Latest news with #Jabotinsky
Al-Ahram Weekly
a day ago
- Politics
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Israel and the map of the Middle East - World - Al-Ahram Weekly
Israel's leaders may not officially proclaim expansionist ambitions but their settlement expansion, displacement of the Palestinians, and dismantling of any possibility of a Palestinian state tell another story Israel's so-called 'Greater Israel' project has long been viewed as a myth by some, and as an undeniable reality by others. Its roots are not confined to modern political rhetoric but can be traced back to early Zionist thought, particularly in the writings of Ze'ev Jabotinsky, one of the movement's most influential ideologues. Jabotinsky did not mince his words; he openly declared that Arabs 'only understand the language of force' and that any coexistence would require overwhelming, permanent domination. This philosophy has shaped Israeli political behaviour for decades. The idea of a 'Greater Israel' stretching from the Nile to the Euphrates has appeared in political programmes, military doctrines, slogans on soldiers' uniforms, maps on coins, and even on school maps. While today's Israeli leaders may not officially proclaim such expansionist ambitions, their actions on the ground tell another story: relentless settlement expansion, systematic displacement, and the dismantling of any possibility for a viable Palestinian state. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's recent political manoeuvering reflects this long-standing vision. His policies are not mere reactions to security concerns but calculated steps within a larger strategy, fragmenting Palestinian society, deepening Israel's hold over the Occupied Territories, and gradually normalising the abnormal. The normalisation agreements that have taken place between Israel and some of the Arab states are also not just about trade or diplomacy; they are tools to integrate Israel into the region without addressing the core injustice: the dispossession of the Palestinian people. In parallel, the ongoing siege on Gaza serves as a modern day laboratory for control, surveillance, and collective punishment. Every military offensive, every blockade, every restriction is not just about weakening resistance groups; it is about reshaping the demographic and political reality to fit Israel's long term designs. The same applies to Israel's policies in the West Bank, bypass roads for settlers, military zones cutting through villages, and legal system that operates with two sets of rules depending on ethnicity. Internationally, Israel's narrative has been fortified by a powerful media apparatus, think tanks, and lobbying networks that frame its expansionist policies as self defence. Western governments, particularly that of the United States, have often adopted this framing wholesale, shielding Israel from accountability at the United Nations and beyond. The result is a carefully managed perception: Israel as a small, besieged democracy rather than a regional power pursuing an unspoken imperial project. The silence of Arab regimes, many of which are now partners in open or covert alliances with Tel Aviv, further enables this trajectory. These regimes have traded the Palestinian cause for economic deals, security cooperation, and diplomatic favour in Western capitals. Yet history is unkind to those who abandon principles for short term gains; the moral cost of complicity will linger long after the political dividends fade. 'Greater Israel' is not just a matter of borders; it is about domination, erasure, and the rewriting of history. The Palestinian struggle is thus not simply about resisting occupation but about confronting an ideological project that seeks to dissolve their very existence as a people. Recognising this reality is the first step towards an honest conversation about justice, peace, and the future of the Middle East. * A version of this article appears in print in the 21 August, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
Memri
14-07-2025
- Politics
- Memri
At NYC MAS Youth Center, Activist Mosaab Sadeia: Israel 'Shouldn't, Wouldn't, Couldn't, and Won't Exist'; For MEMRI – That's Ben Gurion and Jabotinsky, Not Me
In a May 8, 2025 lecture at the Muslim American Society (MAS) Youth Center in New York, Mosaab Sadeia, a New York City activist with Tamkeen, said that the Zionist movement and its leaders were not 'God's gift to earth' in terms of brilliance, intelligence, eloquence, or planning. He said Israel is a state 'that shouldn't, wouldn't, couldn't, and won't exist.' Chiding MEMRI, which he claimed 'love to listen to Sheikh Mohammed [Badawy],' Sadeia said that it wasn't he who made these statements, but Israel's first Prime Minister David Ben Gurion, whom he mistakenly identified as the head of the Irgun. He went on to misattribute a quote to Ze'ev Jabotinsky, whom he referred to as 'Jacob Jacovitsy,' and incorrectly claimed that Jabotinsky's 1923 essay The Iron Wall was written in 1987. Citing the essay, Sadeia claimed Jabotinsky said: 'If I was Palestinian, I would resist Israel.' Sadeia added that Jabotinsky understood the root of the Zionist project to be the denial of Palestine as a land and of Islam as a 'civilizing force for good.' Mosaab Sadeia is affiliated with MAS PACE (Public Affairs and Civic Engagement) in Staten Island, was formerly the outreach director of Majlis Ash-Shura: Islamic Leadership Council of New York, and he served as senior community liaison for the New York State Assembly.
