Latest news with #J-10
Indian Express
12 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
P Chidambaram writes: That's the way the cookie crumbles
In October 2024, Candidate Donald Trump said in an interview, 'Prime Minister Modi is the nicest human being and a total killer.' Visiting President Donald Trump in February 2025, Mr Modi said 'our vision for a developed India is to Make India Great Again or MIGA. When America and India work together, that is when it is MAGA plus MIGA, it becomes MEGA — a mega partnership for prosperity.' The two leaders exhibited the gravitas of brash school boys. Where are the dosti and bonhomie? I gather that Mr Modi and Mr Trump have not spoken to each other since May 7, 2025. The most that we know is that Vice-President J D Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio spoke to Mr Modi on the night of May 9 and urged him to stop the war. Mr Trump alluded to such conversation(s) when he posted on Truth Social that 'After a long night of talks mediated by the United States, I am pleased to announce that India and Pakistan have agreed to a full and immediate ceasefire.' That announcement at 5.25 pm on May 10 rudely awakened Indians to the reality. Mr Trump was not bluffing. The cease-fire had been agreed at 3.35 pm and had come into effect at 5.00 pm on May 10, 2025. An unsmiling Foreign Secretary confirmed the facts at 6 pm. I think it is important to explore more deeply how America claimed that it had mediated (if not muscled) a cease-fire, and why. There are many plausible reasons: 🔴 Vice-President Vance conveyed 'alarming intel' to Mr Modi on the evening of May 9. The alarming intel could only have been the threat of use of nuclear weapons by Pakistan or the role of China. Both the prime minister and the defence minister have said India will not submit to 'nuclear blackmail': why was that phrase used if there was no such threat? 🔴 On the role of China, it is absolutely clear that China had allowed Pakistan to use Chinese aircraft (J-10) and Chinese missiles (PL-15). They could not have been used without Chinese inputs and Chinese presence in Pakistan Air Force's Command Centres. (India neutralised them and repulsed the attacks.) 🔴 Two websites — and — have carried reports that Colonel-rank Pakistan Army officers had been posted in Chinese PLA's Western and Southern Theatre Commands and in the Joint Staff Command of the Central Military Commission. Chinese battlefield guidance was obviously in play. 🔴 Pakistan claimed that it had used China-made hypersonic missiles to target India's S-400 air defence system. China's official news agency Xinhua described it as the 'dawn of a new era in warfare'. (At Adampur airbase, the air defence system was intact.) Look at the four-day war and its twisted course. On May 7, India entered the era of algorithm-driven wars. No soldier crossed the land border or Line of Control. No aircraft entered the rival's airspace. The main weapons were missiles and armed drones. India had the first-mover advantage and punished Pakistan severely between May 7 and 9. At that moment of triumph, Mr Trump intervened to end the war. He cast aside his friendship with the 'nicest human being' and bullied India to stop the war. Brushing aside India's discreet protests, Mr Trump publicly claimed during his visits to Saudi Arabia and Qatar that it was his mediation and the threat of 'no trade' that brought the war to an end. It is becoming clearer by the day that the Trump family's commercial interests were the moving force behind Mr Trump's intervention. The Trump family's crypto currency firm, World Liberty Financial (WLF), had negotiated with Pakistan, met Pakistan's prime minister and army chief, and signed a deal with Pakistan Crypto Council on April 26 — barely four days after the Pahalgam terror attack. As the war intensified, Mr Trump abandoned his initial 'hands off' approach. Frenetic activity began after May 7 and concluded with Mr Trump having the last word, as he claimed. Despite the dosti, America deported Indian 'illegal' immigrants in handcuffs and leg chains. Not a word of protest from the prime minister. Steep tariffs were imposed on imports from India; not a word. The US voted in favour of IMF's loan to Pakistan; not a word. Foreign students, including Indians, were barred from Harvard University; not a word. Indian students face the threat of revocation of their visas; not a word. Student visa interviews have been suspended; not a word. The dosti lies in a shambles. The Prime Minister of India is no longer dealing with the President of the United States. Mr Modi is dealing with the head of a family that owns the multi-million dollar WLF which has concluded a commercial deal with Pakistan. He is dealing with a businessperson who will not hesitate to use the cloak, armour, resources and power of POTUS. Despite the political support within India to Operation Sindoor and despite his strong words, Mr Modi is truly stumped by the behaviour of Mr Trump. Pakistan is no longer a push over: it has China's military support and America's diplomatic support. India has to go back to the drawing board to re-draw its military strategy. India has also to go back to the drawing board to re-draw its America policy.
