Latest news with #KJ-2000
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Business Standard
05-08-2025
- Business Standard
Can China's new early warning plane KJ-3000 boost PLA and rival US?
China is seeking to quietly introduce a new addition to its early warning and control (AEW&C) aircraft fleet, the KJ-3000. While not officially confirmed by Beijing, footage of the prototype aircraft began circulating in late December last year, and more recently in May. The KJ-3000 stands out for both its scale and its mission: providing the People's Liberation Army (PLA) with an airborne command centre capable of monitoring vast airspaces and guiding long-range attacks, according to a report by the South China Morning Post (SCMP). The KJ-3000 is significant not due to the plane or its equipment but for what it symbolises, which is China's growing emphasis on developing a self-sufficient and extensive military surveillance network in the air, while other military powers appear to phase out such aircraft. What platform is the KJ-3000 based on? The KJ-3000 is built on a modified version of the Y-20B, a domestically produced heavy transport aircraft, SCMP said. The Y-20B can carry up to 60 tonnes, double the capacity of the Ilyushin-76, the Russian transport aircraft that formed the basis for China's earlier KJ-2000 model. This platform choice gives the KJ-3000 a strong edge in range and altitude. While earlier Chinese AEW&C aircraft like the KJ-500 and KJ-2000 could fly nearly 5,500 km, the Y-20B-based aircraft can fly up to 8,000 km with moderate load, the report said. It can also operate at altitudes up to 13,000 metres, which could improve detection of low-flying objects and enhance survivability. What radar and sensors does the KJ-3000 use? Although the Chinese government has not disclosed technical details, SCMP suggested that the KJ-3000 is equipped with multiple advanced radar systems. A large rotating radar dome (rotodome) sits atop the fuselage. This is common in AEW&C aircraft and houses radar antennas capable of scanning a wide area. Notably, the May footage showed two radar arrays placed back-to-back within the dome, which could enhance tracking of smaller or stealthier targets. This would be an upgrade from the three-sided radar configuration seen on the older KJ-2000. How could the KJ-3000 be used in military operations? The KJ-3000 is not just a radar antenna, it is an airborne command and control centre. It is capable of detecting or tracking targets hundreds of kilometers away and can pass on targeting data to either Chinese warships or fighter jets. A May broadcast by state network CCTV showed a Type 055 destroyer simulating a missile attack based on information transmitted from an AEW&C aircraft. The plane picked up a target and provided updates in real-time to the warship, enhancing the missile's accuracy using in-flight guidance, the report said. How does this compare with US and Russian AEW&C strategies? In contrast to China's ramp-up, the United States (US) appears to be scaling back its AEW&C ambitions. US Secretary of Defence Pete Hegseth recently confirmed that plans to procure Boeing's E-7 Wedgetail had been cancelled, citing concerns about survivability in modern warfare. AEW&C aircraft are large, slow, and emit strong radar signals, making them visible targets for long-range missiles. Russia may also be reconsidering its AEW&C programme following losses of A-50 radar planes in the Ukraine war. Both nations are increasingly looking at satellite-based alternatives and space-based surveillance networks for command and control roles traditionally played by aircraft. Why is China still investing in radar aircraft? While the US and Russia are placing greater emphasis on satellites and stealth, China appears to be pursuing both strategies at once. The KJ-3000 shows that Beijing still sees a role for radar planes in regional conflicts and broader power projection. According to the Pentagon's 2024 China Military Power Report, the PLA now operates more AEW&C aircraft than the US, although not all are as advanced. The KJ-3000 could become the most capable of its class, especially if it integrates with other systems like drones, ships, and satellite networks. The PLA has also introduced other new models like the shipborne KJ-600 and medium-sized KJ-700, indicating a broader ambition to field AEW&C platforms across multiple environments. The KJ-3000 remains in its prototype phase, but if the aircraft enters full service, it could significantly boost the PLA's ability to conduct coordinated long-range strikes and electronic warfare, especially in maritime theatres.
