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This fitness-focused hotel chain has workout equipment in every single room
This fitness-focused hotel chain has workout equipment in every single room

New York Post

time4 days ago

  • New York Post

This fitness-focused hotel chain has workout equipment in every single room

Those globetrotting muscles won't tone themselves. For some, vacation's a time to plop down on a beach lounger and not get up again until they're tan and drunk. But for those gym rats who'd never compromise their gains by skipping a workout — or miss out on the endorphin rush from getting their heart rate up — one hotel chain with four locations in New York City more than has your sweat sesh covered. 4 EVEN Hotels all have fitness equipment in every single room. EVEN Hotel EVEN Hotels has 26 locations in the US — with one in Brooklyn, one in Queens, and two in Midtown Manhattan. And every single room at each location is stocked with its own fitness equipment, meaning guests don't have to go anywhere to get some exercise. 'The in-room fitness zones are perfect for quick workouts on your own schedule, with no commute and no excuses,' John Beck, the Regional Operations Director of EVEN Hotel Times Square South, told The Post. Though the exact equipment varies by location, the Times Square South hotel outfits every guest with a yoga mat, resistance bands, a stability ball, core sliders and a fitness wall with guided stretch and strength routines. On-demand fitness classes are also available on the TVs. 4 The Times Square South hotel outfits every guest with a yoga mat, resistance bands, a stability ball, core sliders and a fitness wall with guided stretch and strength routines. EVEN Hotel 'It's a versatile setup that lets guests squeeze in a solid workout, or a moment of mindfulness, without even leaving their room,' he said. And if you need a bit more space or equipment, there's always the full-size gym with machines like rowers and stationary bikes. It's no surprise, then, that Beck says a lot of visitors are in town for fitness events, including marathons and yoga retreats. 'One of my favorite recent stories was a guest in town for the NYC Half Marathon who told us they chose EVEN specifically because they could stretch and foam roll right in their room pre-race and recover with smoothies and protein-packed meals afterward,' Beck said. 'Guests consistently tell us how refreshing it is to stay at a hotel that doesn't throw their routine off-track.' 4 If you need a bit more space or equipment, there's always the full-size gym with machines like rowers and stationary bikes. EVEN Hotel 4 'Guests consistently tell us how refreshing it is to stay at a hotel that doesn't throw their routine off-track,' John Beck, the Regional Operations Director of EVEN Hotel Times Square South, told The Post. EVEN Hotel Since the first EVEN Hotels opened back in 2014, some other travel chains have started filling guest rooms with exercise tools. Several Hilton-brand hotels offer 'Five Feet to Fitness,' with about a dozen different pieces of equipment and accessories available in-room. These include a Gym Rax storage bay, a kiosk with guided exercises and classes, a TRX and a stationary bike. Near New York City, the closest locations are the DoubleTree by Hilton Newark Penn Station and Hilton Garden Inn Islip. Still wondering what kind of exercise you can do in such a limited space? Personal trainer Krista Stryker — also known as 'The 12 Minute Athlete, also the title of Stryker's book, blog and app — designed workouts that could be done in her small Brooklyn apartment. She previously shared a 12-minute routine with The Post, consisting of six exercise. Do each for 30 seconds, resting for 10 seconds in between rounds, until a 12-minute timer runs out: Burpees Body-weight squats High-knee sprints Push-ups Jump lunges Russian twists

Monday's Insider Report: Company leaders sell this gold stock that's up 57% in 2025
Monday's Insider Report: Company leaders sell this gold stock that's up 57% in 2025

Globe and Mail

time12-05-2025

  • Business
  • Globe and Mail

Monday's Insider Report: Company leaders sell this gold stock that's up 57% in 2025