Canada Standard
2 days ago
- Business
- Canada Standard
The Future of Global Priorities: Technology Over Humanity
by Irshad Ahmad Mughal When I was a young trainee as a community development worker, I was told:"Never lose sight of the forest by counting individual trees."This lesson taught me to adopt a holistic perspectivea mindset that now helps me analyze the evolving world order. In the post-Trump era, we witness a new global structure taking shape, defined by emerging alliances, shifting power dynamics, and transformed economic strategies. While Latin America remains relatively stable (with exceptions like Mexico and Panama), turbulence grips the Middle East, Europe, and South Asia. Three major powers are maneuvering to assert dominance in this geopolitical arena, much like players in a high-stakes contest. President Trump shook the world with his tariff policies, attempting to strongarm even traditional allies like Canada and Europe through threats and restrictions. Though he faced resistanceforcing tactical retreats and strategic pivotshe secured significant economic gains from wealthy Gulf states. However, he failed to deliver on his campaign promise of halting the Russia-Ukraine war. His sole diplomatic "win" was brokering a fragile ceasefire between India and Pakistan, a face-saving gesture amid broader setbacks. The Indo-Pakistan conflict unveiled a new era of aerial warfare, reshaping perceptions of military superiority. Pakistans Air Force claimed to have downed Indias "undefeated" Rafale jets using Chinese-made J-10 fighters, sparking debates about Eastern vs. Western technological hegemony. This incident bolstered Chinese and Pakistani confidence while denting Indias global standing. Today, clashes between global powers are intensifying. A new world order is emerging, and with it, a new kind of warfare. Ground forces are becoming obsolete; future conflicts will be decided in the skiesa paradigm shift with far-reaching implications. The emerging world order suggests an unpredictable future where traditional humanitarian concernsliberty, democracy, and equalityare sidelined on the global stage. Instead, international forums now prioritize tariffs, trade wars, drone warfare, artificial intelligence, data dominance, and technological supremacy. Current conflicts and ceasefires foreshadow a grim reality: the battles of tomorrow will not be fought by soldiers on the ground but waged through aerial combat, cyber warfare, and autonomous systems. Human lives may no longer be the primary casualty, but humanity itself risks becoming collateral damage in this new era. As technology races to the forefront of geopolitical strategy, foundational human values are being deprioritized. The question we must confront is this: In a world where algorithms dictate power and machines decide outcomes, what happens to the human condition? About the Author: Irshad Ahmad Mughal is the chairman of the Iraj Education & Development Foundation, based in 82B, New Chaburji Park, Lahore. Pressenza IPA
Mint
2 days ago
- Business
- Mint
AVIC Chengdu Aircraft share price: J-10 fighter jet maker stock crashes 20% from May peak amid India-Pakistan conflict
AVIC Chengdu Aircraft share price: The bullish trend seen in the shares of AVIC Chengdu Aircraft's share price at the peak of the India-Pakistan conflict seems to have fizzled out as the stock of the J-10 fighter jet maker has tumbled 20% from its May peak. In a matter of just 14 sessions, Chinese defence company AVIC Chengdu Aircraft's stock has fallen from its May 12 high of 95.86 yuan to today's low of 76.04 yuan. The Chinese defence stock has suffered losses after Prime Minister Narendra Modi publicly poked holes in Pakistan's claims that Chinese-made fighter jets were responsible for destroying the Indian Air Force's Adampur airbase. 'Pakistan claimed it damaged our S-400 and BrahMos missile bases with JF-17 jets, which is completely false,' said Colonel Sofiya Qureshi. 'It also spread misinformation about damage to Indian airfields in Sirsa, Jammu, Pathankot, Bhatinda, Nalia, and Bhuj — all of which is untrue.' Additionally, the fall in AVIC Chengdu and other Chinese defence stocks can also be attributed to the successful completion of India's Operation Sindoor, which highlighted India's military prowess. Also, a ceasefire between India and Pakistan dampened the interest.