News18
17-07-2025
- Business
- News18
Military ‘Modernisation' Drive Is Disastrous For Pakistan's Economy & Polity
Last Updated: The Pakistan Army's recent procurement ambitions underscore the militarised perspective through which national priorities are frequently shaped Amidst deteriorating economic conditions, the Pakistan Army is embarking on an assertive and ambitious course of military modernisation, channelling significant resources into advanced weaponry despite pervasive poverty, escalating inflation, and crumbling public infrastructure. This determined enhancement of military capability—highlighted by the prospective acquisition of China's HQ-19 air defence system, the untested and unproven Shenyang J-35s (derived from the Shenyang FC-31 'Gyrfalcon"), and KJ-2000 aircraft—aims to counter India's conventional military superiority, but has sparked serious apprehensions both domestically and internationally. While this build-up is officially framed as a strategic necessity in response to regional threats, critics increasingly interpret it as a disquieting sign of the military establishment's growing dominance over Pakistan's political and economic landscape. With civilian institutions collapsing under the strain of chronic underfunding and disregard, a critical question arises: is this arms buildup genuinely about safeguarding national security, or is it fundamentally about consolidating power? The HQ-19, an advanced anti-ballistic missile system, represents more than just a military upgrade—it reflects Pakistan's increasing prioritisation of militarisation, a trajectory that appears increasingly misaligned with its economic circumstances. Pakistan's external debt has exceeded $130 billion, and its foreign exchange reserves remain critically low. The nation has been compelled to depend on financial support from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Gulf nations, and China, often subject to stringent austerity measures. These economic pressures have resulted in substantial reductions in public services, leading to a pronounced deterioration in the quality of education, healthcare, and essential infrastructure. The disparity is striking: while children in rural Sindh attend schools without furniture or textbooks and hospitals in Balochistan lack vital medicines, the government continues to allocate billions towards radar systems, drones, and missile defence technology. According to the World Bank's latest estimate, nearly 45 per cent of Pakistan's population lives in poverty, with an additional 16.5 per cent enduring extreme poverty. In sharp contrast, India—the regional rival Pakistan seeks to match—has lifted a record number of people out of poverty. Within the past year alone, 1.9 million more individuals in Pakistan have slipped below the poverty line. This trend towards militarisation has not escaped scrutiny. Public discourse—particularly among independent journalists and policy analysts—is increasingly centred on the imbalance between military expenditure and investment in social development. Critics contend that these acquisitions are less about safeguarding national borders and more about preserving the military's institutional dominance. Historically, the Pakistan Army has wielded considerable autonomy and influence, frequently operating outside the bounds of civilian control. Its presence extends into major economic sectors—including construction, agriculture, and real estate—largely via military-operated conglomerates such as the Fauji Foundation and the Army Welfare Trust. This deep-rooted economic involvement has fostered a system in which the distinction between national interest and military interest is progressively obscured. Pakistan has, in effect, become a garrison state—one in which military imperatives dominate the allocation of economic resources. The repercussions of this imbalance are acutely experienced by ordinary Pakistanis. Inflation—fuelled by currency depreciation and rising global costs—has rendered basic goods unaffordable for millions. Unemployment continues to climb, particularly among the youth, while the informal labour sector—already fragile—has expanded further due to the decline in formal employment opportunities. Simultaneously, power outages remain commonplace, water scarcity persists across numerous regions, and urban infrastructure—from roadways to drainage systems—is deteriorating under increasing strain. Within this setting, announcements of fresh military procurements are frequently met with a mix of disbelief, resentment, and growing public discontent. The government's rationale centres on national security and maintaining regional equilibrium. With India continually advancing its military capabilities and longstanding tensions over Kashmir persisting, Pakistani defence officials maintain that remaining technologically competitive is imperative. The HQ-19 system, designed to intercept ballistic missiles at high altitudes, is portrayed as a strategic counter to India's expanding missile defence infrastructure. However, this narrative avoids addressing