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Mail & Guardian
a day ago
- Entertainment
- Mail & Guardian
‘Kivuli & Nuru': Wild and wet in Africa
Desire After Dark re-edit There are stories that seduce and then there are stories that awaken. Kivuli & Nuru: The Afrodisiacs Collection is the latter. Produced by HolaAfrica! the two albums of sonic storytelling don't so much whisper to your senses as they dance, boldly and barefoot, across your chest. Curated by the unapologetically audacious Tiffany Mugo, this collection is a defiant celebration of African eroticism; it is a reclamation, a resurrection, a rhythmic sermon preached in moans and murmurs. 'Kivuli and nuru — shadow and light,' Mugo says, 'are in constant battle. Human desire is always trying to move from the dark into the light. 'You only need to look at someone's Tuesday evening browser history to know that.' These aren't just concepts, they're mirrors. The shadow is where we bury our want: in prayer, in shame, in cultural silence. The light is where it spills, bold and breathless. The two aren't enemies, they're dance partners. Mugo, a daughter of Kenya, roots the entire experience in language that calls home to the soul. The titles weren't always this clear. 'Initially, the albums were separated into white gold and black gold but that just felt lame,' she says. 'The notion of the shadow and the light eventually came to me and I realised we have so many magical ways we speak of things in our various African languages.' Kiswahili, with its lyrical clarity, carried the intention: 'I wanted people to know that you were on the continent the minute you saw the title, no time to waste.' Whispers of the Tryst This clarity is important because African erotic storytelling still exists in a contested space. The stories in Kivuli, especially, are not soft-focus fantasies. They are textured, layered, emotional, and personal. 'The call for submissions was essentially, 'Go wild!'' Mugo says. 'And that's exactly what they did. 'People wrote about secret crushes, rural loves, fantasies on public transport. Desire is not universal — it is personal.' But while the experiences are intimate, the locations ground them. Kivuli & Nuru don't take you to the usual, Western suspects. These stories move through Afrobeat clubs in Lagos, down side streets in Nairobi, in the quiet moments of Cairo and beside a roadside mango vendor in Cape Town. 'Desire is at your doorstep,' Mugo insists. 'It is not a visa application and a 14-hour plane ride away. 'The continent is a character in this anthology — one could argue the main character.' If the stories are homegrown, so too are their contradictions. 'Africa has a rich history of physical intimacies relegated to, and lurking in, the shadows — cultural spaces, mythology and the like,' Mugo reflects. 'But we also have a very 'robust' history of suppressing those desires.' Kivuli & Nuru are not offering escape but confrontation. 'Even the existence of this work is an instance of that epic battle; desires that have been shamed into the shadows coming into the light. 'That, and I am sure I have family members clutching their pearls at the thought of this existing.' Interestingly, masculinity and femininity fade as fixed concepts in the storytelling. 'These are very personal narratives, some fantasies, some memories, some fictional musings,' Mugo says. 'We're met with simply humans who have sensual, sweet or freaky thoughts. When the lights go out or stay on, if that's your thing, those societal roles start to melt.' The sensory richness of the collection is intentional. It doesn't just tell you what's happening — it makes you feel it. Tiffany Mugo, curator of Kivuli & Nuru: The Afrodisiacs Collection. 'Rachel Wamoto, the mind behind sound mixing and mastering, wanted you to not only hear the voices but for the sounds to sit in your skin,' Mugo explains. 'It's like literary ASMR [autonomous sensory meridian response]. The sensations needed to come from more than one sense.' The result is hypnotic. A gasp, a whisper, the distant sound of beads against skin — these are not flourishes. They are invitations. As for distinguishing fantasy from reality? 'Each author was given carte blanche,' she says. 'These stories just … are. Like WhatsApp, the sources are encrypted — even I don't know what's fantasy and what's real. 'I could know an honest-to-God immortal being, if the story I Killed Flowers For You is to be believed.' Mugo understands the emotional reactions to these stories will vary. 'This collection will touch different things in different people, depending on who you are, where you are in your love and lust life, what your history is or what your politics are. 'Even your current location could affect what comes up. I want this collection to come for all the emotions, good and bad, but all I ask is you feel something. Anything,' she says. And what if what you feel is discomfort or arousal? 'If I am completely honest, the most important emotion is stirring in your unmentionable areas because these are erotic stories,' she says. 