Latest news with #KamalIdris
Khaberni
20-07-2025
- Politics
- Khaberni
Sudanese Prime Minister pledges to rebuild Khartoum on first capital visit
Khaberni -Sudanese Prime Minister Kamal Idris vowed on Saturday to rebuild Khartoum during his first visit since assuming office in May to the capital that was devastated by more than two years of war. In an inspection tour that included the city's destroyed airport, bridges, and water stations, the new Prime Minister presented comprehensive reform projects in anticipation of at least some of the millions of residents who fled the violence returning. Idris stated, "Khartoum will return as a proud national capital," according to the official Sudan News Agency. Chairman of the Sovereignty Council and army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan arrived at Khartoum airport on Saturday, which the army regained in March after being controlled by the Rapid Support Forces for nearly two years. The war between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces began in the heart of the capital in April 2023, which led to the city being torn apart. United Nations estimates indicate that tens of thousands have died in the bustling capital before 3.5 million of its residents fled. According to the Khartoum State Media Office, Kamal Idris visited on Saturday the army headquarters and the city airport, which are national symbols whose earlier retrieval along with the presidential palace earlier this year marked the army's victory in the capital. However, reconstruction is expected to be a formidable task, with government estimates placing its cost at around 700 billion dollars for Sudan, nearly half of which is for Khartoum alone. The pro-army government, which moved to Port Sudan on the Red Sea early in the war and continues to operate from there, has begun planning for the return of ministries to Khartoum even as fighting continues in other parts of the country. The authorities have launched operations in the capital to properly bury bodies, remove thousands of unexploded ordnances, and resume administrative services. During a visit to the Al Jazeera oil refinery in north Khartoum, the largest oil refinery in Sudan, Idris promised that "the national facilities will return better than they were." The destroyed refinery was retaken in January, but refurbishing the facility that previously processed 100,000 barrels a day will take years and cost at least 1.3 billion dollars, according to officials reported by Agence France-Presse. Kamal Idris, who worked in diplomacy and is a former United Nations official, was appointed by al-Burhan, the de facto leader of Sudan, in May to form an administration called the "Government of Hope." The war has caused the largest hunger and displacement crisis in the world, with nearly 25 million Sudanese suffering from severe food insecurity and forcing more than 10 million Sudanese to be internally displaced throughout the country. Another four million Sudanese have fled across the borders. In the meantime, there are no signs of a decrease in the fighting in South Kordofan and the Darfur region in western Sudan, where the Rapid Support Forces have been accused of killing hundreds in recent days in attempts to expand their controlled areas.
IOL News
11-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Sudan: Idris Government Faces Crisis Over Exclusion of Armed Movements
Sudan's Prime Minister Kamal Idris. Image: Ashraf Shazly / AFP Once again, Kamal Idris, the army-appointed Prime Minister of Sudan, seeks to bypass escalating political divisions over cabinet appointments by unilaterally naming three new ministers - for Health, Higher Education, and Agriculture - joining the already appointed Ministers of Defence and Interior. The current controversy revolves around the selection of 22 ministers whom Idris insists are technocrats. However, the Joint Forces - armed movements allied with the Sudanese army - view the appointments as an encroachment on the ministerial quota allocated to them under the Juba Peace Agreement. Late last Thursday night, Idris announced the appointment of al-Moiz Omar Bakhit as Minister of Health, Ismat Qureshi as Minister of Agriculture and Irrigation, and Ahmed Madawi as Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research. The announcement has only reignited tensions that never truly subsided. Public Disputes Recent reports indicate heightened verbal spats among the signatories of the Juba Peace Agreement regarding power-sharing ratios. Mohamed Bashir Abu Nama, chief negotiator of the Sudan Liberation Movement, asserted that factions incorporated into the peace agreement at a later stage are not entitled to a share of the 25% power allocation stipulated in the agreement. That quota, he insisted, is reserved solely for armed movements that originally signed the accord, not for groups from other tracks such as the North and Central regions, which were assigned separate shares in state-level governance. In a Facebook post quoted by Sudan Tribune, Abu Namu clarified that three groups - Mustafa Tambour's movement, Ali Shakoush's faction, and the Tammuz Movement - were added to the agreement at the initiative of South Sudanese mediators and the Sudanese government. These factions, he noted, were formed under specific circumstances and had no significant military activity at the time of the agreement's signing. Observers and media leaks suggest growing friction among Gabriel Ibrahim, head of the Justice and Equality Movement; Minni Arko Minnawi, Governor of Darfur; and Mustafa Tambour of the Sudan Liberation Movement. Meanwhile, Sudanese Army Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan appears to be exploiting these divisions to fragment the Joint Forces. Reports indicate Minnawihas shown signs of cooperation, while Gabriel Ibrahim remains adamant about retaining control over the Ministries of Finance and Social Welfare. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Settling for Scraps In a lengthy Facebook post, Sudanese analyst Mujahid Bushra argued that ever since the Juba Peace Agreement granted the armed movements 25% representation in the transitional government, the army identified corruption and power lust among certain movement leaders. The military, he claimed, capitalized on this to orchestrate a coup against the civilian government, which had begun publicly advocating for the dismantling of the army's economic empire, an empire accounting for over 82% of Sudan's economy. Bushra added: 'But the army, directed by the Islamic Movement - Sudan's branch of the Muslim Brotherhood - knew what others didn't: that the 25% allocation was carved out of the mere 18% of resources not already under military control. The army manipulated the ignorance and greed of the movements, using them to oust the civilians via the '25% coup' in October 2021.' Today, despite the sacrifices made by the Joint Forces - men, arms, and lives - to protect the army and the kizan (a Sudanese term for the Muslim Brotherhood), the post-war reality has shifted. The military and the Brotherhood now seek even that 25%, needing all resources to finance the war and recoup losses from the collapse of their shadow economy. According to Bushra, the Joint Forces made a strategic blunder, not only in demanding their share of power and wealth but also in threatening rebellion or opening the door to rivals, despite knowing the regime's dependence on them. What they failed to foresee, he says, is that some within their own ranks might accept crumbs in exchange for turning against them. He cited a recent statement from a Darfur track leader urging 'political realism' - a remark interpreted by many as justification for accepting an unjust division of power. Secret meetings have reportedly taken place between members of the Sovereignty Council and certain movement leaders outside the formal Joint Forces channels, suggesting moves to isolate the current leadership. Bushra posed a question to the Joint Forces' leaders: 'Will you continue playing puppets on the Port Sudan stage while your cause is flayed, your fighters' sacrifices stolen, and the country's wealth distributed behind your backs? Do you really believe the army - which betrayed peaceful protesters, the Forces of Freedom and Change, the Rapid Support Forces, and now you - would hesitate for a moment to sell you out once you're no longer useful?' He warned that today, the Joint Forces are nothing more than the army and Brotherhood's last remaining 'legal cover' in their confrontation with civilians and the RSF. They're being held close, not out of loyalty, but out of fear. 'Will you keep sacrificing your sons' lives for a regime that denies you even the leftovers? Will you allow the Darfur track to be turned into fuel for a military that arms your rivals with 50,000 men to fight and replace you?' A Grim Fate Awaits Sudanese writer Mahmoud al-Duqm, in an op-ed for Al-Siha, painted a bleak picture for Joint Forces leaders in Port Sudan and River Nile State. After fulfilling their role - fighting the RSF in Khartoum's triangle and the surrounding deserts, burying their dead, and licking their wounds - they are now being driven out. Public insults, accusations of betrayal and heresy, and character assassination are becoming routine in Port Sudan. Their sacrifices in this 'war of regret' have earned them only ridicule and scorn. Al-Duqm expressed astonishment that the Muslim Brotherhood in Port Sudan have not chosen Gabriel Ibrahim, the dismissed Finance Minister and head of the Justice and Equality Movement, as Prime Minister, despite his Brotherhood affiliation and deep involvement in finance and real estate. But the military's entrenched power dynamic, rooted in decades of control since independence, has no room for leaders like Ibrahim, Minnawi, or Tambour. Their historical role, he argues, is to serve as cannon fodder—fighters and guards, not ministers or decision-makers. He reminded readers of Minnawi's personal losses - two brothers killed, thousands of fighters lost - yet all he has received is nothing. Even the Juba Peace Agreement's promises have been stripped away. Since Kamal Idris's appointment as Prime Minister, the Joint Forces have faced a barrage of accusations - fleeing the border triangle, retreating from El-Obeid, relocating to Jebel Kordofan - all allegedly in defiance of al-Burhan, who now leans more heavily on the Abu Aqla Kikel faction. Al-Duqm ended with a pointed message: 'The people of Darfur, and Sudan at large, now see that the Joint Forces' leaders are nothing but war profiteers with no regard for the interests of Darfur's people. They have become a disruptive force, a burden to the nation. And the countdown has begun: war between the army and the Joint Forces is no longer a question of if, but when.' Bayethe Msimang Amid escalating political divisions, Sudan's Prime Minister Kamal Idris unilaterally appoints new ministers, igniting controversy and raising questions about the future of the Juba Peace Agreement, writes Bayethe Msimang. Image: IOL * Bayethe Msimang is an independent writer, commentator and analyst. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.