a deeper concern: at what cost? While achieving regional parity is a legitimate objective, is it more urgent than feeding children, providing medical care, and educating future generations? Similar doubts emerge regarding the anticipated acquisition of J-35 fighter jets by the Pakistan Air Force. The ongoing maintenance costs of such advanced aircraft could significantly strain Pakistan's annual budget. Critics argue that this fixation on military rivalry ignores the fundamental pillars of national security—economic resilience, social welfare, and human capital development. Furthermore, the secrecy and lack of transparency surrounding these procurements have heightened anxieties over accountability. In contrast to defence budgets in many democratic states—where military expenditure undergoes parliamentary oversight and public discussion—Pakistan's defence spending remains predominantly exempt from such scrutiny. Civilian administrations frequently possess minimal influence over these decisions, resulting in a democratic shortfall that weakens institutional checks and balances. The military's disproportionately large claim on national resources is not merely a fiscal concern—it signifies a more profound structural issue regarding the distribution of power within Pakistan. The strategic alliance with China introduces an added layer of complexity. China has emerged as Pakistan's principal supplier of military hardware, and while the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) holds theoretical promise, it has yet to deliver widespread economic transformation. Instead, there is growing apprehension over rising debt dependency and the minimal involvement of local stakeholders in these large-scale initiatives. The provision of the HQ-19 system, therefore, may extend beyond defence purposes—it could serve as a tool for strengthening geopolitical alignment and advancing debt diplomacy. While the military leadership may perceive this as a strategic gain, the long-term consequences for national sovereignty and economic autonomy are considerably less encouraging. Simultaneously, the J-35's elevated costs and demanding maintenance requirements risk further burdening Pakistan's already fragile financial position, especially as it endeavours to modernise its air force. Moreover, China's decision to export the J-35 before its integration into the People's Liberation Army Air Force introduces considerable strategic uncertainty. Another deeply concerning aspect is the impact of militarisation on democratic governance. When the military assumes control over key areas of national policy, civilian authorities are frequently reduced to symbolic roles. This dynamic undermines democratic institutions, erodes policymaking competence, and cultivates a culture of impunity. The pattern becomes self-perpetuating: as military dominance increases, civilian institutions become progressively less capable of exercising oversight, while public perception shifts to viewing the military as the sole effective institution within a deteriorating state. This sentiment further weakens confidence in democratic mechanisms and complicates efforts to promote alternative national priorities. The social cost is immense. Public health metrics continue to worsen, with malnutrition, maternal mortality, and preventable illnesses remaining widespread. The education sector, particularly in rural regions, suffers from chronic underfunding, staffing shortages, and systemic dysfunction. Literacy rates show little improvement, and Pakistan performs poorly on international human development rankings. Within this context, the imagery of cutting-edge missile defence systems appears especially incongruous. What message is conveyed to citizens when their government places a higher premium on armaments than on essential public welfare? There is also a significant risk of heightened regional instability. Arms races, by their very nature, tend to escalate the probability of conflict rather than prevent it. As India and Pakistan simultaneously expand their defence capabilities, opportunities for diplomacy and mutual confidence-building diminish. The deployment of technologies such as the HQ-19 and J-35 fighter jets could trigger reciprocal measures by India, fuelling a perilous cycle of provocation and response. At a time when South Asia confronts shared challenges—ranging from climate change and water scarcity to terrorism—the diversion of vital resources into military build-ups undermines the region's collective capacity to address these pressing threats. Voices from civil society are increasingly urging a realignment of national priorities. Economists, educationists, and public health experts argue that genuine security is rooted in human development. A population that is well-educated, healthy, and economically empowered is considerably more resilient against external threats than any missile defence system. Moreover, reallocating resources towards social sectors could foster inclusive economic growth, alleviate inequality, and strengthen social cohesion—outcomes that