Kuwait Times
3 days ago
- Business
- Kuwait Times
India, Pakistan drone battles mark new arms race in Asia
Nuclear rivals to invest large sums in drones NEW DELHI: A little after 8:00 pm on May 8, red flares streaked through the night sky over the northern Indian city of Jammu as its air-defense systems opened fire on drones from neighboring Pakistan. The Indian and Pakistani militaries have deployed high-end fighter jets, conventional missiles and artillery during decades of clashes, but the four days of fighting in May marked the first time New Delhi and Islamabad utilized unmanned aerial vehicles at scale against each other. The fighting halted after the US announced it brokered a ceasefire but the South Asian powers, which spent more than $96 billion on defense last year, are now locked in a drones arms race, according to Reuters' interviews with 15 people, including security officials, industry executives and analysts in the two countries. Two of them said they expect increased use of UAVs by the nuclear-armed neighbors because small-scale drone attacks can strike targets without risking personnel or provoking uncontrollable escalation. India plans to invest heavily in local industry and could spend as much as $470 million on UAVs over the next 12 to 24 months, roughly three times pre-conflict levels, said Smit Shah of Drone Federation India, which represents over 550 companies and regularly interacts with the government. The previously unreported forecast, which came as India this month approved roughly $4.6 billion in emergency military procurement funds, was corroborated by two other industry executives. The Indian military plans to use some of that additional funding on combat and surveillance drones, according to two Indian officials familiar with the matter. Defense procurement in India tends to involve years of bureaucratic processes but officials are now calling drone makers in for trials and demonstrations at an unprecedented pace, said Vishal Saxena, a vice president at Indian UAV firm ideaForge Technology The Pakistan Air Force, meanwhile, is pushing to acquire more UAVs as it seeks to avoid risking its high-end aircraft, said a Pakistani source familiar with the matter. Pakistan and India both deployed cutting-edge generation 4.5 fighter jets during the latest clashes but cash-strapped Islamabad only has about 20 high-end Chinese-made J-10 fighters compared to the three dozen Rafales that Delhi can muster. Pakistan is likely to build on existing relationships to intensify collaboration with China and Turkey to advance domestic drone research and production capabilities, said Oishee Majumdar of defense intelligence firm Janes. Islamabad is relying on a collaboration between Pakistan's National Aerospace Science and Technology Park and Turkish defense contractor Baykar that locally assembles the YIHA-III drone, the Pakistani source said, adding a unit could be produced domestically in between two to three days. Pakistan's military declined to respond to Reuters' questions. The Indian defense ministry and Baykar did not return requests for comment. India and Pakistan 'appear to view drone strikes as a way to apply military pressure without immediately provoking large-scale escalation,' said King's College London political scientist Walter Ladwig III. 'UAVs allow leaders to demonstrate resolve, achieve visible effects, and manage domestic expectations — all without exposing expensive aircraft or pilots to danger,' he added. But such skirmishes are not entirely risk-free, and Ladwig noted that countries could also send UAVs to attack contested or densely populated areas where they might not previously have used manned platforms. Drone swarms and vintage guns The fighting in May, which was the fiercest in this century between the neighbors, came after an April 22 militant attack in the disputed Himalayan region of Kashmir that killed 26 people, mostly Indian tourists. Delhi blamed the killings on 'terrorists' backed by Islamabad, which denied the charge. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi vowed revenge and Delhi on May 7 launched air strikes on what it described as 'terrorist infrastructure' in Pakistan. The next night, Pakistan sent hordes of drones along a 1,700-kilometer (772-mile) front with India, with between 300 and 400 of them pushing in along 36 locations to probe Indian air defences, Indian officials have said. Pakistan depended on Turkish-origin YIHA-III and Asisguard Songar drones, as well as the Shahpar-II UAV produced domestically by the state-owned Global Industrial & Defense Solutions conglomerate, according to two Pakistani sources. But much of this drone deployment was cut down by Cold War-era Indian anti-aircraft guns that were rigged to modern military radar and communication networks developed by state-run Bharat Electronics, according to two Indian officials. A Pakistan source denied that large numbers of its drones were shot down on May 8, but India did not appear to sustain significant damage from that drone raid. India's use of the anti-aircraft guns, which had not been designed for anti-drone-warfare, turned out to be surprisingly effective, said retired Indian Brig Anshuman Narang, now an UAV expert at Delhi's Centre for Joint Warfare Studies. 