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Indian Express
3 days ago
- Business
- Indian Express
Caste, dynasty and state capital: Three factors that have shaped Andhra Pradesh politics
In Andhra Pradesh, three factors have shaped the contours of contemporary politics: the Capitalist economy, dynastic politics and the question of the state capital. These factors influenced the dominant castes' role in politics and the formation of political parties. Broadly, there are three phases in the political process of Andhra Pradesh: One, the consolidation of the Telugu identity from the early 20th century, resulting in separation from the Madras state in 1953; two, the phase of dominant caste politics from the 1950s right until the bifurcation of the composite state into Telangana and residual AP in 2014; three, the rise of dynastic politics from 2014. In the last phase, political power in the state has been in the hands of three families. The growing phenomenon of dynastic politics needs to be explained in the historical context of the political economy. The building of irrigation infrastructure from the late 19th century onwards by the colonial rulers in coastal Andhra, like the Dhavaleswaram project across the Godavari, and the Nagarjuna Sagar and Srisailam dams across the Krishna after Independence, turned drought-prone areas into rice bowls. Subsequently, the Green Revolution contributed immensely towards the rise of rich capitalist farmers from dominant castes such as Kamma, Kapu, Rajus and Reddys. With the spread of Western education during the colonial period, the educated Brahmin community took the lead in creating awareness about the importance of nationalism and the Telugu regional identity. The Andhra Mahasabha came into existence in 1930 to advocate for the rights of the Telugus in the Madras state. In 1937, the Sri Bagh pact was signed with the feudal lords of Rayalaseema, which was more backward compared to the prosperous coastal region. Over time, the linguistic movement intensified, and the prominent Gandhian Potti Sriramulu went on a fast unto death to carve Andhra out from the multilingual Madras state. Andhra State was created in 1953, and the Reddy community prevailed upon Jawaharlal Nehru to make Kurnool in Rayalaseema the state capital. However, the move was opposed by N G Ranga, a veteran freedom fighter-cum-Congress leader from the Kamma caste of Guntur district. He demanded that Vijayawada be made the capital of Andhra. By 1956, political conditions favoured the creation of Vishalandhra by merging the Telugu-speaking parts of Hyderabad State (Telangana) through the Gentleman's Agreement. Initially, the electoral fray saw a Congress vs Communists contest, both controlled by the Reddys and Kammas. In fact, from 1956-1983 until the emergence of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), Congress was in power. After matinee idol NT Rama Rao floated the TDP, Congress was defeated for the first time in composite AP, and from the 1980s onwards, the state swung between Congress and TDP. From 1956 to 2014, Reddys, who formed 6.5 per cent of the population, held 27 per cent of the political representation and the Kammas, who were 4.5 per cent of the population, held 13 per cent of the political representation. For more than 30 years, the chief minister's position was captured by the Reddys and more than 20 years by Kammas and the rest of the period by the Brahmins, Vaishyas, Velamas and a Dalit. As a result of the dominant and upper-caste rule of more than five decades, the regional fragmentation was aggravated by the bifurcation of the state, while class and caste politics were suppressed. Elections became costly affairs, with a social deficit of representation created due to the disproportionate representation of the landed dominant castes in political power and the conversion of Hyderabad into a centre of global capital at the cost of opportunities for the local population. With the bifurcation of AP, the TDP and Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) have emerged as the contenders for political domination in the residual state, with both dominated, in turn, by the dynasty. In 1995, TDP was captured by NTR's son-in-law Chandrababu Naidu, who has been the party president for the last three decades and is now promoting his son Lokesh as the future of the party. YS Jagan Mohan Reddy (Jagan) is the son of the former chief minister YS Rajasekhara Reddy, who died in a helicopter accident in 2009. When the Congress party refused to make him the chief minister, he floated the YSRCP in 2011. The party contested in the 2014 election to encash YSR's political legacy, but that only resulted in opposition status. The TDP, as a ruling party from 2014 to 2019 and 2024 onwards, has been concentrating on building a highly centralised capital at Amaravati, which is located in the green belt of coastal Andhra, with 34,000 acres of land already acquired. When it was in power from 2019 to 2024, the YSRCP proposed three capitals at Amaravati, Visakhapatnam and Kurnool. However, Jagan's proposal failed in the 2024 election, and Naidu's plan to build a global city is back in full swing. Thanks to TDP joining the NDA coalition, Amaravati is getting support from the centre. Therefore, the entire exercise of global capital has been characterised by Carol Upadhya as the 'reterritorialisation of the deterritorialised Kamma caste' in the form of building a world-class capital. The writer teaches in the department of Political Science, University of Hyderabad
