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Yahoo
14-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - The Druze reveal a road not taken in Israeli-Palestinian relations
The Druze became central figures in a recent, startling episode in the Middle East. Israel sent warplanes and troops into Syria to defend this Arab religious minority, attacking the armed groups that attacked them. There is a long history to this recent event, and understanding it leads to deep insights into the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Druze are Arabs but not Muslims. Their religion originated as an offshoot of Islam about 1,000 years ago, but it quickly became very different in its precepts, which include a belief in reincarnation. The story of the relationship between Druze Arabs and Jews in Israel departs radically from the conventional narrative of Israeli-Palestinian relations. The reason for the difference is simple: Unlike most Arabs, the Druze never fought against the Jewish state. From the beginning, they accepted the immigration of Jews to what was then Palestine and accepted the creation of the state of Israel. They have been loyal citizens ever since. The main cause for this acceptance is religious. The Druze religion teaches its adherents to be loyal to whatever state they live in. As a result, Lebanese Druze are loyal to Lebanon, Israeli Druze are loyal to Israel and so forth. Druze Arabs were universally granted Israeli citizenship when the nation was born in 1948. They were not driven out of their villages during the war of independence because they did not attack the nascent state. In fact, Druze volunteered to serve in the Israel Defense Forces and have been prominent within it ever since. Until the 1956 Arab-Israeli war, they served as volunteers; after the war, they asked to be drafted like Jewish Israelis. Currently, the proportion of Druze men who serve in the military is slightly higher than the proportion of Jewish men who serve. (Druze women are not drafted.) Many Druze serve in elite units and are officers, including generals. This relationship of loyalty is reciprocal; it is the reason Israel came to the defense of the Druze in Syria. Sheikh Muafak Tarif, head of the Druze community in Israel, called on the Israeli military to prevent massacres of Syrian Druze. Some Israeli Druze even blocked roads to demand the intervention on behalf of their Syrian coreligionists. In Daliyat al-Karmel, a prominent Druze town, there is a monument to Druze Israeli Defense Force soldiers who died in defense of Israel, with a long list of their names. There is also a community wall with permanent inscriptions reading, 'We have no other country' and 'We walk hand in hand.' Why is this information so unfamiliar to most? One reason is that Israeli Druze number only about 150,000 and comprise just 8 percent of the Arab population of Israel. Another reason is likely that their story departs so radically from the conventional narrative of Israeli oppression and Arab resistance. It took a war in Syria to bring the Druze to the world's attention. Since the creation of the Jewish state, Israel has taken many aggressive actions toward its Palestinian population. These forms of force range in intensity, from restrictions on the movement of people and goods (i.e., a 'blockade') to checkpoints that Arabs but not Jews must pass through, to military attacks like what is happening in Gaza. These actions have taken a terrible toll on Palestinians. Nonetheless, the reasons, motivations and meanings of these actions are not clear, and achieving the vital goal of ending use of force against Palestinians requires an accurate understanding of why Israel has used so much force. There are two main competing explanations. One is that aggressive actions toward Palestinians are based on a racist, oppressive, colonialist mentality that derogates Arabs. The other explanation is that these actions are all forms of self-defense — efforts to protect against violent attacks ranging in scope from bombs on buses to the massacres of Oct. 7. One hypothesis is about oppression and hate. The other is about people trying to stop their enemies from killing them. Druze Arabs are of the same race as other Arabs; they just have a different religion. The hypothesis that Zionism is fundamentally based on racism is refuted by the story of the Druze in Israel. If other Palestinians did as the Druze did, then the checkpoints, restrictions and intermittent violence of Israeli self-defense would not exist. There would be no reason for them. Of course there are racist individuals among Jewish Israelis, as there are among all populations. But they do not explain the basic story of the conflict between Israel and Palestine. Israeli self-defense has arguably sometimes involved brutal overreactions that killed many innocent civilians in the process of killing a few militants embedded among them. The story of the Druze does not demonstrate that Israel is faultless, but it does reveal that Israel's use of force against Palestinians is the result of Palestinian use of force against them. In the complex dynamics of world history, it is rare for one form of evidence to indicate so clearly which of two competing hypotheses is valid. The story of the Druze in Israel provides just such an acid test. And it shows that the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict did not have to be the way it has been. Perhaps it also means that it does not have to be this way forever. Jeremy Shapiro, Ph.D., is an adjunct faculty member of the Department of Psychological Sciences of Case Western Reserve University. He is the author, most recently, of 'Finding Goldilocks: A Guide for Creating Balance in Personal Change, Relationships, and Politics.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