are essential for achieving sustainable peace. The way ahead demands political will and comprehensive institutional reform. Civilian authorities must reassert control over policymaking and insist on greater transparency in defence expenditure. Parliamentary scrutiny must be reinforced, and budgetary priorities should align with the genuine needs of the populace. International stakeholders also share responsibility. Donor nations and financial institutions should refrain from facilitating unregulated military spending through aid or loans that do not impose conditions promoting investment in social development. The Pakistan Army's recent procurement ambitions—exemplified by the prospective acquisition of the HQ-19 missile system and J-35 fighter jets—underscore the militarised perspective through which national priorities are frequently shaped. While strategic defence undeniably holds significance, it must not come at the cost of essential human development. In a nation where millions lack access to clean water, quality education, and adequate healthcare, investing in advanced weaponry cannot be seen as a comprehensive solution to security challenges. top videos View all The true measure of a nation's strength lies not in its arsenal, but in the well-being of its citizens. Ultimately, the arms race may not only fail to enhance Pakistan's security—it risks deepening internal vulnerabilities and widening the disconnect between the state and its people. Can Pakistan continue to sustain this pattern of militarisation in South Asia? India, the world's fourth-largest economy, reserves the right to respond with acquisitions of its own. The short-term 'advantages" sought by Pakistan's militarised leadership will prove unsustainable if the state persists in acting like a revisionist power under the mistaken belief that it can contend with a nation of India's scale. The writer is an author and a columnist. His X handle is @ArunAnandLive. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: June 24, 2025, 15:27 IST News opinion Global Watch | Military 'Modernisation' Drive Is Disastrous For Pakistan's Economy & Polity Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Yahoo
27-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
China's New KJ-3000 Airborne Early Warning Radar Jet Seen In Detail In New Image
New imagery has emerged of China's new heavyweight airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) platform, the KJ-3000, of which the first, low-quality photos began to appear last December, as we reported at the time. Based on the four-jet Y-20 cargo plane, the KJ-3000 is part of a fast-expanding and diversifying fleet of Chinese AEW&C aircraft, which also includes multiple iterations based on the four-turboprop Y-9 series of airlifters. While you can read the full story behind the development of China's AEW&C fleet in this previous in-depth article, the KJ-3000 is just one of the latest expressions of a massive investment in this area. As well as fielding an armada of AEW&C assets that is significantly larger than that of the U.S. Air Force, China is increasingly looking toward these assets as a key means of defending its interests as well as for pushing its combined aerial capabilities out further into the Indo-Pacific. The latest imagery shows the KJ-3000 on the ground at an undisclosed airfield in China. The aircraft still wears a coat of primer, and the serial number 7821 is clearly visible on the forward fuselage — as far as is known, this is the only example completed so far. So far best image of the KJ-3000 prototype, unfortunately heavily pixelated. — @Rupprecht_A (@RupprechtDeino) May 26, 2025 Although the aircraft is partially obscured, we can see the characteristic large circular radome on top of the rear fuselage. The KJ-3000 is also fitted with an aerial refueling probe mounted above the cockpit, and there is a prominent series of antennas arranged on top of the forward fuselage. Compared to the Y-20, the aircraft also features a very prominent intake at the base of the tailfin, likely a ram-air inlet to cool the extensive onboard electronics. The KJ-3000 has long been seen as the solution to meet China's requirement for a platform to supplement the KJ-2000 Mainring, which is, to date, its largest dedicated AEW&C aircraft. You can read about it and China's wider AEW&C developments in this previous in-depth article. The KJ-2000 is based on the Ilyushin Il-76MD Candid, another four-jet airlifter. Originally planned to be equipped with Israeli mission systems, this plan was derailed under pressure from the U.S. Clinton administration. Instead, the KJ-2000 was fitted with Chinese-developed systems, installed on four ex-China United Airlines Il-76MD aircraft. The KJ-2000's active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar comprises three antennas in a triangular configuration within a fixed radome. The four KJ-2000s were declared operational in 2007 and are based in Jiangsu province, facing key adversaries Japan and Taiwan. Regardless of the operational effectiveness of the KJ-2000, China