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The Star
5 days ago
- Automotive
- The Star
EU to suspend US tariff countermeasures for 6 months
FILE PHOTO: Containers are loaded on a container ship at a terminal at the harbour in Hamburg, Germany, February 24, 2022. REUTERS/Fabian Bimmer/File photo BRUSSELS (Reuters) -The European Union will suspend its two packages of countermeasures to U.S. tariffs for six months following a deal with U.S. President Donald Trump, a Commission spokesperson said on Monday. The EU-U.S. agreement leaves many questions open, including tariff rates on spirits, and Trump's executive order last week setting tariffs on most EU goods at 15% did not include carve-outs such as for cars and car parts. EU officials have said they expect more executive orders to follow soon. "The EU continues to work with the U.S. to finalise a Joint Statement, as agreed on 27 July," the spokesperson said in a statement. "With these objectives in mind, the Commission will take the necessary steps to suspend by 6 months the EU's countermeasures against the US, which were due to enter into force on 7 August." The retaliatory tariffs are in two parts: one in response to U.S. steel and aluminium duties, and the other to Trump's baseline and car tariffs. (Reporting by Julia Payne; Editing by Toby Chopra)
Epoch Times
5 days ago
- Business
- Epoch Times
European Union Suspends US Tariff Countermeasures for 6 Months
The European Union will suspend its two packages of countermeasures to U.S. tariffs for six months, a European Commission spokesperson said on Monday. The spokesperson said in a statement that the bloc 'continues to work with the U.S. to finalise a Joint Statement, as agreed on 27 July.'
Straits Times
5 days ago
- Automotive
- Straits Times
EU to suspend US tariff countermeasures for 6 months
Sign up now: Get ST's newsletters delivered to your inbox BRUSSELS - The European Union will suspend its two packages of countermeasures to U.S. tariffs for six months following a deal with U.S. President Donald Trump, a Commission spokesperson said on Monday. The EU-U.S. agreement leaves many questions open, including tariff rates on spirits, and Trump's executive order last week setting tariffs on most EU goods at 15% did not include carve-outs such as for cars and car parts. EU officials have said they expect more executive orders to follow soon. "The EU continues to work with the U.S. to finalise a Joint Statement, as agreed on 27 July," the spokesperson said in a statement. "With these objectives in mind, the Commission will take the necessary steps to suspend by 6 months the EU's countermeasures against the US, which were due to enter into force on 7 August." The retaliatory tariffs are in two parts: one in response to U.S. steel and aluminium duties, and the other to Trump's baseline and car tariffs. REUTERS
The Star
6 days ago
- Politics
- The Star
Vietnam denounces false claims, reaffirms collaboration with US in wartime missing accounting
Spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Vietnam Phạm Thu Hang. - Photo from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs HANOI: The Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Saturday (Aug 2) refuted the assessment of a report released in June from the United States-based The National League of Families of American Prisoners and Missing in Southeast Asia concerning humanitarian cooperation in the search for and identification of American service members missing in action (MIA) during the war in Vietnam. Spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Vietnam Pham Thu Hang, in response to Vietnam News' request for reaction to criticisms contained in the report on the cooperation with the US side in the matter, stated that 'These are distorted, false information, and we firmly reject them.' 'Humanitarian cooperation in the search for and identification of US service members missing in action (MIA) during the war in Vietnam has been actively and effectively implemented by the Governments of Vietnam and the United States for more than 50 years, helping to identify and repatriate the remains of thousands of US personnel,' Hang said in a statement. 'This is a deeply meaningful result that has contributed to promoting bilateral cooperation in war legacy issues and serves as vivid evidence of humanitarian spirit, helping to build and strengthen mutual trust and friendship between Vietnam and the United States,' she noted. Vietnam's MIA cooperation has always been acknowledged and highly appreciated by the US side, and is regarded as a model of international cooperation, the diplomat underscored. According to the foreign ministry, in the future, the two countries will continue to 'fully cooperate in this area' in a manner conforming with the spirit of the Joint Statement on elevating Vietnam–US relations to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership for Peace, Cooperation and Sustainable Development reached during US President Joe Biden's visit to Vietnam in 2023 at the invitation of the late Party General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong. Following the release of the League's report, Director of the US Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA) Kelly McKeague in an article published mid-July has highlighted the fact that collaboration between Vietnam and the US on MIA issues began a decade before the re-establishment of formal diplomatic relations in 1995 and "continues to be a fundamental building block to today's strong partnership that the two countries have forged." He noted that because of this "enduring and essential cooperation," the US accounted for 752 Americans missing in Vietnam from the war, bringing their remains home to their families, providing long-sought answers and some semblance of closure. For the 1,157 estimated to be recoverable in Vietnam, the US can fulfil its moral responsibility to find them because of the archival research and field investigations and excavations jointly conducted with Vietnam, the officer asserted. According to McKeague, the DPAA has deployed more than 97 investigation teams and 167 recovery teams to Vietnam to work alongside its Vietnamese partner since 2015. Over the last 10 years, US–Vietnam collaboration has led to the identification of 35 missing personnel, 19 from joint field work, one from a US partner mission, and 15 from Vietnamese sources. "They and the many who remain unaccounted for are not just numbers nor can their supreme sacrifice be monetised," he said. Accordingly, it is the US's solemn and sacred obligation to sustain the extraordinary efforts to search for, recover, and identify them, most of which occurs due to the support of the Vietnamese government and its people, the US official emphasised. - Vietnam News/ANN
News18
25-07-2025
- Business
- News18
Modi And Starmer: Can India Shape Britain's Indo-Pacific Tilt?