14-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
The Druze reveal a road not taken in Israeli-Palestinian relations
The Druze became central figures in a recent, startling episode in the Middle East. Israel sent warplanes and troops into Syria to defend this Arab religious minority, attacking the armed groups that attacked them. There is a long history to this recent event, and understanding it leads to deep insights into the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Druze are Arabs but not Muslims. Their religion originated as an offshoot of Islam about 1,000 years ago, but it quickly became very different in its precepts, which include a belief in reincarnation. The story of the relationship between Druze Arabs and Jews in Israel departs radically from the conventional narrative of Israeli-Palestinian relations. The reason for the difference is simple: Unlike most Arabs, the Druze never fought against the Jewish state. From the beginning, they accepted the immigration of Jews to what was then Palestine and accepted the creation of the state of Israel. They have been loyal citizens ever since. The main cause for this acceptance is religious. The Druze religion teaches its adherents to be loyal to whatever state they live in. As a result, Lebanese Druze are loyal to Lebanon, Israeli Druze are loyal to Israel and so forth. Druze Arabs were universally granted Israeli citizenship when the nation was born in 1948. They were not driven out of their villages during the war of independence because they did not attack the nascent state. In fact, Druze volunteered to serve in the Israel Defense Forces and have been prominent within it ever since. Until the 1956 Arab-Israeli war, they served as volunteers; after the war, they asked to be drafted like Jewish Israelis. Currently, the proportion of Druze men who serve in the military is slightly higher than the proportion of Jewish men who serve. (Druze women are not drafted.) Many Druze serve in elite units and are officers, including generals. This relationship of loyalty is reciprocal; it is the reason Israel came to the defense of the Druze in Syria. Sheikh Muafak Tarif, head of the Druze community in Israel, called on the Israeli military to prevent massacres of Syrian Druze. Some Israeli Druze even blocked roads to demand the intervention on behalf of their Syrian coreligionists. In Daliyat al-Karmel, a prominent Druze town, there is a monument to Druze Israeli Defense Force soldiers who died in defense of Israel, with a long list of their names. There is also a community wall with permanent inscriptions reading, 'We have no other country' and 'We walk hand in hand.' Why is this information so unfamiliar to most? One reason is that Israeli Druze number only about 150,000 and comprise just 8 percent of the Arab population of Israel. Another reason is likely that their story departs so radically from the conventional narrative of Israeli oppression and Arab resistance. It took a war in Syria to bring the Druze to the world's attention. Since the creation of the Jewish state, Israel has taken many aggressive actions toward its Palestinian population. These forms of force range in intensity, from restrictions on the movement of people and goods (i.e., a 'blockade') to checkpoints that Arabs but not Jews must pass through, to military attacks like what is happening in Gaza. These actions have taken a terrible toll on Palestinians. Nonetheless, the reasons, motivations and meanings of these actions are not clear, and achieving the vital goal of ending use of force against Palestinians requires an accurate understanding of why Israel has used so much force. There are two main competing explanations. One is that aggressive actions toward Palestinians are based on a racist, oppressive, colonialist mentality that derogates Arabs. The other explanation is that these actions are all forms of self-defense — efforts to protect against violent attacks ranging in scope from bombs on buses to the massacres of Oct. 7. One hypothesis is about oppression and hate. The other is about people trying to stop their enemies from killing them. Druze Arabs are of the same race as other Arabs; they just have a different religion. The hypothesis that Zionism is fundamentally based on racism is refuted by the story of the Druze in Israel. If other Palestinians did as the Druze did, then the checkpoints, restrictions and intermittent violence of Israeli self-defense would not exist. There would be no reason for them. Of course there are racist individuals among Jewish Israelis, as there are among all populations. But they do not explain the basic story of the conflict between Israel and Palestine. Israeli self-defense has arguably sometimes involved brutal overreactions that killed many innocent civilians in the process of killing a few militants embedded among them. The story of the Druze does not demonstrate that Israel is faultless, but it does reveal that Israel's use of force against Palestinians is the result of Palestinian use of force against them. In the complex dynamics of world history, it is rare for one form of evidence to indicate so clearly which of two competing hypotheses is valid. The story of the Druze in Israel provides just such an acid test. And it shows that the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict did not have to be the way it has been. Perhaps it also means that it does not have to be this way forever. Jeremy Shapiro, Ph.D., is an adjunct faculty member of the Department of Psychological Sciences of Case Western Reserve University. He is the author, most recently, of 'Finding Goldilocks: A Guide for Creating Balance in Personal Change, Relationships, and Politics.'