Featured below are companies that have experienced recent insider trading activity in the public market through their direct and indirect ownerships, including accounts they have control or direction over. The list features insider transaction activity; it does not convey total ownership information as an insider may hold numerous accounts. Keep in mind, when looking at transaction activities by insiders, purchasing activity may reflect perceived value in a security. Selling activity may or may not be related to a stock's valuation; perhaps an insider needs to raise money for personal reasons. An insider's total holdings should be considered because a sale may, in context, be insignificant if this person has a large remaining position in the company. I tend to put great weight on insider transaction activity when I see multiple insiders trading a company's shares or units. Listed below are three stocks that have had recent buying activity in the public market reported by insiders. Aecon Group Inc. (ARE-T) On April 28, director Eric Rosenfeld invested over $1.1-million in shares of Aecon. He bought 75,000 shares at a price per share of $15.7419 for an account in which he has indirect ownership (Crescendo Partners III, L.P.), raising the holdings to 309,200 shares. On April 28, founder and chairman John Beck purchased 10,000 shares at a cost per share of $15.7402, lifting the holdings in this particular account to 20,000 shares. The cost of this investment exceeded $157,000. Canadian National Railway Company (CNR-T) On May 6, director Susan Jones acquired 1,461 shares at a cost per share of $136.6193, after which this particular account held 5,439 shares. The cost of this purchase totaled roughly $200,000. Martinrea International Inc. (MRE-T) On May 5, chief financial officer and lead for lightweight structures commercial group Peter Cirulis purchased 14,814 shares at a cost per share of US$5.40, increasing the holdings in this specific account to 101,534 shares. The cost of this investment totaled approximately US$80,000. ** Listed below is a stock that has had recent selling activity in the public market reported by insiders. Kinross Gold Corp. (K-T) On May 9, senior vice-president, technical services William Dunford sold 53,000 shares at an average price per share of approximately $20.901, reducing the holdings in this particular account to 24,650 shares. Proceeds from the sale totaled more than $1.1 million, excluding trading fees. On May 9, director Kerry Dyte divested 20,250 shares at a price per share of $20.6704, leaving 20,250 shares in this particular account. Proceeds from the sale exceeded $418,000, not including commission charges. Year-to-date, the share price is up 57 per cent. Be smart with your money. Get the latest investing insights delivered right to your inbox three times a week, with the Globe Investor newsletter. Sign up today.

Wake up, Westerners – the evils of Xinjiang are a taste of the future
Wake up, Westerners – the evils of Xinjiang are a taste of the future

Yahoo

time08-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Wake up, Westerners – the evils of Xinjiang are a taste of the future

