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Daily Maverick
a day ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
In league with bandits — how a Boko Haram faction entrenched itself near Nigeria's capital
New evidence shows how the JAS group's Shiroro cell adopts a flexible approach that tolerates local bandits and their vices. The Shiroro cell of a Boko Haram faction in Niger State, near Nigeria's capital Abuja, is the group's furthest and most successful expansion outside the Lake Chad Basin. Until now, information about the cell of the Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad (JAS) group sketched its existence, but left many questions unanswered. New evidence from ongoing Institute for Security Studies (ISS) research includes interviews with defectors, local victims and women who escaped JAS after being married to some of its fighters. The information sheds light on the Shiroro cell's operations and alliances, and what they mean for counterterrorism in Nigeria. Audiovisual material and corroborating reports show JAS embedded deeply in Niger State's forested communities, blending jihadism with local Fulani banditry – the main source of insecurity in the area. By tolerating the bandits' non-adherence to its strict religious code, JAS benefits from their weapons, fighters and knowledge of the local terrain, enabling the group to gain a strategic foothold in Central Nigeria. The cell is led by Abubakar Saidu, alias Sadiku. A native Babur from Biu in Borno State, Sadiku was sent to Niger State in 2014 by late JAS leader Abubakar Shekau. He was part of a seven-man team directed to meet remaining members of the ultra-Salafist Darul Islam group. After being dislodged from its headquarters in Mokwa by a 2009 police raid, members had fled north into Nigeria's largely ungoverned forests. Unlike the doctrinal and tighter command discipline of rival Boko Haram faction Iswap, JAS thrives on ideological fluidity and predation. Although Darul Islam had earlier rejected Boko Haram's overture for alignment, Sadiku found fertile ground among its dispersed followers and started the Niger State cell along with his comrades from Borno. He began shuttling between Borno and Niger states, gradually embedding himself in the Alawa Forest Reserve area, and coordinating with the local Fulani. This culminated in escalating attacks by the group in 2021. From forest camps like Kugu and Dogon Fili, the group attacks security forces and civilians in villages and towns, and on roads in the Shiroro, Munya and Rafi local government areas. It has killed hundreds, displaced thousands and planted many improvised explosive devices (IEDs). A Premium Times investigation and ISS interviews reveal the abduction of boys who are forced into an indoctrination programme at Islamic schools, and forced labour. Women and girls are kidnapped and forced into marriages with fighters. Strongholds of JAS' Shiroro cell in Niger State, Nigeria Unlike the doctrinal and tighter command discipline of rival Boko Haram faction Islamic State West Africa Province's (Iswap), JAS thrives on ideological fluidity and predation. Militants raid villages, carrying out kidnapping and extortion, which they justify as 'fayhoo' (spoils taken from civilian 'unbelievers'). This flexibility appears key to its entrenchment in Niger State. The Shiroro cell is not structured under the traditional Boko Haram command system, but under kachallas (warlords or strongmen), which shows an embracing of bandit terminology. The fusion of jihadists and non-ideological armed criminals is not new. In Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, jihadists have worked with local criminals for a stake in illegal gold mines. But the Shiroro cell's local integration stands out, especially its tolerance of the bandits' use of alcohol, drugs and prostitution, which contravene the cell's strict religious doctrine. A woman formerly married to a fighter recalled Boko Haram clerics from North East Nigeria expressing disapproval, but Sadiku argued that the Fulani would 'change with time'. It is, however, doubtful whether the bandits would ever cooperate with jihadists out of religious conviction. The Shiroro cell is not structured under the traditional Boko Haram command system, but under kachallas (warlords or strongmen), which shows an embracing of bandit terminology. Notorious bandit leader Dogo Gide served under Sadiku as kachalla before their fallout – though ISS interviews suggest that Bakura Doro, the Lake Chad-based overall commander of JAS, may be mediating a reconciliation. According to defectors and women who lived in the camps, Doro supplies weapons from his base on Lake Chad's Barwa Island. One video, seen by ISS, shows weapons wrapped in grass and fish, hidden on boats bound for Shiroro. This arms flow is complemented by locally sourced weapons, seized