Straits Times
14-05-2025
- Politics
- Straits Times
Leaders of Israel's Druze say the state owes it to them to defend Syrian kin
FILE PHOTO: People gather on the day Israeli Druze leader Sheik Mowafaq Tarif and around 100 Syrian Druze religious elders, in the first Druze delegation from Syria just after 1973 war, visit the Nabi Shuayb Shrine, a holy place for the Druze community, in northern Israel March 14, 2025. REUTERS/Ammar Awad/File Photo FILE PHOTO: A Druze resident of Al-Soura al-Kubra, Salman Olaiwi, inspects his damaged home, following clashes between Sunni Islamist militants and Druze fighters, in Sweida province, Syria, May 2, 2025. REUTERS/Karam Al-Masri/File Photo FILE PHOTO: Men gesture on the day Israeli Druze leader Sheik Mowafaq Tarif hosts Druze leaders from Syria in the first Druze delegation from Syria just after 1973 war, at the Druze village of Julis, in northern Israel March 14, 2025. REUTERS/Ammar Awad/File Photo Leaders of Israel's Druze say the state owes it to them to defend Syrian kin HURFEISH, Israel - Pained and angered by deadly clashes between Islamist and Druze gunmen in Syria in recent weeks, leaders of Israel's own Druze minority say the Israeli military was right to intervene to defend the Druze and should do so again if violence restarts. Close ties between the Israeli state and its 120,000 Druze citizens, strengthened by the fact that Druze men serve in the Israel Defense Forces, are one of the reasons for Israel's deepening involvement in Syria. "The Druze in Israel have forged a bond with the country and with the Jewish people. We are fighting alongside them on all fronts," said Anwer Amer, a former police officer who is now the mayor of Hurfeish, a Druze town in the Galilee, northern Israel. "I expect my state and the Jewish people to reciprocate for everything we've done for it and defend our brothers in Syria," he told Reuters at his office. An Arab minority straddling Lebanon, Syria and Israel, the Druze practise a secret religion that is an offshoot of Islam. Loyal to their culture and to each other, they also seek good relations with the countries where they live. Druze solidarity is not Israel's only concern in Syria, which has been run by an Islamist group that was once an al Qaeda affiliate since Bashar al-Assad was ousted in December. Israel sees the Islamists as a threat and has sought to keep their armed forces out of regions close to its border, such as Sweida province where the majority are Druze. Regional geopolitics are shifting. Israel frequently bombed Syria during Assad's rule to counter his backer, Iran, but now worries about Turkey, a close ally of the Islamists, becoming stronger in Syria and gaining a foothold near Israel's border. In a major policy change, U.S. President Donald Trump announced on Tuesday that the United States would lift long-standing sanctions on Syria, setting aside deep Israeli suspicion of the new administration there. In this transformed landscape, defending the Syrian Druze is in Israel's interest because they help keep the Islamists at bay, said Sarit Zehavi, founder of the Alma Center, a security research and teaching organisation in the Galilee. "Building relationships with the Druze of Syria that are living a few tens of kilometres from the border could help ensure the Islamist monster is not growing next to our border," she said, adding that this was a lesson learned from the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7, 2023. She said Israel was also duty bound to help the Druze because of its "special relationship" with its own Druze. That relationship was strained in 2018, when tens of thousands of Druze protested against a new law stating that only Jews have the right of self-determination in the country. Yet in the Galilee's Druze villages, perched on steep slopes lush with oak and olive trees, Israeli flags and Druze flags - a green triangle with red, yellow, blue and white stripes - are equally ubiquitous on flagpoles and public buildings. In March, a delegation of Syrian Druze religious elders was allowed into Israel to visit a holy shrine for the first time in 50 years, sparking huge celebrations among Israeli Druze. 'NO OTHER CHOICES' The fighting in Druze areas of Syria started on April 29 and left more than 100 Druze dead, mostly gunmen, according to the UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which also reported 32 Islamist deaths. Coming after hundreds of Alawites, another Syrian minority, were slaughtered by pro-government fighters in March, the violence was viewed as an existential threat by many Druze. "It's not easy to see the pictures and to hear them turning to us to help," said Anan Wahabi, a Druze former IDF officer, now a university lecturer in political science. The spiritual leader of the Israeli Druze, Sheikh Mowafaq Tarif, met Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to press for military action. Some Druze soldiers signed a letter volunteering to go and fight in Syria. Druze protesters blocked roads to pressure the government into intervening. Israel responded with air strikes, including one near the presidential palace in Damascus which it called a warning to the Syrian government not to deploy