John Beck's Those Who Should Be Seized Should Be Seized is not merely a book. It is a reckoning. The stories this award-winning journalist tells, of the violence faced by ordinary Uyghurs, testify to how the Chinese regime has systematised surveillance, criminalised belief and mechanised repression. For now, it may seem merely to be a window upon Xinjiang, but it's also a vision of the totalitarian future that China's Communist Party has rolled out in Hong Kong, is threatening Taiwan with, and will soon be selling to the world: efficient, paranoid and absolutely ruthless. Beck doesn't moralise, he documents. His narrative, a tapestry of firsthand accounts, Party memoranda and state propaganda, lays bare the architecture of a modern gulag. We read of teenagers hauled into 'tiger chairs' for constraint and torture, of children taught to fear books, of scholars imprisoned for writing in Kazakh. We are introduced to a place where growing a beard or teaching a Koranic verse is treated as terrorism, and classification by race and religion is the law. This isn't ancient history. This is 2025. In Parliament, and in this newspaper, I have long argued that Britain must confront the reality of China's government, and not be distracted by trinkets. Beck's book is not about policy – but it demands one. For, as we debate trade deals and supply chains, his pages remind us that our choices have consequences. Consider this: many of the cotton garments sold on British high streets today pass through Xinjiang. The solar panels Ed Miliband visited Beijing in March to source, in order to power our so-called 'green transition', are built, in part, by detainees in factories powered by coal. And the very chips in our smartphones are manufactured using rare earths mined from land stripped from Uyghur hands. We are, however unknowingly, underwriting slavery. How does that meet anyone's environmental, social or governance principles? The scale of the repression in Xinjiang is staggering. Beck meticulously traces its implementation, from the Party documents authorising mass detentions to the way everyday life changes under constant surveillance. The descriptions of China's 'vocational education and training centres' – a euphemism for detention camps – reveal to us facilities fringed with barbed wire, guard towers equipped with machine guns, and interrogation rooms where torture is routine. As one Party official is quoted saying, Uyghurs must 'break their lineage, break their roots, break their connections, and break their origins'. The Chinese state weaponises basic human instincts. Family ties become vulnerabilities to exploit. Cultural identity becomes evidence of 'extremism'. Even the desire for economic advancement becomes a trap, as Saira, a Kazakh from Urumqi who buys into the Chinese dream even joining foreign trips promoting the government's commercial interests until she discovers her business success marks her as a threat to the state. Beck captures something essential about totalitarian systems: they don't just imprison the body, but also colonise the mind. We witness this in the trauma of Tursunay, a Uyghur woman who spent five years in Kazakhstan and was imprisoned on the grounds of suspected foreign affiliations and ideological deviation. Upon her release, she initially refuses to speak out about her experiences, having internalised the regime's threats. We see it in the way camp survivors struggle with basic tasks after their release, their concentration and memory permanently damaged by what they endured. The book gives voice to those who refused to remain silent. After surviving unspeakable trauma in prison, Tursunay faces intimidation from Chinese agents as she flees to the West and joins protests against the CCP. There's also Saira, whose literary aspirations were buried alongside her books when authorities burned them in her garden; Serikzhan Bilash, a Kazakh activist and founder of human-rights group Atazhurt, who risked everything to document his compatriots' disappearances. Their courage in speaking out, despite the regime's relentless efforts to silence them, is humbling. China's efforts at silencing not just critics but different minority groups, are terrifyingly advanced. Beck's narrative uncovers the methods of control being perfected in Xinjiang: digital surveillance through mandatory apps, biometric data collection disguised as healthcare. Particularly chilling is the documentation of how the tentacles of Chinese state security reach far beyond national borders. Uyghur and Kazakh diasporic communities in Kazakhstan, Turkey and even America face surveillance, intimidation and the agonising knowledge that speaking out could result in reprisals against family members still in Xinjiang. The Chinese embassy protests described in the book's final pages – where survivors such as Tursunay stand in silent witness as diplomatic vehicles with tinted windows roll past – serve as a powerful metaphor for the global community's failure to meaningfully confront these abuses. What struck me most about Beck's account is how effectively it dismantles China's official narrative. Beijing insists these are simply vocational schools, yet the book documents forced sterilisations and systematic rape. The Party speaks of lifting ethnic minorities from poverty, yet we read of prosperous business owners such as Saira having their assets seized. Officials claim to fight terrorism, yet their own documents reveal targets for arbitrary detention that include anyone who prays regularly or applies for a passport. The contrast between the Party's propaganda and the lived reality is nowhere more apparent than in the official press conferences Beck documents, where 'graduated trainees' mechanically recite their gratitude for being 'cured' of religious 'extremism'. These Orwellian spectacles, in which victims are forced to thank their tormentors, reveal a system that demands not just obedience but the complete surrender of truth itself. And yet, as Beck describes, China has successfully leveraged its economic might to silence international criticism. Kazakhstan, Turkey and even some Western democracies have yielded to pressure, deporting refugees back to certain persecution or muting their criticism in international forums. Britain cannot look away. The Modern Slavery Act must be strengthened to mandate full transparency in supply chains. Companies must audit their inputs. Import bans should be enforced on goods linked to forced labour. And the Foreign Office must lead a coordinated, values-based approach with our allies to challenge China's narrative at the UN and beyond. We must also wake up to the deeper threat. What is happening in Xinjiang is not just an assault on a people. It is a prototype: a test run for a surveillance state powered by AI, justified by nationalism, and perfected in the absence of dissent. Beck holds a mirror to that future, and the reflection should chill us into action. As legislators, we owe it to those already lost. As Britons, we owe it to our values. And as free people, we owe it to ourselves. Tom Tugendhat is the former Security Minister and chaired the Foreign Affairs Select Committee. Those Who Should Be Seized Should Be Seized is published by Melville House at £25. To order your copy, call 0330 173 5030 or visit Telegraph Books Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.

Wake up, Westerners – the evils of Xinjiang are a taste of the future
Wake up, Westerners – the evils of Xinjiang are a taste of the future