'Ten times better than what I'd expected,' he said. India also sent Zionist HAROP, Polish WARMATE and domestically-produced UAVs into Pakistani airspace, according to one Indian and two Pakistan sources. Some of them were also used for precision attacks on what two Indian officials described as military and militant infrastructure. The two Pakistani security sources confirmed that India deployed a large number of the HAROPs - a long-range loitering munition drone manufactured by Israel Aerospace Industries. Such UAVs, also known as suicide drones, stay over a target before crashing down and detonating on impact. Pakistan set up decoy radars in some areas to draw in the HAROPs, or waited for their flight time to come towards its end, so that they fell below 3,000 feet and could be shot down, a third Pakistani source said. Both sides claim to have notched victories in their use of UAVs. India successfully targeted infrastructure within Pakistan with minimal risk to personnel or major platforms, said KCL's Ladwig. For Pakistan's military, which claimed to have struck Indian defense facilities with UAVs, drone attacks allow it to signal action while drawing less international scrutiny than conventional methods, he noted. Cheap but with Achilles heel Despite the loss of many drones, both sides are doubling down. 'We're talking about relatively cheap technology,' said Washington-based South Asia expert Michael Kugelman. 'And while UAVs don't have the shock and awe effect of missiles and fighter jets, they can still convey a sense of power and purpose for those that launch them.' Indian defense planners are likely to expand domestic development of loitering munitions UAVs, according to an Indian security source and Sameer Joshi of Indian UAV maker NewSpace, which is deepening its research and development on such drones. 'Their ability to loiter, evade detection, and strike with precision marked a shift toward high-value, low-cost warfare with mass produced drones,' said Joshi, whose firm supplies the Indian military. — Reuters And firms like ideaForge, which has supplied over 2,000 UAVs to the Indian security forces, are also investing on enhancing the ability of its drones to be less vulnerable to electronic warfare, said Saxena. Another vulnerability that is harder to address is the Indian drone program's reliance on hard-to-replace components from China, an established military partner of Pakistan, four Indian dronemakers and officials said. India continues to depend on China-made magnets and lithium for UAV batteries, said Drone Federation India's Shah. 'Weaponization of the supply chain is also an issue,' said ideaForge's Saxena on the possibility of Beijing shutting the tap on components in certain situations. For instance, Chinese restrictions on the sale of drones and components to Ukraine have weakened Kyiv's ability to produce critical combat drones, according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies think-tank. A spokesperson for China's Foreign Ministry said in response to Reuters' questions that Beijing has always implemented export controls on dual-use items in accordance with domestic laws and regulations as well as its international obligations. 'Diversification of supply chain is a medium to long term problem,' said Shah. 'You can't solve it in short term.'- Reuters
Hindustan Times
4 days ago
- Business
- Hindustan Times
First China, now France: How Indonesia is boosting fighter jet Arsenal amid Indo-Pacific tensions
Indonesia is not choosing sides, it's choosing leverage. In a bold geopolitical play, Jakarta hosted Chinese Premier Li Qiang and French President Emmanuel Macron within just days of each other. The message? Indonesia isn't here to pick a camp. It's here to cut deals. From reportedly securing 42 Chinese J-10 fighter jets to finalizing a new French order of Rafales, Indonesia is on a defence shopping spree like no other. But is this sustainable? Can Indonesia balance two rival powers like Russia and France without slipping? And how does this reflect a larger shift in how some countries view China compared to the West? As the Indo-Pacific becomes the global battleground for influence, Indonesia's strategy of non-alignment, economic cooperation, and strategic ambiguity is turning heads. In this episode of Grey Zone, Ananya Dutta unpacks why Indonesia matters more than ever and how it's gaming the system to become the region's ultimate swing state.