forces south of the capital or threaten the Druze. It also said it had sent ground troops to protect Druze villages and had evacuated some casualties. "The IDF continues to monitor developments and remains at peak readiness for defense and various scenarios," it said last week. Syria accused Israel of a dangerous escalation and rejected any foreign intervention. The government has made concessions to ease tensions with the Druze, such as hiring security forces locally rather than bringing them in from elsewhere. Some Druze say Israel should keep quieter about its actions to shield the Syrian Druze from being seen as Israeli proxies. "We expect a country that we die for to protect our brothers, but it's better if they tone it down," Salim Barik, a political scientist, was quoted as saying by Israeli newspaper Calcalist. But Wahabi said the Syrian Druze needed Israel's support regardless of optics. "In this chaos in Syria the Druze have no other choices," he said. In the Galilee village of Yanuh-Jat, local religious elder Sheikh Kamal Hatib, speaking at the shrine of a Druze saint, said Israeli Druze would keep pushing for their government to protect their Syrian brethren. "If something happens, we're going to be there," he said. REUTERS Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.
Shafaq News
04-05-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Beyond Syria's escalation: A look at the Druze communities across the Middle East
Shafaq News/ Syria's Druze community is facing one of the most violent internal eruptions in years, with over 40 lives lost in a crisis that has rapidly expanded beyond its origins, drawing in regional actors and unleashing widespread instability from Damascus to Hama. It began on April 29 in Jaramana, where a falsified audio recording went viral. The clip, falsely attributed to a respected Druze sheikh, contained offensive remarks about the Prophet Muhammad. Though Syrian authorities moved swiftly to debunk it, the damage had already been done. Outrage ignited in the streets, and what began as demonstrations soon spiraled into armed clashes between Druze locals and pro-government forces. The fighting spread quickly to Sahnaya and Ashrafiyat Sahnaya. Gun battles broke out in densely populated neighborhoods, turning residential blocks into combat zones. Families fled as bullets tore through homes and alleyways. Emergency responders struggled to access the wounded, and civilians were caught in the crossfire. By the following day, the violence had intensified. A convoy of armed Druze from Suwayda attempting to reach the besieged suburbs was ambushed en route. At least 23 were killed. Survivors recounted that some of the fighters were executed after surrendering, an act that has sent shockwaves through the community, fueling fears of sectarian targeting and deepening a sense of collective trauma. However, this escalation did not emerge in a vacuum. Tensions had already been building since early March when Syrian security forces carried out sweeping arrests in Druze neighborhoods around Damascus. These arrests sparked immediate backlash. Residents protested, demanding an end to harsh government policies while also calling for greater local autonomy. In response, security forces opened fire, killing at least four civilians and injuring dozens more, according to local monitoring groups. As local anger deepened, the crisis took on a regional dimension. On May 2, Israeli warplanes launched strikes on multiple targets near Damascus, Daraa, and Hama. Israeli authorities described the campaign as a preemptive move to protect Druze communities from encroaching threats. The strikes, among the most extensive carried out in 2025, killed one civilian and injured several others. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared the operation a 'clear message' to Syria's transitional government under Ahmed al-Sharaa, pledging to shield the Druze from what he called 'sectarian cleansing.' As part of its broader operation, Israel also evacuated dozens of wounded Druze civilians and fighters to hospitals across the border. The move followed days of protest by Israeli Druze citizens, who demanded immediate intervention to protect their kin in Syria. Yet even as violence surges, the Druze continues to draw strength from centuries of resilience. For over a thousand years, the community has lived in coexistence across the Levant, maintaining cultural autonomy while navigating waves of political upheaval. The Druze Across the Middle East The Druze faith emerged in the early 11th century during the reign of the Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, evolving from Isma'ili Shia Islam. Over time, it transformed into a distinct belief system, blending Neoplatonism, Gnosticism, and elements of Abrahamic monotheism. Persecution in the early centuries drove the Druze into rugged highlands—a pattern of isolation that still defines their geography today. Most of the world's 1.2 million Druze live in Syria, Lebanon, Israel, and Jordan, while diaspora communities in the Americas and Australia remain closely linked to their ancestral homelands through enduring transnational ties. Lebanon: A Minority with Major Influence In Lebanon, the