Last Updated: Without India's backing, Britain's Indo-Pacific tilt risks becoming an expensive exercise in naval tourism Prime Minister Narendra Modi is in London. He has met Keir Starmer. The Joint Statement has been delivered. The FTA has been signed. It will add £25 billion to bilateral trade. Britain is now engaging in trade and investment with India in a way it has not since India's independence. However, there is one major area the UK is especially focused on, something it hopes the FTA will help it achieve: the British ambition in the Indo-Pacific. The United Kingdom first flirted with the idea of an Indo-Pacific tilt four years ago. Major powers in the region—such as India, Australia, China, Japan, Russia and the US—already had an Indo-Pacific policy. Talks were already underway on the FTA with India. Since then, the UK has committed to its engagement with the Indo-Pacific as a long-term endeavour. But despite being vocal about its ambitions, it has struggled to generate meaningful partnerships. While India-UK military ties, defence agreements and joint naval exercises signal a strengthening of relations and increased engagement, it is the FTA that offers the greatest value. A period of political turmoil has left the UK with four prime ministers in the past four years, including the current PM, Starmer—Rishi Sunak (2022–2024); Elizabeth Truss (2022); and Boris Johnson (2019–2022). Yet one objective remained constant despite the political churn: the vision and tenacity to see through the trade deal with India. Alongside it came a hope: to address the lingering underachievement of the UK's Indo-Pacific vision, which has yet to materialise into anything of substance. This is why the FTA is even more important for the UK. It ensures that trade will rise, and with it, defence and political ties will reach even greater heights. India is a power to be reckoned with in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific. The UK recognises it, and India recognises the value of the UK as a close partner within the Western bloc. India's Role In UK's Indo-Pacific Strategy India has emerged as the indispensable cornerstone of Britain's Indo-Pacific ambitions—not merely as a trading partner but as the regional heavyweight that can legitimise London's presence from the Indian Ocean to the Western Pacific. The UK's Indo-Pacific Minister, Catherine West, has explicitly acknowledged this reality, describing the UK's engagement as 'a generational mission, a long-term strategic posture". It represents a fundamental shift from episodic deployments to sustained strategic presence, with India as the primary enabler. The strategic calculations are straightforward: without India's backing, Britain's Indo-Pacific tilt risks becoming an expensive exercise in naval tourism. India's unique position—as a Quad member, a rising economic power, and a nation with deep historical ties to Britain—provides London with the credibility, comfort and logistical foundation necessary for meaningful regional engagement. Unlike other regional powers, India offers the UK something invaluable: legitimacy born of shared democratic values and complementary strategic interests, rather than the transactional relationships that characterise much of contemporary geopolitics. Recent developments underscore this centrality. The June 2025 joint naval exercises between HMS Prince of Wales and INS Tabar in the North Arabian Sea, or the emergency landing of an F-35B in Thiruvananthapuram—where India provided 38 days of secure hangar space and technical support for Britain's most advanced fighter aircraft—proved that New Delhi can be trusted with London's most sensitive military technology. This episode, more than any formal agreement, illustrated India's role as Britain's de facto strategic partner in the Indo-Pacific. India's geographic advantages compound its political utility. The subcontinent's position astride major shipping lanes gives Britain access to the critical chokepoints and sea lines of communication that define Indo-Pacific strategy. The UK's co-leadership with India of the maritime security pillar under India's Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative provides an institutional framework for this cooperation—embedding British strategic interests within Indian regional leadership rather than competing with it. The defence dimension is equally compelling. India's rapidly expanding military capabilities—from aircraft carriers to nuclear submarines—offer Britain a force multiplier that smaller regional partners cannot. The 2022 Indo-Pacific Defence Agreement established frameworks for joint capability development, while the recent announcement of a 10-year Defence Industrial Roadmap signals long-term strategic alignment. Britain is not merely seeking market access; it is positioning itself as India's partner of choice for advanced military technologies that will shape the region's security architecture for decades to come. Twenty-six British companies announced new business ventures in India during Modi's visit, while Indian firms committed nearly £6 billion in UK investments. Rolls-Royce and