Latest news with #Islamofascist


Vancouver Sun
11 hours ago
- Politics
- Vancouver Sun
Iran regime change the only path forward, Iranian-Canadians say
OTTAWA — Despite enduring institutionally enforced hatred against both Israel and the United States, everyday Iranians aren't directing anger over weeks of airstrikes targeting Iran's nuclear ambitions at them. 'I've never heard anyone say, 'Why is Israel doing this,'' Iranian-Canadian Maral told the Toronto Sun. 'Everyone was saying, 'This is this regime, they are the root cause of this. They put us in this situation.'' Maral, her identity concealed over fears of reprisals to her and her family, offered an unflinching view of life in Iran, and why Iranians believe the best way forward is to overthrow the Ayatollah Khamenei's despotic dictatorship. Start your day with a roundup of B.C.-focused news and opinion. By signing up you consent to receive the above newsletter from Postmedia Network Inc. A welcome email is on its way. If you don't see it, please check your junk folder. The next issue of Sunrise will soon be in your inbox. Please try again Interested in more newsletters? Browse here. 'Every day for school, even in elementary school, there are flags of the U.S. and Israel on the floor — (students) have to walk over the flags to start our morning,' she said. That, along with official regime slogans calling for the death of America, Israel and the 'three corruptors' — former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein and former Israeli PM Menachem Begin — are seeing quiet but conspicuous resistance. Students at universities in Tehran are going out of their way to not tread on the flags, a small but sure sign of growing resistance to Iran's brutal theocracy and a growing desire for regime change. Few understand what living in Iran is like better than Iranians, who saw their once-promising beacon of democracy and prosperity transformed into an Islamofascist dystopia. 'Economically, this is a country that, 40 years ago, was one of the fastest-developing countries in the world,' said Kaveh Shahrooz, a lawyer, activist and Macdonald-Laurier Institute Fellow. 'Since the revolution, it's become one of the most stagnant economies in the world — thanks to corruption and mismanagement, but also the incredible international isolation as a result of the regime's foolish international policies, sponsorship of terrorism and pursuit of nuclear weapons.' Shahrooz described Iran as an apartheid state for women, one that outlaws homosexuality, labour unions and even dog ownership. 'If you're a young person you have no hopes for the future, because the economy is in shambles and the regime prevents you from doing all the normal things that teenagers do,' he said, describing bans on public displays of affection, drinking alcohol or even listening to music. Iran rules its people with an iron fist, both at home and abroad. Hundreds of Iranian agents currently live in Canada, carrying out threats, harassments and even assassination against those deemed problematic. Among the more high-profile targets was former cabinet minister Irwin Cotler, whom last year it was revealed to be the target of a foiled Iranian assassination plot . Iranians also know the Ayatollah's regime cares nothing about them, proven by a lack of supports from the recent attacks. 'There were no safe shelters for people to go to, no air raid sirens, Iran's air defences were incredibly weak and knocked out immediately,' Shahrooz said. 'It's a regime that, despite the rhetoric and money that it funnels into defence and acting aggressively internationally, just did not care about the welfare of its citizens.' Maral said overthrowing the Ayatollah is the dream of most Iranians. 'For the long-term situation, for the safety of the Jewish and Israeli people and the rest of the world, the only long-term and sustainable solution is regime change,' she said. 'Iranian civil society needs help from the world to do this — and if we do this, the world is going to be a much safer place, not only Middle East, not only Israel, but the whole globe.' bpassifiume@ X: @bryanpassifiume


Calgary Herald
11 hours ago
- Politics
- Calgary Herald
Iran regime change the only path forward, Iranian-Canadians say
OTTAWA — Despite enduring institutionally enforced hatred against both Israel and the United States, everyday Iranians aren't directing anger over weeks of airstrikes targeting Iran's nuclear ambitions at them. Article content 'I've never heard anyone say, 'Why is Israel doing this,'' Iranian-Canadian Maral told the Toronto Sun. Article content Article content 'Everyone was saying, 'This is this regime, they are the root cause of this. They put us in this situation.'' Article content Article content Maral, her identity concealed over fears of reprisals to her and her family, offered an unflinching view of life in Iran, and why Iranians believe the best way forward is to overthrow the Ayatollah Khamenei's despotic dictatorship. Article content Article content 'Every day for school, even in elementary school, there are flags of the U.S. and Israel on the floor — (students) have to walk over the flags to start our morning,' she said. Article content That, along with official regime slogans calling for the death of America, Israel and the 'three corruptors' — former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein and former Israeli PM Menachem Begin — are seeing quiet but conspicuous resistance. Article content Students at universities in Tehran are going out of their way to not tread on the flags, a small but sure sign of growing resistance to Iran's brutal theocracy and a growing desire for regime change. Article content Article content Few understand what living in Iran is like better than Iranians, who saw their once-promising beacon of democracy and prosperity transformed into an Islamofascist dystopia. Article content Article content 'Economically, this is a country that, 40 years ago, was one of the fastest-developing countries in the world,' said Kaveh Shahrooz, a lawyer, activist and Macdonald-Laurier Institute Fellow. Article content 'Since the revolution, it's become one of the most stagnant economies in the world — thanks to corruption and mismanagement, but also the incredible international isolation as a result of the regime's foolish international policies, sponsorship of terrorism and pursuit of nuclear weapons.'