Druze make up only about 5% of the population, roughly 250,000 people, but continue to play an outsized role in national politics. Concentrated in the Chouf Mountains, Aley, and parts of southern Mount Lebanon, the community has left a lasting imprint on the country's confessional structure and post-war political order. Lebanon's constitution officially recognizes eighteen sects, including the Druze, who are allocated eight seats in the 128-member parliament. Though numerically small, this representation reflects a long history of strategic positioning, shaped by military mobilization, shifting alliances, and political endurance. Druze political life has largely revolved around two rival forces: the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) and the Lebanese Democratic Party (LDP). The PSP, founded by Kamal Jumblatt, was central to the civil war dynamics between 1975 and 1990. A committed leftist and outspoken Arab nationalist, Jumblatt aligned the party early on with Palestinian factions and broader regional causes. His assassination in 1977 marked a dramatic turn, ushering in the leadership of his son, Walid Jumblatt. Under Walid, the PSP navigated Lebanon's post-war landscape and helped shape the March 14 alliance, which advocated for sovereignty and challenged Syria's presence in the country. Though he has gradually stepped away from frontline politics, Walid's influence endures. His son, Taymour Jumblatt, now serves in parliament, continuing a legacy that has defined Druze politics for nearly half a century. In contrast, the LDP has emerged as a more conservative counterbalance, led by Prince Talal Arslan, a descendant of the historic Arslan Emirate. The party champions traditional values and has long aligned itself with al-Assad's late regime. While it garners less electoral support than the PSP, Arslan remains a significant figure in sectarian negotiations and regional deal-making, providing an alternative Druze perspective in Lebanon's fragmented political landscape. Syria: The Largest Druze Population With a population estimated between 700,000 and 750,000, Syria's Druze represent the largest Druze community in the world. Most are concentrated in the southern province of Suwayda, while others live near Damascus, in towns like Jaramana and Sahnaya, or along the Jordanian border. For much of the 20th century, the Druze were firmly embedded in Syria's state institutions. Their alignment with the Ba'ath regime was not simply pragmatic, it drew from a deeper narrative of Arab unity and shared resistance. The legacy of Sultan al-Atrash, a hero of the 1925 revolt against French colonial rule, still shapes the community's collective identity. His prominence as a national figure of defiance bolstered Druze's integration into the military and civil service, offering both stability and recognition. However, that stability began to unravel with the onset of the 2011 uprising. As violence escalated and state authority collapsed in peripheral regions, many Druze towns distanced themselves from the main battlefronts. In Suwayda, residents prioritized self-protection over political allegiance. With state forces withdrawing, local defense groups began to take shape, not as rebel factions, but as guardians of a fragile neutrality. Amid the chaos, Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri emerged as a figure of growing influence. Known for his spiritual leadership, al-Hijri offered a voice that resonated across ideological and tribal divides. His sermons, marked by restraint and clarity, helped unify a community that had long avoided confrontation. In the absence of a credible state presence, al-Hijri's prominence continued to rise quietly but steadily. Relations with neighboring Sunni and Christian communities, once founded on shared geography and mutual respect, became strained by the war. While some local fighters cooperated tactically with both the late al-Assad regime and the transitional government, the broader trend was one of seeking autonomy. The primary focus remained clear: protect local communities first and address national politics afterward. Israel: Institutional Inclusion and Civil Unease Roughly 150,000 Druze live in Israel, primarily in Galilee, Mount Carmel, and the occupied Golan Heights. Since a 1956 agreement, Druze men—unlike other Arab citizens—have been subject to mandatory military service. Over the years, this arrangement has allowed Druze citizens to integrate into Israel's military, police, and civil administration. Many have advanced to senior positions and have been regularly elected to the Knesset, often through centrist or right-wing parties. Yet no political faction speaks exclusively for the Druze's interests. While officials have cited their participation as evidence of coexistence, growing voices within the community are now questioning whether formal representation has translated into meaningful equality. The 2018 Nation-State Law, defining Israel exclusively as the nation-state of the Jewish people, deepened these doubts. By omitting any reference to equality for non-Jewish citizens, the law sparked unease across Druze-majority towns. The move was widely viewed as a constitutional demotion of their