from security forces or trafficked through Sahelian smuggling networks, using the group's bandit alliances. Money also flows from Shiroro to Doro, underscoring how territorial expansion is a tactic to also finance terrorism. The Shiroro cell is dispersed across forest communities, including Kugu, Maganda and Dogon Fili, to avoid detection by Nigeria's largely aerial military campaign. The military's ground assets were withdrawn after facing repeated deadly attacks. Further complicating the situation is the Lakurawa, a Sahelian-rooted Fulani armed group designated a terrorist organisation by Nigeria in 2025. While espousing jihadism, Lakurawa is predatory and operates in northwestern Sokoto and Kebbi states along the Niger Republic border. Geography amplifies the Shiroro threat… Arrests in July of Boko Haram-linked women heading to the Borgu axis suggest the cell is eyeing broader expansion. According to a defector and an expert on the conflict, Lakurawa's emissaries have visited Sadiku in Shiroro annually since 2023, providing the first credible evidence of Lakurawa-JAS interactions and possible alignment. Sadiku sent fighters to reinforce Lakurawa, which in turn approached another notorious Fulani bandit leader, Bello Turji, ostensibly to replicate the JAS-style alliance in the country's North West. The convergence of armed groups raises the threat of a wider coordination of violence. The 2022 Kuje prison attack in Abuja involved a rare Iswap-JAS-Ansaru collaboration. A defector who participated in the 2022 Kaduna train attack and kidnapping told ISS the assault was executed by Sadiku's fighters using IEDs from Borno, and partnering with bandits. Meanwhile, Iswap has long sought to expand beyond Lake Chad, even targeting southern states like Oyo to access coastal west Africa. ISS research shows it sent five commanders with 25 fighters each to Central Nigeria in April, maintaining a presence in Kogi's Okene axis. Yet its success has been limited compared with JAS' Shiroro stronghold. Geography amplifies the Shiroro threat. Niger State connects north and south Nigeria and borders Benin through porous forest corridors linking to the Sahel. Arrests in July of Boko Haram-linked women heading to the Borgu axis suggest the cell is eyeing broader expansion. Yet, Nigeria's strategy to prevent and counter violent extremism remains largely Lake Chad-focused. The Shiroro case shows the need for a recalibrated threat map. Responses must include forest surveillance, road security and partnerships with local vigilantes under accountability frameworks. Finance routes must be disrupted and gender-responsive reintegration programmes must be run for defectors. DM
The Star
12-07-2025
- The Star
Dead fish floating in Kinta River were dumped, says state govt
IPOH: Dead fish found floating in the Kinta River recently are believed to have been dumped by an irresponsible party, according to the Perak government. The state environment committee chairman Teh Kok Lim said that investigations carried out by the Fisheries Department in collaboration with the Environment Department (JAS) confirmed that the river's water quality remained good and the fish were likely not river-bred. 'The dead fish were not native to the river. They were identified as black tilapia and are believed to have been discarded into the river. 'So far, we have not been able to identify who is responsible for this irresponsible act," he told reporters after officiating the Foreign Fish Hunting Grand Prix Programme on Saturday (July 12). Also present was Perak Fisheries Department director Mohd Ghazali A. Manap. 'I urge all parties, especially fish breeders, to dispose of dead fish properly by burying them instead of dumping them into rivers. It is a shared responsibility,' said Teh. Teh reminded the fish breeders not to treat the river as a dumping ground, warning that discarded waste, especially dead fish, could have serious consequences. 'What is thrown into the river can affect all levels of society, particularly those living downstream. "There is a risk of disease spreading and harming native fish species as well. That is why we acted quickly to remove the dead fish,' he said. Recently, a video of dead fish floating in the Kinta River has been circulating on social media. On a separate matter, Ghazali said the Perak Fisheries (River) Regulations 1992 and the Fisheries (Inland Fisheries Aquaculture) Regulations are currently in the final drafting stage for proposed amendments. 'It is now in the final review process and will be submitted for approval by the state executive council," he said. He added that among the proposed amendments are the establishment of sanctuaries for kelah and arowana fish species and the licensing of fishing vessels and fishermen. 'This matter will be tabled depending on the review by the State Legal Adviser's Office,' he added.