New Indian Express
30-04-2025
- Politics
- New Indian Express
People's capital Amaravati rises again
VIJAYAWADA: In a landmark step toward reviving that vision, the Government of India and the Andhra Pradesh government are resuming full-scale development of Amaravati, signalling what many see as a renewed commitment to participatory development and federal cooperation. The story of Amaravati began in 2014, when the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh left the residuary State without a capital. In the void, an opportunity emerged: to build a capital from the ground up, guided by modern urban ideals. With wide roads, underground power cables, sustainable water systems, and green-blue zones woven into the blueprint, Amaravati was designed to be more than an administrative hub. It was to become a model city for the future. What set Amaravati apart was not just its ambitious design. It was the spirit of the people who made it possible. Nearly 29,000 farmers voluntarily pooled more than 34,000 acres of land in what became one of India's most lauded Land Pooling Schemes. In just 58 days, a total of 54,000 acres, including pooled land, acquired land, and government holdings, was assembled. The diversity of those who contributed land told its own story: 32% were from Scheduled Castes, 14% from Backward Classes, and others from Reddy, Kamma, Kapu, and Muslim communities. Amaravati, its champions said, was not just a city. It was a collective endeavour, a social contract. On October 22, 2015, PM Narendra Modi laid the foundation stone at Uddandarayunipalem. For many, it was a day of pride. A moment when a new Andhra Pradesh began to chart its future. But the momentum faltered. When the YSRCP came to power in 2019, the project was put on hold, and construction ground to a halt. Even after the change of guard in AP, the spread of misinformation and politically motivated narratives, including caste-based divisions, undermined the initiative. Now, with the TDP-JSP-BJP coalition, described as a 'double-engine' government, back in power, Amaravati is poised for a revival. On May 2, PM Modi is set to return to Amaravati for a ceremonial relaunch of the project. The event will be held among the very farmers who once turned over their land for AP's future, a gesture that carries both emotional and political weight.
Telegraph
14-03-2025
- Business
- Telegraph
Cash-strapped councils squeeze £327m from landlords
Cash-strapped local councils have raked in more than £300m in fees from controversial landlord licensing schemes, new figures suggest. A rising number of private landlords are now required to have a licence regardless of how many tenants live in their property – the cost of which can vary between local authorities. This comes after Labour handed down new powers to introduce the schemes at their discretion in December. Waltham Forest council, which earlier this year warned of a £23m deficit, has pocketed the highest amount across all types of scheme, according to figures provided by Kamma, a data analytics firm. The east London council, which charges landlords between £700 and £1,000 a year, introduced additional charges in 2020. Councils across England and Wales have made £327m through licensing schemes in total. The highest-earning councils were all in London, but Nottingham City council, which charges up to £512 a year and declared itself bankrupt in November, has made £15m in fees, the second highest of any council. Chris Morgan, of Kamma, said: 'This data shows the true scale of licensing fees and their growing impact on the private rental sector.' 'With councils generating hundreds of millions from these schemes and enforcement efforts intensifying, landlords and agents must factor compliance costs into their business models. 'As more local authorities introduce new schemes, staying ahead of these changes is now essential.' The 2006 Housing Act has always required landlords to obtain a mandatory licence for 'houses in multiple occupation', those with five or more tenants. The Act also allowed councils to implement additional licensing schemes, which apply to HMOs with three or more people forming two or more households, and selective schemes, which apply to all rental properties regardless of the number of people living in them. In December, councils in England were given new powers to introduce a selective licensing scheme without first gaining the Secretary of State's permission. They have become more popular among councils seeking additional revenue streams in recent years – casting wider nets so the schemes apply to thousands more properties. This is despite the upcoming Renters' Rights Bill, which will from this summer include a nationwide licensing scheme. Theresa Wallace, of the Lettings Industry Council, a trade body, said: 'My view is that we need minimum standards in rental properties. However I am not sure selective schemes meet the objective. 