was only able to produce more of these aircraft due to the strictly limited number of Russian-built Il-76MDs available for conversion. As a result, the Y-20 was quickly earmarked as a likely platform for a follow-on to the KJ-2000 and this program seems to have gained momentum once the definitive Y-20B transport became available in 2020. The Y-20B is powered by the domestically produced WS-20 high-bypass turbofan engine, which is a significant advance over the Russian D-30KP-2 engine found on the original Y-20A. Ok, it goes on and on and on: second surprise this morning, the new KJ-3000 (?) AEW performed its maiden flight at XAC and from what can be seen on the first few small & blurry images, it is as expected a Y-20B-based design featuring a large rotodome but also a bulge on the tail. — @Rupprecht_A (@RupprechtDeino) December 27, 2024 The KJ-3000 is not the first development of the Y-20 for the People's Liberation Air Force (PLAAF), another being the YY-20A aerial refueling tanker, which is also now in service. With such a small fleet of KJ-2000s available, and with these airframes tied to supply chains in Russia, maintenance and support cannot be straightforward, and these issues will only become more problematic as the aircraft gets older. With that in mind, the opportunity to introduce a potentially much larger fleet of KJ-3000s is a very big deal for the PLAAF, especially since it will also be more advanced than its predecessor. Once in service, the KJ-3000 will be easier to upgrade and, very importantly, it will be available for potential export. Pakistan, which already operates Chinese-supplied radar planes and which may well have used them to significant effect in its recent conflict with India, could be one country with an interest in buying them. Unclear is the degree to which the KJ-3000 may offer capabilities beyond those found in the KJ-2000, although this would appear to be a given, with the Mainring having made its maiden flight more than 20 years ago. As it is, the radar of the KJ-2000 is said to have a maximum range of almost 300 miles, and it's reportedly able to track hundreds of aerial targets simultaneously. Imagery available so far suggests that the KJ-3000 may use a radar array with two, rather than three antennas, although this cannot be confirmed at this point. And IMO even more important than all other so far posted news today, the so far blurry images of the KJ-3000 AEW are getting clearing,Interesting, it features an IRF-probe and – in contrast to the KJ-2000 – not a fixed radar with three arrays but a large rototome with two. — @Rupprecht_A (@RupprechtDeino) December 28, 2024 As we've discussed in the past, the KJ-3000, with its efficient engines and in-flight refueling capability, should offer plenty of advantages in terms of range, and on-station time. Chinese efforts to add aerial refueling capabilities to its AEW&C fleet are something that is referenced in the latest Pentagon report to Congress on China's military, released late last year. 'Production and deliveries of the KJ-500 — the PRC's most advanced airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) aircraft — continued at a rapid pace, joining earlier KJ-2000 Mainring and KJ-200 Moth variants,' the report states. 'These aircraft amplify the PLAAF's ability to detect, track, and target threats in varying conditions, in larger volumes, and at greater distances. It extends the range of the PLA's IADS [integrated air defense system] network. Furthermore, the PRC has produced at least one KJ-500 with an aerial refueling probe, which will improve the aircraft's ability to provide persistent AEW&C coverage.' The KJ-3000 would also be able to fly at higher altitudes to provide a better perch for its radar. This is very important, especially for providing 'look down' capability to spot and track low-flying aircraft and missiles that radars down below might not be able to 'see' due to terrain and other factors. The KJ-3000 almost certainly has other intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities beyond just its radar, as well. At least as important is its likely function as a networking node, reflecting a growing area of interest for the Chinese military in general, and something that is especially valuable over the long distances in the Indo-Pacific theater. The KJ-3000 was seen again — @Rupprecht_A (@RupprechtDeino) May 26, 2025 Uniquely, China is currently pursuing a multitrack approach to expanding its AEW&C fleet. As well as the heavyweight KJ-3000, there's a growing fleet of radar planes based on the smaller Y-9 transport. The latest of these is the KJ-700, which we discussed recently, and which is likely a 'multi-intelligence' aircraft, combining both airborne radar as well as an array of electro-optical and infrared sensors, likely intended to track targets across air, sea, and potentially land domains. The turboprop-powered KJ-700 joins the KJ-200 and KJ-500 series. As we have discussed before, these smaller types of turboprop-powered AEW&C platforms are especially well-suited to operations from more dispersed and even austere bases. As such, these mid-size radar planes regularly appear at some of China's island outposts, as well as operating routinely in the highly strategic Taiwan Strait. While we don't know for sure what kind of radar and other mission systems the KJ-3000 might be fitted with, its continued development is very significant as part of China's developing AEW&C capabilities. At the very least, a larger jet-powered airframe should be an important complement to the country's smaller but increasingly capable turboprop AEW&C platforms. Contact the author: thomas@