The Guardian
01-06-2025
- General
- The Guardian
Jim Shields obituary
My friend Jim Shields, who has died aged 84, was a history teacher at Quarry Bank (now Calderstones) school in Liverpool for most of his career, and rose to be head of the history department there before retiring in the mid-1990s. Affectionately known as 'JAS' or 'Shieldsy' to his pupils, he brought his classroom alive, transforming it into Renaissance Italy, the court of the Medici or the splendours of Louis XIV's Versailles. More than that, he was able to convince each of his pupils that they mattered, that their views were worthwhile and that their individual progress was of huge importance to him personally. Time and again, former students have said that Jim's teaching helped them grow in confidence by making them feel encouraged, valued and supported. Jim was born in Liverpool as the only child of Jessie Shields, a shop worker in Lewis's department store who later became one of Liverpool's first traffic wardens. His father, whom he never knew, is believed to have been killed in a naval battle during the second world war, and so Jim was brought up in an extended family that included his mother, grandmother and several cousins. He went to De La Salle grammar school and then to the University of Liverpool, where he gained a history degree followed by a postgraduate teaching qualification. Thereafter he spent his entire teaching career in Liverpool, initially at St Kevin's RC school for boys in Kirkby, one of the UK's first comprehensive schools and also one of the biggest, with more than 2,000 pupils, and then, from the mid-1960s onwards, at Quarry Bank school in Allerton. As head of history there he led a department that was a wonderful combination of rigour, brilliance and good fun. Modest and unassuming, he was always the last person to recognise the impact he had. He was an exceptional teacher, as well as a brilliant colleague and a special friend. Jim was always the most convivial company. He loved a party, enjoyed his food and the occasional dance, relished a good political argument and was known for his witty and perceptive insights. A night in his company – in the pub, the concert hall, cinema or theatre – was always well spent and good fun. A lifelong Guardian reader, his cultural life was rich with Spanish classes, opera, classical music, film, theatre and annual trips to the Edinburgh festival. Though never the most worldly or practical person, he was innately curious and enjoyed foreign travel and engaging with different cultures. He is survived by his cousin Terry.
27-05-2025
- Politics
Boko Haram's resurgence: Why Nigeria's military is struggling to hold the line
ABUJA, Nigeria -- A resurgence of Boko Haram attacks is shaking Nigeria's northeast, as Islamic extremists have repeatedly overrun military outposts, mined roads with bombs and raided civilian communities since the start of the year, raising fears of a possible return to peak Boko Haram-era insecurity despite the military's claims of successes. Boko Haram, Nigeria's homegrown jihadis, took up arms in 2009 to fight Western education and impose their radical version of Islamic law. The conflict has spilled into Nigeria's northern neighbors and resulted in the death of around 35,000 civilians and the displacement of more than 2 million others, according to the United Nations. In the latest attack last week in the village of Gajibo in Borno state, the epicenter of the crisis, extremists killed nine members of a local militia that supports the Nigerian military, after soldiers deserted the base when becoming aware of the insurgents' advance, according to the group's claim and local aid workers. That is in addition to roadside bombs and deadly attacks on villages in recent months. Nyelni Kwari's area of Borno, Hawul, includes some of the affected villages, and returning home has become unsafe. 'Unfortunately, the situation hasn't improved for me to feel secure,' said Kwari, a graduate student in Borno's capital, Maiduguri. Boko Haram has split into two factions over the years. One is backed by the Islamic State group and is known as the Islamic State West Africa Province, or ISWAP. It has become notorious for targeting military positions and has overrun the military on at least 15 occasions this year, killing soldiers and stealing weapons, according to an Associated Press count, experts and security reports. In May, ISWAP struck outposts in Gajibo, Buni Gari, Marte, Izge and Rann and launched an assault on the Nigeria-Cameroon joint base in Wulgo and Soueram in Cameroon. Other attacks this year have hit Malam Fatori, Goniri, Sabon Gari, Wajiroko and Monguno, among others. The group often attacks at night. The other faction, Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad, or JAS, has increasingly resorted to attacking civilians and perceived collaborators, and thrives on robberies and abductions for ransom. Malik Samuel, senior researcher at nonprofit Good Governance Africa, said ISWAP's success is a result of its territorial expansion following gains against rival JAS as well as a decentralized structure that has enhanced its ability to conduct 'coordinated, near-simultaneous attacks across different regions.' 