, having been a close associate of Kamal Jumblatt and his son, Walid, as well as former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri and his son, Saad. He maintained ties with Arafat and participated in meetings with Assad and other Arab leaders. His recollections are rich with pivotal moments, particularly from his time as deputy leader of the National Movement, a coalition of leftist and nationalist forces led by Kamal Jumblatt. Rocky start: Assad and Arafat's strained relationship Arafat's relationship with Damascus was troubled from the outset. After a bloody internal dispute within Fatah, he was briefly detained in Syria, where the defense minister at the time was Hafez al-Assad. Following the violent clashes between Palestinian factions and the Jordanian army in 1970, Assad came to view the presence of armed Palestinian groups as a source of chaos. This belief shaped his stance toward Arafat and the Palestinian resistance movement for years to come. Assad grew uneasy when Palestinian factions relocated to Beirut and forged a broad alliance with Lebanon's leftist parties and nationalist forces. He closely monitored Arafat's rise as the dominant player on the Lebanese scene. Despite Syria's attempts to control the Palestinian file, Damascus struggled to rein in Fatah's overwhelming influence and Arafat's growing stature. His power extended to Lebanon's southern border with Israel, where he effectively held decision-making authority. Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Sultan recalled: 'Hafez al-Assad never truly respected the idea of Palestinian resistance. I heard it from him directly and from those around him. His prevailing view was that there was no real resistance—just armed groups operating in coordination with intelligence agencies. The divide between Assad and Arafat was clear from the start.' Sultan recounted an episode that underscored the deep divide between Assad and Arafat. 'One day, Assad told Arafat that Palestine did not exist—it was simply southern Syria. Arafat fired back, saying there was no such thing as Syria, only northern Palestine. There was an attempt to mask the exchange with humor, but the reality was that Assad genuinely viewed the issue through this lens,' Sultan said. He explained that several Arab regimes sought to control the Palestinian cause, hoping to benefit from it without bearing its consequences. 'From the Baathist perspective, both in Baghdad and Damascus, there was a belief that the issue was too significant for the PLO to unilaterally determine its fate.' Crackdown on Palestinian media Sultan recalled a particularly tense moment in the PLO's relationship with the Syrian regime. 'The organization operated a radio station in Syria. One day, it aired a segment quoting Arafat, including the phrase 'There is water in my mouth'—a cryptic remark hinting at unspoken grievances. Syrian authorities responded swiftly, sending bulldozers to demolish the station and arresting several staff members.' That night, Palestinian officials approached Sultan, urging him to speak with Kamal Jumblatt. 'Jumblatt suggested we arrange a meeting with Assad. It was Ramadan, so I contacted Hikmat al-Shihabi, then head of Syrian intelligence and our liaison,' recalled Sultan. As the meeting neared sunset, Jumblatt sat across from Assad, with Sultan seated beside the Syrian president. The discussion quickly turned hostile toward Arafat. 'The conversation was filled with insults. Phrases like 'We'll bring him in'—implying they'd arrest him—and 'We'll flip him over'—a reference to how prisoners were beaten—were thrown around. Jumblatt, always polite and measured, stopped eating. Sensing his discomfort, Assad turned to me and asked me to intervene.' Sultan responded: 'Mr. President, the Palestinian fighters are not our schoolmates. We are committed to the Palestinian cause, and today, the PLO and Arafat represent that cause. These men have endured extreme hardships.' Assad listened and then conceded: 'Abu Rashid is right. Consider it settled, Kamal Bey.' The detainees were subsequently released. A meeting between Kamal Jumblatt and Arafat attended by Toufic Sultan, George Hawi, Mohsen Ibrahim, and Yasser Abed Rabbo. (Courtesy of Toufic Sultan) Deep-seated mutual hatred Asked whether the animosity between Assad and Arafat was evident at the time, Sultan did not hesitate. 'Of course. It was well known,' he said. 'One way to ingratiate oneself with Assad was to openly attack Arafat.' He recalled a meeting with Walid Jumblatt, Assem Kanso—the head of Lebanon's Baath Party—and Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam. 