status. That unease gave way to large-scale protests in 2024 and 2025, particularly in Daliyat al-Karmel and Beit Jann, where civil society groups, veterans, and young activists organized rallies demanding full recognition. Sheikh Mowafaq Tarif, the community's spiritual authority, has continued engaging with Israeli officials but has increasingly raised concerns in public. In a recent statement, he warned of an 'erosion of civil rights,' marking a rare departure from his usual cautious approach, reflecting a growing anxiety among a community long considered a pillar of state loyalty. Moreover, despite their presence in state institutions, many Druze still face social discrimination, neglected infrastructure, and slow economic growth in their towns. This disconnect between institutional inclusion and daily realities has prompted a deeper reckoning. More members of the community are now questioning the long-term costs of political and military alignment with the state, particularly as concerns over fairness and identity become more urgent. Jordan: Quiet Continuity With an estimated population ranging between 30,000 and 40,000, Jordan's Druze community stands among the most discreet religious minorities in the country. Spread primarily across the mountainous regions of Ajloun, Karak, and territories bordering Syria, the Druze in Jordan has long followed a reserved and distinctly non-confrontational path. While Druze figures in Lebanon and Israel frequently occupy key roles in political, military, and state affairs, their Jordanian counterparts have opted for a different trajectory. Eschewing political activism and identity-based mobilization, the focus has remained on cultural preservation, social cohesion, and quiet integration into the broader Jordanian fabric. No formal political party represents the Druze in Jordan, nor is there any designated seat for the community in parliament. Instead, communication with the Hashemite monarchy is conducted through long-established, informal channels. Jordan's broader political climate has reinforced this approach. Built on tribal structures and a carefully cultivated narrative of religious tolerance, the system offers space for minorities but often steers them toward assimilation rather than distinctiveness. In this environment, Jordanian Druze have preserved their traditions largely out of view, aligning themselves with the national ethos of unity while maintaining internal cohesion. This reserved posture does not signal detachment. Rather, it reflects a strategic mode of engagement—one that prioritizes the safeguarding of community identity without triggering friction or visibility. Issues such as religious education, cultural rights, and community development are typically handled behind closed doors, in coordination with the royal court.
LBCI
02-05-2025
- Politics
- LBCI
Israel's airstrikes in Syria: Protecting Druze or expanding territory?
Report by Amal Shehadeh, English adaptation by Mariella Succar Israel has maintained the pretext of defending Syria's Druze community as justification for its airstrikes and expansion on Syrian territory. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz have stated that the targeting of a military position near the Syrian presidential palace in Damascus was a warning to President Ahmed al-Sharaa to prevent further attacks on Druze communities. Meanwhile, security and military officials have called for a clear strategy regarding Syria. Israeli Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir has ordered the reinforcement of southern areas with additional military forces, announcing that the army is deployed and prepared for both attack and defense. Security sources have revealed that Israel plans to seize control of Druze villages in southern Syria and annex them to Israel, similar to the annexation of the Golan Heights. The idea of granting the Druze equal rights as Israeli Druze is still a topic of debate, while some have argued for intensifying strikes on Syria, even suggesting the assassination of President Al-Sharaa. On the Druze front within Israel, several protests and road closures have taken place in areas with a significant Druze population, particularly among those serving in the Israeli military. Druze soldiers have threatened to enter Syria to defend their co-religionists if Israel does not act. Some argue that Israel's actions in Syria are not genuinely aimed at protecting the Druze and have sent messages to Netanyahu and decision-makers to reconsider their approach. Meanwhile, it has been reported that Druze soldiers in the Israeli army are organizing a special unit to enter Syria for the protection of the Druze community. Israel has also opened its borders to facilitate the transfer of wounded Syrian Druze, with five injured individuals arriving at Ziv Hospital in Safed for treatment on Thursday evening. The Druze leadership in Israel, along with its spiritual leader Muwaffaq Tarif, is coordinating military efforts inside Syria with Israeli political and military leadership. This comes amid heightened threats from decision-makers to expand the army's presence and establish a larger security zone in Syria, with no clear timeline for withdrawal.