'The unpredictability of attacks under this framework illustrates ISWAP's growing strategic sophistication,' Samuel said. External support from IS in Iraq and Syria is also a critical resource, said Samuel, who has interviewed ex-fighters. Such support is evident in ISWAP's evolving tactics, including nighttime raids, rapid assaults with light but effective weaponry and the use of modified commercial drones to drop explosives, Samuel said. Ali Abani, a local nonprofit worker familiar with military operations in Borno's strategic town of Dikwa, said army bases are understaffed and located in remote areas, making them vulnerable to attacks. "When these gunmen come, they just overpower the soldiers,' Abani said. Reinforcements, in the form of air support or nearby ground troops, are often too slow to arrive, allowing militants time to strip the outposts of weapons needed to bolster their arsenal, he added, recalling a May 12 attack during which soldiers fled as they were outnumbered, leaving the extremists to cart away weaponry. There also have been reports of former militants who continued to work as informants and logistics handlers after claiming to have repented. At its peak in 2013 and 2014, Boko Haram gained global notoriety after kidnapping 276 Chibok schoolgirls and controlling an area the size of Belgium. While it has lost much of that territory because of military campaigns, the new surge in Boko Haram attacks has raised fears about a possible return to the gloomy past. Borno Gov. Babagana Zulum warned recently of lost gains after raising concerns that military formations in the state are being dislodged 'almost on a daily basis without confrontation.' Federal lawmakers highlight the extremists' growing sophistication and advanced weaponry, calling on the government to bolster military capabilities. The Nigerian military didn't respond to a request for comment.
New Indian Express
27-05-2025
- Politics
- New Indian Express
Boko Haram's resurgence: Why Nigeria's military is struggling to hold the line
ABUJA: A resurgence of Boko Haram attacks is shaking Nigeria's northeast, as Islamic extremists have repeatedly overrun military outposts, mined roads with bombs and raided civilian communities since the start of the year, raising fears of a possible return to peak Boko Haram-era insecurity despite the military's claims of successes. Boko Haram, Nigeria's homegrown jihadis, took up arms in 2009 to fight Western education and impose their radical version of Islamic law. The conflict has spilled into Nigeria's northern neighbors and resulted in the death of around 35,000 civilians and the displacement of more than 2 million others, according to the United Nations. In the latest attack last week in the village of Gajibo in Borno state, the epicenter of the crisis, extremists killed nine members of a local militia that supports the Nigerian military, after soldiers deserted the base when becoming aware of the insurgents' advance, according to the group's claim and local aid workers. That is in addition to roadside bombs and deadly attacks on villages in recent months. Nyelni Kwari's area of Borno, Hawul, includes some of the affected villages, and returning home has become unsafe. 'Unfortunately, the situation hasn't improved for me to feel secure,' said Kwari, a graduate student in Borno's capital, Maiduguri. Two factions Boko Haram has split into two factions over the years. One is backed by the Islamic State group and is known as the Islamic State West Africa Province, or ISWAP. It has become notorious for targeting military positions and has overrun the military on at least 15 occasions this year, killing soldiers and stealing weapons, according to an Associated Press count, experts and security reports. In May, ISWAP struck outposts in Gajibo, Buni Gari, Marte, Izge and Rann and launched an assault on the Nigeria-Cameroon joint base in Wulgo and Soueram in Cameroon. Other attacks this year have hit Malam Fatori, Goniri, Sabon Gari, Wajiroko and Monguno, among others. The group often attacks at night. The other faction, Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad, or JAS, has increasingly resorted to attacking civilians and perceived collaborators, and thrives on robberies and abductions for ransom. Expansion and decentralization Malik Samuel, senior researcher at nonprofit Good Governance Africa, said ISWAP's success is a result of its territorial expansion following gains against rival JAS as well as a decentralized structure that has enhanced its ability to conduct 'coordinated, near-simultaneous attacks across different regions.'