'When Arafat's name came up, Khaddam abruptly declared, 'Yasser Arafat is an Israeli spy.' I remained silent. He turned to me and asked for my opinion. I simply said, 'I heard you.'' Khaddam pressed further: 'What do you think?' Sultan replied: 'I respect your opinion, and this is your office. But if you want my honest view, it won't please you.' The atmosphere surrounding Assad was particularly hostile toward Fatah. Syrian authorities used every means at their disposal to infiltrate the group. After years of effort, they succeeded in orchestrating major defections, the most notable led by Abu Saleh, Abu Musa, and Abu Khaled al-Omleh. Damascus provided these factions with logistical support, training camps, and other resources. 'Syria had the power to shrink or amplify political movements,' remembered Sultan. Despite knowing that geography gave Assad a strategic advantage, Arafat was not an easy adversary. He countered Syria's animosity with his trademark defiance—flashing the victory sign and invoking phrases like 'the Palestinian bloodbath' and 'the longest Arab-Israeli war.' These references underscored the resilience of Palestinian fighters and their Lebanese allies during Israel's 1982 siege of Beirut, led by then-Israeli Defense Minister Ariel Sharon. At the time, many believed that Arafat's relentless emphasis on 'independent Palestinian decision-making' was aimed more at Assad than at any other party. Damascus, in turn, saw Arafat as dismissive of the sacrifices made by the Syrian army during Israel's invasion of Beirut. Syrian officials also suspected that he was waiting for an opportunity to join peace negotiations with Israel—an option that had eluded him after he failed to follow in the footsteps of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in the late 1970s.
See - Sada Elbalad
08-03-2025
- Politics
- See - Sada Elbalad
OIC Supports Arab Plan for Gaza Reconstruction and Rejects Displacement
Mohamed Mandour The Organization of Islamic Cooperation held an extraordinary session of the Council of Foreign Ministers at its headquarters in Jeddah, to discuss the ongoing Israeli aggression against the Palestinian people and the annexation and displacement plans from their land. Speeches were delivered by the Secretary-General of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, Hissein Brahim Taha, Logen Mbela Mbela, Minister of Foreign Relations of the Republic of Cameroon, Chairman of the Council of Foreign Ministers, Dr. MamadouTangara, Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Gambian Expatriates of the Republic of Gambia, which chairs the Islamic Summit, and Dr. Mohamed Mustafa, Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates of the State of Palestine, at the opening session of the extraordinary ministerial meeting. In his speech, the Secretary-General of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation affirmed his support for the reconstruction plan for the Gaza Strip, which was adopted by the Arab Summit, while adhering to the right of the Palestinian people to remain in their land, as it represents a common and realistic vision that requires everyone to mobilize the necessary financial and political support to implement it, within the framework of an integrated political and economic path to achieve the vision of the two-state solution. He warned of the danger of the unacceptable Israeli measures and attempts to liquidate the Palestinian refugee issue. The Secretary-General stressed that the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and its vital role in serving millions of Palestinian refugees cannot be dispensed with or replaced, while stressing the need to double political, financial and legal support for the agency. He added that the meeting is being held while it is burdened by the challenges facing the Palestinian cause as a result of the continued occupation, settlement, daily crimes, annexation plans, and forced displacement of the Palestinian people from their land by Israel, the occupying power, and its attempts to Judaize the Holy City of Al-Quds and violate the sanctity of its holy sites, in addition to the siege, starvation, arrests, storming of Palestinian cities and camps, and the destruction of their infrastructure and homes. The Secretary-General called for more concerted efforts to achieve a sustainable ceasefire, the complete withdrawal of the occupation forces, the delivery of humanitarian aid, helping the displaced to return to their homes, enabling the Palestinian government to assume its duties and preserve the unity of the Palestinian territory, including the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and East Al-Quds. He equally highlighted the importance of implementing emergency relief, economic recovery, and reconstruction programs, and providing international protection for the Palestinians.