The Guardian
26-03-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
In Turkey, we are showing the world how to challenge a callous, authoritarian leader
After 22 years of power grabs, the seizure of all state institutions and severe oppression aimed at reshaping Turkish citizens into Islamofascist minions, Turkey is striking back against President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's authoritarianism. In cities across the country, including the regime's strongholds, protests have been ongoing for the past week. Istanbul mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu's detention on bogus corruption charges this week galvanised the people; within days, the protests evolved into something bigger – a national riot demanding democracy, dignity and freedom. The protests reminded many of the Gezi uprising of 2013, yet this time the young people who we thought had lost all hope for the future under Erdoğan and during the severe economic crisis took to the streets, risking limitless police violence by attending public gatherings which are now banned. One of the slogans adorning placards encapsulated the sentiment perfectly: 'If we burn, you'll burn with us.' While the protests were rife with political humour, everyone knows that what is happening is no joke: the country stands at a political point of no return. The die is cast. Either Erdoğan will retreat, or else. What that 'else' could possibly be is a daunting prospect. Yet the people's determination to break the wall of fear is unprecedented, and this time, unlike during the Gezi uprising, the main opposition party is 'hosting' the political action – or at least trying to. İmamoğlu is not only the mayor of the largest city in Turkey but also, with his widespread popularity, Erdoğan's only credible political rival. Right before his detention on dubious claims made by the regime – financial corruption, being a leader of a criminal organisation and collaborating with terrorist organisations – İmamoğlu was about to announce his candidacy for the next presidential elections. Several opinion polls indicated his support would probably surpass Erdoğan's in that election, due to be held in 2028. According to sources close to Erdoğan, the plan was to arrest and discredit İmamoğlu and to appoint a government trustee to the main opposition party. This has been Erdoğan's modus operandi for years. Several mayors from opposition parties – both social democrats and the Kurdish party – have been taken into custody, and İmamoğlu's arrest was anticipated. In his last video before his detention, while getting dressed, İmamoğlu calmly said that he would 'stand resolute' for the people of Turkey. Taking his words as a call to action, hundreds of thousands have filled the city's squares since the first night. The main opposition party, on witnessing the scale of the protests, transformed its primaries for presidential candidacy into a mass political action, inviting all citizens to cast their votes in support of İmamoğlu to demonstrate to the regime that support for him extends far beyond party politics. Close to 15 million people voted for İmamoğlu, securing his position as the official opposition candidate. The particularities of this story may be confusing. The boundlessness of the lies and tricks employed by an authoritarian leader can be hard to follow. But what is happening in Turkey has important lessons for democracies around the world. Over the last decade, as we have seen in several European countries and the US, holding the line by lining up with centrist political parties has not been effective, and Occupy-style street politics, inspiring though they may be, do not adequately counter the rising tide of fascism. 'Try again, fail again' strategies have been exhausted in recent years, the most recent example being the US. Clearly, the conventional political parties – the Democrats in the US and social democrats in Europe – have failed to harness the political and moral outrage of the masses, which leaders like Erdoğan or Donald Trump induce. The political energy flowing from street politics is too unpredictable to be embraced by conventional political parties – and the masses, with their youthful enthusiasm, are hesitant to align themselves with worn-out political institutions. So what is the solution? The old-school progressive opposition parties resemble shipwrecks – they are decaying structures. They have lost all that was vital in them over the last five decades after aligning with the neoliberal hegemony, which severed its organic ties to the progressive sectors of society. They are highly bureaucratised and, as a result, paralysed giants unable to keep up with the agility of the new far right. What is occurring in Turkey right now is youthful energy schooling and shoaling around this shipwreck, breathing life into it by transforming the wreck into a reef. For days now, youth leaders have been delivering speeches at significant party meetings, continually negotiating the guidelines for collaborative action. Whenever possible, they ensure that their outrage extends beyond İmamoğlu's arrest. Their presence irrevocably alters the spirit of the political movement and drives the social democratic party forward towards life. Throughout this process, the young learn to navigate the slow-moving giant while the giant adapts to become nimble and brave enough to counter the ruthless tactics of the regime. Not only for Turkey but also soon for Europe and beyond, the central question of saving democracy from the rise of authoritarianism will be this: will the youthful energy of the masses be allowed into the wreckage to transform it into a living organism? One that is robust enough to challenge the historical tide bending towards authoritarianism? Turkey, in the days to come, will be answering this question. Ece Temelkuran is a Turkish journalist and political commentator, and author of How to Lose a Country: The 7 Steps from Democracy to Dictatorship