Roya News
08-07-2025
- Politics
- Roya News
Secrets of Netanyahu and Likud's Zionist vision: Then and now
Benjamin Netanyahu, the longest-serving prime minister of the Israeli Occupation, along with his Likud party, has long served as the cornerstone of the Zionist right. To understand their political strategy, one must trace the ideological roots of Likud and examine how Netanyahu has shaped the political and territorial reality over decades. Roots in Revisionist Zionism and the 'Iron Wall' doctrine Likud's ideology stems from Revisionist Zionism, a movement founded by Ze'ev Jabotinsky in the 1920s. Its core principles include: Claim to 'Greater Israel': Rejection of any partition of historic Palestine, advocating full Jewish sovereignty over all land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean. The 'Iron Wall' doctrine: Jabotinsky believed Arabs would never willingly accept Zionism, and only overwhelming military force could compel them to submit. Rejection of territorial compromise: Any concession on land was seen as betrayal of the Zionist project. This ideology was passed down to the Herut Party, founded by Menachem Begin in 1948, which became the foundation of the Likud bloc in 1973. Netanyahu: A product of Revisionist Zionism Netanyahu's worldview was shaped by his upbringing. His father, Benzion Netanyahu, was a historian and secretary to Jabotinsky. This background instilled in him a deep distrust of Arabs and a belief in the existential nature of the conflict. In his book A Place Among the Nations, Netanyahu argued that the conflict is not about borders but about Arab rejection of a Jewish state, reinforcing his belief in the need for permanent military superiority and control over the West Bank, especially the Jordan Valley. Turning ideology into policy: Netanyahu in power First term (1996–1999): Undermining Oslo Netanyahu campaigned against the Oslo Accords. While he did not cancel them outright, he: Expanded settlements, increasing tensions. Imposed strict preconditions on Palestinians, stalling negotiations. Signed limited agreements like the Wye River Memorandum (1998), which brought no lasting solution. Second era (2009–2021): Cementing the status quo Netanyahu entrenched his vision through major policies: Conditional acceptance of a demilitarized Palestinian state (Bar-Ilan speech, 2009), with impossible demands like Palestinian recognition of a 'Jewish state.' Accelerated settlement building, rendering a two-state solution nearly impossible. 2018 Nation-State Law, defining the entity as exclusively Jewish and stripping collective rights from non-Jewish citizens. Opposition to Iran, lobbying against the 2015 nuclear deal and encouraging US withdrawal. Abraham Accords (2020): Normalization deals with Arab states that bypassed the Palestinian cause. Current term (2022–present): The far-right in full control Netanyahu returned to lead the most right-wing government in the occupation's history. Key developments include: Judicial overhaul: A controversial plan to weaken the Supreme Court, viewed as the last check on government overreach in settlement expansion and land confiscation. Ongoing war on Gaza (since 2023): Following the events of October 7, Netanyahu launched a campaign to 'eliminate Hamas,' rejecting any role for the Palestinian Authority in Gaza and insisting on indefinite 'Israeli' military control, consistent with his long-term security doctrine. From ideology to reality Netanyahu and Likud's plans are not temporary political strategies, they reflect a deeply rooted ideology based on historical entitlement, military dominance, and total rejection of Palestinian sovereignty. Through decades of settlement expansion, normalization deals, and strategic control over the West Bank and Gaza, Netanyahu has worked systematically to make the vision of Revisionist Zionism a reality on the ground.