Telegraph

time08-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Telegraph

Wake up, Westerners – the evils of Xinjiang are a taste of the future

John Beck's Those Who Should Be Seized Should Be Seized is not merely a book. It is a reckoning. The stories this award-winning journalist tells, of the violence faced by ordinary Uyghurs, testify to how the Chinese regime has systematised surveillance, criminalised belief and mechanised repression. For now, it may seem merely to be a window upon Xinjiang, but it's also a vision of the totalitarian future that China's Communist Party has rolled out in Hong Kong, is threatening Taiwan with, and will soon be selling to the world: efficient, paranoid and absolutely ruthless. Beck doesn't moralise, he documents. His narrative, a tapestry of firsthand accounts, Party memoranda and state propaganda, lays bare the architecture of a modern gulag. We read of teenagers hauled into 'tiger chairs' for constraint and torture, of children taught to fear books, of scholars imprisoned for writing in Kazakh. We are introduced to a place where growing a beard or teaching a Koranic verse is treated as terrorism, and classification by race and religion is the law. This isn't ancient history. This is 2025. In Parliament, and in this newspaper, I have long argued that Britain must confront the reality of China's government, and not be distracted by trinkets. Beck's book is not about policy – but it demands one. For, as we debate trade deals and supply chains, his pages remind us that our choices have consequences. Consider this: many of the cotton garments sold on British high streets today pass through Xinjiang. The solar panels Ed Miliband visited Beijing in March to source, in order to power our so-called 'green transition', are built, in part, by detainees in factories powered by coal. And the very chips in our smartphones are manufactured using rare earths mined from land stripped from Uyghur hands. We are, however unknowingly, underwriting slavery. How does that meet anyone's environmental, social or governance principles? The scale of the repression in Xinjiang is staggering. Beck meticulously traces its implementation, from the Party documents authorising mass detentions to the way everyday life changes under constant surveillance. The descriptions of China's 'vocational education and training centres' – a euphemism for detention camps – reveal to us facilities fringed with barbed wire, guard towers equipped with machine guns, and interrogation rooms where torture is routine. As one Party official is quoted saying, Uyghurs must 'break their lineage, break their roots, break their connections, and break their origins'. The Chinese state weaponises basic human instincts. Family ties become vulnerabilities to exploit. Cultural identity becomes evidence of 'extremism'. Even the desire for economic advancement becomes a trap, as Saira, a Kazakh from Urumqi who buys into the Chinese dream even joining foreign trips promoting the government's commercial interests until she discovers her business success marks her as a threat to the state. Beck captures something essential about totalitarian systems: they don't just imprison the body, but also colonise the mind. We witness this in the trauma of Tursunay, a Uyghur woman who is imprisoned for her life overseas on the grounds of suspected foreign affiliations and ideological deviation upon her release, she initially refuses to speak out about her experiences, having internalised the regime's threats. We see it in the way camp survivors struggle with basic tasks after their release, their concentration and memory permanently damaged by what they endured. The book gives voice to those who refused to remain silent. There's Tursunay, who survived unspeakable trauma only to face intimidation from Chinese state authorities across multiple countries; Saira, whose literary aspirations were buried alongside her books when authorities burned them in her garden; Serikzhan Bilash, a Kazakh activist and founder of Atazhurt, who risked everything to document his compatriots' disappearances. Their courage in speaking out, despite the regime's relentless efforts to silence them, is humbling. China's efforts at silencing not just critics but different minority groups, are terrifyingly advanced. Beck's narrative uncovers the methods of control being perfected in Xinjiang: digital surveillance through mandatory apps, biometric data collection disguised as healthcare. Particularly chilling is the documentation of how the tentacles of Chinese state security reach far beyond national borders. Uyghur and Kazakh diasporic communities in Kazakhstan, Turkey and even America face surveillance, intimidation and the agonising knowledge that speaking out could result in reprisals against family members still in Xinjiang. The Chinese embassy protests described in the book's final pages – where survivors such as Tursunay stand in silent witness as diplomatic vehicles with tinted windows roll past – serve as a powerful metaphor for the global community's failure to meaningfully confront these abuses. What struck me most about Beck's account is how effectively it dismantles China's official narrative. Beijing insists these are simply vocational schools, yet the book documents forced sterilisations and systematic rape. The Party speaks of lifting ethnic minorities from poverty, yet we read of prosperous business owners such as Saira having their assets seized. Officials claim to fight terrorism, yet their own documents reveal targets for arbitrary detention that include anyone who prays regularly or applies for a passport. The contrast between the Party's propaganda and the lived reality is nowhere more apparent than in the official press conferences Beck documents, where 'graduated trainees' mechanically recite their gratitude for being 'cured' of religious 'extremism'. These Orwellian spectacles, in which victims are forced to thank their tormentors, reveal a system that demands not just obedience but the complete surrender of truth itself. And yet, as Beck describes, China has successfully leveraged its economic might to silence international criticism. Kazakhstan, Turkey and even some Western democracies have yielded to pressure, deporting refugees back to certain persecution or muting their criticism in international forums. Britain cannot look away. The Modern Slavery Act must be strengthened to mandate full transparency in supply chains. Companies must audit their inputs. Import bans should be enforced on goods linked to forced labour. And the Foreign Office must lead a coordinated, values-based approach with our allies to challenge China's narrative at the UN and beyond. We must also wake up to the deeper threat. What is happening in Xinjiang is not just an assault on a people. It is a prototype: a test run for a surveillance state powered by AI, justified by nationalism, and perfected in the absence of dissent. Beck holds a mirror to that future, and the reflection should chill us into action. As legislators, we owe it to those already lost. As Britons, we owe it to our values. And as free people, we owe it to ourselves.

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