HAL are expanding aerospace manufacturing in Tamil Nadu, while the University of Southampton has opened a campus in Gurugram, creating educational partnerships that will shape the next generation of bilateral cooperation. In UP's defence corridor, Trafalgar Square Capital has pledged £7.5 billion for an Ayodhya defence complex. Why The FTA Is Crucial For UK's Indo-Pacific Ambitions Trade has always been the foundation of Britain's global influence, and the Indo-Pacific requires economic staying power that military deployments alone cannot provide. The FTA addresses this challenge by creating commercial incentives for sustained British engagement across Indian supply chains—from defence manufacturing to clean energy infrastructure. When 99 per cent of Indian exports gain duty-free access to British markets, and UK firms see their average tariffs on Indian goods drop to 3 per cent, the resulting economic integration becomes strategically irreversible. More subtly, the FTA positions Britain as India's gateway to post-Brexit global trade networks. As India negotiates with the EU and confronts US trade protectionism, the UK offers an alternative pathway to developed-world markets—without the political constraints that plague other relationships. The boost to bilateral trade via the FTA provides the foundation, but the agreement's strategic value lies in its ability to create irreversible economic interdependencies that transcend political cycles and transform competitive dynamics across the Indo-Pacific. The FTA's Strategic Export Cooperation chapter establishes bilateral consultative dialogues that will accelerate joint ventures in precisely the technologies that define 21st-century military competition. It will make the British and Indian defence industries mutually dependent rather than competitive. Services mobility provisions enable 60,000 Indian professionals to work in the UK annually, while British firms gain preferential access to India's expanding digital economy. The Social Security Convention alone will save Indian companies Rs 40 billion annually by eliminating double taxation for seconded employees—making UK assignments financially attractive for the first time. These human capital flows create permanent linkages between the British and Indian technology sectors that government agreements cannot replicate. The FTA includes provisions for joint processing and recycling facilities that position both nations as alternatives to Chinese supply chains. When combined with the Technology Security Initiative's focus on minerals mapping and supply chain resilience, these arrangements create the foundation for Western technological independence in critical sectors. The agreement's strategic export cooperation provisions establish bilateral consultative mechanisms that will accelerate joint ventures in missile sub-systems and electronic warfare capabilities. British firms will gain preferential access to India's Rs 200 billion defence modernisation programme, while Indian companies secure pathways into European and transatlantic defence markets through UK partnerships. The timing amplifies these strategic benefits. As China leverages economic coercion against trading partners and the United States retreats from multilateral trade agreements, the India–UK FTA offers both nations alternative pathways to global markets. For Britain, India provides access to the world's fastest-growing major economy without the political complications that accompany Chinese or American partnerships. For India, the UK offers sophisticated financial services and advanced manufacturing capabilities that complement rather than compete with domestic development priorities. top videos View all Success is not guaranteed, but the foundation has been established. India's emergence as a global power and Britain's need for post-Brexit strategic relevance create alignments that did not exist even a decade ago. The FTA and Vision 2035 provide the institutional framework for capitalising on these opportunities. The question now is whether both nations possess the strategic patience and political courage—especially Britain—to transform an Indo-Pacific tilt into a lasting strategic transformation. The alternative: a return to episodic engagement and competing priorities, which would waste the significant investments already made and leave both nations vulnerable to a more assertive China and an increasingly isolationist America. The partnership's success or failure will significantly influence whether democratic nations can effectively coordinate responses to 21st-century strategic challenges—or remain trapped in 20th-century alliance structures that no longer reflect contemporary realities. About the Author Sohil Sinha Sohil Sinha is a Sub Editor at News18. He writes on foreign affairs, geopolitics along with domestic policy and infrastructure projects. tags : India-UK ties Keir Starmer Narendra Modi view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 25, 2025, 08:53 IST News opinion Opinion | Modi And Starmer: Can India Shape Britain's Indo-Pacific Tilt? Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