IOL News
11-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Sudan: Idris Government Faces Crisis Over Exclusion of Armed Movements
Sudan's Prime Minister Kamal Idris. Image: Ashraf Shazly / AFP Once again, Kamal Idris, the army-appointed Prime Minister of Sudan, seeks to bypass escalating political divisions over cabinet appointments by unilaterally naming three new ministers - for Health, Higher Education, and Agriculture - joining the already appointed Ministers of Defence and Interior. The current controversy revolves around the selection of 22 ministers whom Idris insists are technocrats. However, the Joint Forces - armed movements allied with the Sudanese army - view the appointments as an encroachment on the ministerial quota allocated to them under the Juba Peace Agreement. Late last Thursday night, Idris announced the appointment of al-Moiz Omar Bakhit as Minister of Health, Ismat Qureshi as Minister of Agriculture and Irrigation, and Ahmed Madawi as Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research. The announcement has only reignited tensions that never truly subsided. Public Disputes Recent reports indicate heightened verbal spats among the signatories of the Juba Peace Agreement regarding power-sharing ratios. Mohamed Bashir Abu Nama, chief negotiator of the Sudan Liberation Movement, asserted that factions incorporated into the peace agreement at a later stage are not entitled to a share of the 25% power allocation stipulated in the agreement. That quota, he insisted, is reserved solely for armed movements that originally signed the accord, not for groups from other tracks such as the North and Central regions, which were assigned separate shares in state-level governance. In a Facebook post quoted by Sudan Tribune, Abu Namu clarified that three groups - Mustafa Tambour's movement, Ali Shakoush's faction, and the Tammuz Movement - were added to the agreement at the initiative of South Sudanese mediators and the Sudanese government. These factions, he noted, were formed under specific circumstances and had no significant military activity at the time of the agreement's signing. Observers and media leaks suggest growing friction among Gabriel Ibrahim, head of the Justice and Equality Movement; Minni Arko Minnawi, Governor of Darfur; and Mustafa Tambour of the Sudan Liberation Movement. Meanwhile, Sudanese Army Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan appears to be exploiting these divisions to fragment the Joint Forces. Reports indicate Minnawihas shown signs of cooperation, while Gabriel Ibrahim remains adamant about retaining control over the Ministries of Finance and Social Welfare. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Settling for Scraps In a lengthy Facebook post, Sudanese analyst Mujahid Bushra argued that ever since the Juba Peace Agreement granted the armed movements 25% representation in the transitional government, the army identified corruption and power lust among certain movement leaders. The military, he claimed, capitalized on this to orchestrate a coup against the civilian government, which had begun publicly advocating for the dismantling of the army's economic empire, an empire accounting for over 82% of Sudan's economy. Bushra added: 'But the army, directed by the Islamic Movement - Sudan's branch of the Muslim Brotherhood - knew what others didn't: that the 25% allocation was carved out of the mere 18% of resources not already under military control. The army manipulated the ignorance and greed of the movements, using them to oust the civilians via the '25% coup' in October 2021.' Today, despite the sacrifices made by the Joint Forces - men, arms, and lives - to protect the army and the kizan (a Sudanese term for the Muslim Brotherhood), the post-war reality has shifted. The military and the Brotherhood now seek even that 25%, needing all resources to finance the war and recoup losses from the collapse of their shadow economy. According to Bushra, the Joint Forces made a strategic blunder, not only in demanding their share of power and wealth but also in threatening rebellion or opening the door to rivals, despite knowing the regime's dependence on them. What they failed to foresee, he says, is that some within their own ranks might accept crumbs in exchange for turning against them. He cited a recent statement from a Darfur track leader urging 'political realism' - a remark interpreted by many as justification for accepting an unjust division of power. Secret meetings have reportedly taken place between members of the Sovereignty Council and certain movement leaders outside the formal Joint Forces channels, suggesting moves to isolate the current leadership. Bushra posed a question to the Joint Forces' leaders: 'Will you continue playing puppets on the Port Sudan stage while your cause is flayed, your fighters' sacrifices stolen, and the country's wealth distributed behind your backs? Do you really believe the army - which betrayed peaceful protesters, the Forces of Freedom and Change, the Rapid Support Forces, and now you - would hesitate for a moment to sell you out once you're no longer useful?' He warned that today, the Joint Forces are nothing more than the army and Brotherhood's last remaining 'legal cover' in their confrontation with civilians and the RSF. They're being held close, not out of loyalty, but out of fear. 