'Unfortunately, though, I do believe they are meant to wash faces, they are an income stream for local councils. They've seen other local authorities making that sort of money – that's why so many of them have jumped on board. 'But just because you have a selective licence doesn't mean your property is safe.' Failure to obtain the correct HMO licence can result in landlords being fined and forced to repay rent to tenants. In London, landlords have been ordered to pay hundreds of thousands, according to council data. But Ms Wallace said many of those being caught out were simply making a human error, and that it was difficult for landlords with properties in different local authorities to know whether they needed a licence. She said: 'There is inconsistency between all of the councils so it is hard to manoeuvre as a landlord and make sure you're getting it right. Ms Wallace suggested the introduction of a private rental sector (PRS) database would reduce the need for licensing schemes, but added that 'councils won't want to lose the income'. Waltham Forest council and Nottingham City council were both approached for comment. The Local Government Association, which represents councils, was approached for comment.
Yahoo
14-03-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Cash-strapped councils squeeze £327m from landlords
Cash-strapped local councils have raked in more than £300m in fees from controversial landlord licensing schemes, new figures suggest. A rising number of private landlords are now required to have a licence regardless of how many tenants live in their property – the cost of which can vary between local authorities. This comes after Labour handed down new powers to introduce the schemes at their discretion in December. Waltham Forest council, which earlier this year warned of a £23m deficit, has pocketed the highest amount across all types of scheme, according to figures provided by Kamma, a data analytics firm. The east London council, which charges landlords between £700 and £1,000 a year, introduced additional charges in 2020. Councils across England and Wales have made £327m through licensing schemes in total. The highest-earning councils were all in London, but Nottingham City council, which charges up to £512 a year and declared itself bankrupt in November, has made £15m in fees, the second highest of any council. Chris Morgan, of Kamma, said: 'This data shows the true scale of licensing fees and their growing impact on the private rental sector.' 'With councils generating hundreds of millions from these schemes and enforcement efforts intensifying, landlords and agents must factor compliance costs into their business models. 'As more local authorities introduce new schemes, staying ahead of these changes is now essential.' The 2006 Housing Act has always required landlords to obtain a mandatory licence for 'houses in multiple occupation', those with five or more tenants. The Act also allowed councils to implement additional licensing schemes, which apply to HMOs with three or more people forming two or more households, and selective schemes, which apply to all rental properties regardless of the number of people living in them. In December, councils in England were given new powers to introduce a selective licensing scheme without first gaining the Secretary of State's permission. They have become more popular among councils seeking additional revenue streams in recent years – casting wider nets so the schemes apply to thousands more properties. This is despite the upcoming Renters' Rights Bill, which will from this summer include a nationwide licensing scheme. Theresa Wallace, of the Lettings Industry Council, a trade body, said: 'My view is that we need minimum standards in rental properties. However I am not sure selective schemes meet the objective. 'Unfortunately, though, I do believe they are meant to wash faces, they are an income stream for local councils. They've seen other local authorities making that sort of money – that's why so many of them have jumped on board. 'But just because you have a selective licence doesn't mean your property is safe.' Failure to obtain the correct HMO licence can result in landlords being fined and forced to repay rent to tenants. In London, landlords have been ordered to pay hundreds of thousands, according to council data. But Ms Wallace said many of those being caught out were simply making a human error, and that it was difficult for landlords with properties in different local authorities to know whether they needed a licence. She said: 'There is inconsistency between all of the councils so it is hard to manoeuvre as a landlord and make sure you're getting it right. Ms Wallace suggested the introduction of a private rental sector (PRS) database would reduce the need for licensing schemes, but added that 'councils won't want to lose the income'. Waltham Forest council and Nottingham City council were both approached for comment. The Local Government Association, which represents councils, was approached for comment. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