Yahoo
27-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
First North Korean Airborne Early Warning Jet Flies, Kim Shows Off Interior
North Korea's shadowy airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) aircraft, based on a Russian Il-76 Candid cargo aircraft, has flown. We now have official views of the aircraft, including one showing the country's leader Kim Jong Un inspecting its missionized interior. Kim inspected the aircraft, the official designation and/or name of which is not yet known, at Pyongyang International Airport earlier this week, according to North Korean state media. The aircraft will 'play a significant role in monitoring potential threats and gathering critical information,' the North Korean leader reportedly said. The external views confirm that North Korea's AEW&C, which has a two-tone white and grey paint scheme and no readily visible markings, is similar in broad respects, at least outwardly, to Russia's A-50 Mainstay and the Chinese KJ-2000 Mainring. Unlike the A-50 and the KJ-2000, the North Korean design, at least currently, does have a pronounced lack of antennas and other protrusions associated with aircraft of this type. Also visible is the distinctive triangle design of the radome on top of the rear fuselage, which we now know for sure is fixed in place, unlike the one on the A-50. Fixed radomes of this kind are found on the KJ-2000 and other Chinese AEW&C aircraft, and house three non-rotating phased array radars to provide 360-degree coverage. The interior view shows at least seven individual work stations, as well as flat screen monitors on the interior walls of the fuselage and forward bulkhead. AEW&C planes typically have relatively large crews tasked with monitoring the battlespace around the aircraft and controlling friendly aircraft. The interior looks very modern, uncluttered, and otherwise impressive, almost like a Hollywood movie set representing high military technology. Its actual level of functionality is very questionable. Details about the North Korean AEW&C's actual capabilities otherwise remain limited. As TWZ has previously written: 'While it's questionable to what degree more complex battle management and command and control functions could be mastered by North Korea, and hosted aboard an AEW&C aircraft, the ability to extend airborne radar coverage over considerable distances would be a great advantage, either providing prior warning of a potential attack from South Korea and/or tracking incoming aircraft and missiles during at least the opening moments of a conflict. The data it collects could also be shared with surface-to-air missile operators to help provide extra warning to enhance their operations. More importantly, it would provide a new tool for daily surveillance of North Korean and South Korean airspace and an avenue to learn to better perfect AEW&C capabilities.' Furthermore, as we've noted in the past: 'Ultimately, an airborne radar, as found in an AEW&C aircraft, provides a 'look down' capability that can spot aircraft, cruise missiles, or drones among the ground clutter and is far less restricted by high terrain compared to ground-based radars. No such radar was previously available to North Korea.' 'On the other hand, there are no signs that North Korea is converting more than a single Il-76 for the AEW&C mission, which means this kind of coverage would be necessarily limited.' 'The aircraft would also be a prime target for South Korea and the United States in a time of conflict with the North. With that in mind, its wartime role might be strictly limited and likely very short-lived. Instead, perhaps, it might have greater value for more routine operations, keeping tabs on movements over the border and providing valuable intelligence and day-to-day surveillance.' It also remains unclear the extent to which the Russians, Chinese, or both, may have been involved in the development and fabrication of this aircraft. A-50 variants are or have been in service in India, Iraq, and Iran. Satellite imagery indicates that work on the plane began in late 2023, and TWZ has been watching it closely since it first emerged. It appeared for the first time with the radome installed just earlier this year. You can read more about what is known about this aircraft and the timeline of its construction here. What we do know is that North Korea's new Il-76-based AEW&C aircraft is now flying and has been officially unveiled. More details may now begin to emerge. Contact the author: joe@