'Will you keep sacrificing your sons' lives for a regime that denies you even the leftovers? Will you allow the Darfur track to be turned into fuel for a military that arms your rivals with 50,000 men to fight and replace you?' A Grim Fate Awaits Sudanese writer Mahmoud al-Duqm, in an op-ed for Al-Siha, painted a bleak picture for Joint Forces leaders in Port Sudan and River Nile State. After fulfilling their role - fighting the RSF in Khartoum's triangle and the surrounding deserts, burying their dead, and licking their wounds - they are now being driven out. Public insults, accusations of betrayal and heresy, and character assassination are becoming routine in Port Sudan. Their sacrifices in this 'war of regret' have earned them only ridicule and scorn. Al-Duqm expressed astonishment that the Muslim Brotherhood in Port Sudan have not chosen Gabriel Ibrahim, the dismissed Finance Minister and head of the Justice and Equality Movement, as Prime Minister, despite his Brotherhood affiliation and deep involvement in finance and real estate. But the military's entrenched power dynamic, rooted in decades of control since independence, has no room for leaders like Ibrahim, Minnawi, or Tambour. Their historical role, he argues, is to serve as cannon fodder—fighters and guards, not ministers or decision-makers. He reminded readers of Minnawi's personal losses - two brothers killed, thousands of fighters lost - yet all he has received is nothing. Even the Juba Peace Agreement's promises have been stripped away. Since Kamal Idris's appointment as Prime Minister, the Joint Forces have faced a barrage of accusations - fleeing the border triangle, retreating from El-Obeid, relocating to Jebel Kordofan - all allegedly in defiance of al-Burhan, who now leans more heavily on the Abu Aqla Kikel faction. Al-Duqm ended with a pointed message: 'The people of Darfur, and Sudan at large, now see that the Joint Forces' leaders are nothing but war profiteers with no regard for the interests of Darfur's people. They have become a disruptive force, a burden to the nation. And the countdown has begun: war between the army and the Joint Forces is no longer a question of if, but when.' Bayethe Msimang Amid escalating political divisions, Sudan's Prime Minister Kamal Idris unilaterally appoints new ministers, igniting controversy and raising questions about the future of the Juba Peace Agreement, writes Bayethe Msimang. Image: IOL * Bayethe Msimang is an independent writer, commentator and analyst. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.
Al Taghyeer
20-05-2025
- Politics
- Al Taghyeer
Appointment of Kamal Idris as Prime Minister of Sudan stirs contradictory reactions
Observers describe the appointment as void of required political legitimacy and apparently failing to secure broad consensus. Port Sudan: Altaghyeer The appointment of Dr. Kamal Idris as Prime Minister of Sudan on Monday has stirred intense debate among those who support him and a strong reaction among those who opposing his appointment, as he has been linked to controversial regimes, including Omar al-Bashir's, the December Revolution but equally with the current war period. Who is Kamal Idris? Idris graduated from the University of Khartoum's Faculty of Law. He holds a Ph.D. in International Law from the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. He served as Director-General of the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) in 1997-2003. Throughout his career, he has held various distinguished positions, including member of the UN International Law Commission and spokesperson for the Group of Developing Countries. He is fluent in Arabic, English, and French, with knowledge of Spanish. Idris has received numerous awards and honors, including honorary doctorates from several universities worldwide. Contradiction and Criticism The newly appointed Prime Minister was described as a self-contradictory who seeks only his own interests. Critics pointed out that he was an uncommitted member of the Sudanese Communist Party and engaged in activities of its university students' offshoot 'the Democratic Front' and a member of the late Sudan military ruler Jaffar Nimeri's party 'the Sudanese Socialist Union' before aligning with the Islamic Front. He was a candidate in the 2010 Presidential Elections against al-Bashir with the support of Islamists, who wanted to make the elections plausible as a true democratic process. He appeared in a video clip during the latest revolution describing al-Bashir's regime as criminal and demanding it's resignation and recently appeared in a recording speech denouncing any debasing of the national army, saying such persons should be denied to assume any public posts. Challenges Ahead of the New Prime Minister The new Prime Minister Faces significant challenges, including managing the political and economic crisis, rebuilding state institutions, and achieving stability amidst the ongoing war between the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces. He also faces challenges of being accepted by the Sudanese masses, with many expressing their rejection of his appointment, citing corruption cases linked to his career. In 2006, he reportedly faked his birth date certificate, pushing his birth date from 1945 to 1954, to fit for staying at his job, leaping away from looming retirement age at the time. Reactions Some observers believe that Kamal Idris's chances of success might be greater than expected given his neutral stance and this step could potentially pave the way for a ceasefire. But others cited reservations. Nour al-Din Salah al-Din, a partisan leader, stated that the appointment lacks the required political legitimacy, emphasizing such a move needs broad consensus resulting from a Sudanese inclusive political process. Academic Adel Taha Suleiman believes that the question was not rejecting Kamal Idris' appointment but rather putting an end to the current raging war. Idris' appointment was backed by the Islamic movement leadership who wanted the war to continue therefore Idris will come and leave without solving the roots causes of the problem, he argued.