'Even if you are a little mad at it, feel something delicious.' Audio storytelling was a deliberate choice: 'With an audio offering, we are doing the heavy lifting. 'You can lay back, relax and let us do the work.' And there's a deeper reach, too. 'Spotify and Apple Podcasts mean that people can access Kivuli & Nuru anytime, anywhere — unless it's banned in your context, of course.' The differences between Kivuli and Nuru were organic, not orchestrated. 'Goodness, you make this seem far more thought out than it is,' she responds. 'I wish I was this level of maestro, but alas, not in this life.' The emotional distinction isn't structural — it's spiritual. Kivuli lurks. Nuru glows. The people within shift, blur and burn. But perhaps the most profound impact of the collection lies in how it becomes medicine. 'One of the loveliest things I heard during this process was a contributor telling me, 'Wow, that felt amazing to put to paper and also say out loud in the studio.'' Mugo knows that erotica is more than titillation, it's transformation. 'It lets us imagine past the selves we are told we can be. It pushes us to think about the premium subscription to our wants, our needs and our sensual selves.' This isn't about climax. It's about clarity: 'Even if you can't get to the summit just yet, at least you know where your journey is taking you.' And for those who still think African sexuality is a blank page or a single story? 'We're not just a gaggle of countries that can't wrap our heads around desire, autonomy and general delicious goodness. 'We have a rich contribution to the global conversation about intimacies, wants and fantasies. We've been doing this before the boats arrived, and we'll keep on doing it, despite what people think. It stays wet and wild here on the continent.' So listen closely. The voices in Kivuli & Nuru don't just tell you how we desire — they remind you that we've always known how.
Muscat Daily
27-05-2025
- Politics
- Muscat Daily
Is Joseph Kabila's return to Congo a game changer?
Kinshasa, DRC – The Congo River Alliance (AFC) and M23 rebel groups claim Joseph Kabila is in Goma, beyond the reach of Congolese government forces. Kabila, who served as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) head of state from 2001 to 2019, was once a strong ally of incumbent President Felix Tshisekedi. But Kabila recently made headlines after publicly criticising a decision by Tshisekedi's government to remove his immunity from prosecution, despite being declared a 'senator for life' when he stood down in 2019. Tshisekedi's administration has also ramped up verbal attacks on the former president, with Augustin Kabuya, secretary-general of Tshisekedi's Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), declaring 'Kabila is not Congolese' but rather a 'Rwandan subject'. Some political observers have said Kabila's reemergence in a rebel-held area could jeopardise existing mediation efforts spearheaded by religious leaders. However, Elodie Ntamuzinda, a conflict resolution expert, told DW that sidelining Kabila is counterproductive. 'We encourage the authorities to be able to approach him and that he, too, be open to talks. We believe that the general interest comes first, and we need each other,' Ntamuzinda said. Tresor Kibangula, political director at the Kinshasa-based Ebuteli research institute, described Kabila as a shadow power the government is trying to keep at bay. As the son of the late Congolese President Laurent-Desire Kabila, who opposed the dictatorship of Mobutu Sese Seko, Joseph Kabila spent much of his youth in Tanzania before becoming a military leader in his father's rebel Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL) in the late 1990s. It is widely believed that Kabila's ADFL rebel group included 'kadogos' (Kiswahili for child soldiers), and when the ADFL ousted Mobutu's regime in 1997, the young Kabila gained further military training abroad before taking up a senior position in the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC). Kabila's tumultuous presidency Laurent Kabila's assassination on January 16, 2001, thrust his son Joseph Kabila, who was just 29 years old at that time, into the presidency. He was reportedly reluctant to be president of the vast mineral-rich country, which was in the midst of the devastating Second Congo War. The conflict broadly pitted pro-government forces and international allies like Angola, Zimbabwe, and Namibia against Rwandan-backed fighters, who had taken over large territories in the eastern DRC. The 2002 Sun City Agreement technically ended the fighting and paved the way for Congo's first democratic election. Kabila won the 2006 election and would lead the Congo until 2018. He tried to keep a stable government, but accusations of incompetence, cronyism and corruption dogged his tenure. Despite relative successes like opening up the country to foreign investors and growing the economy, most Congolese remained below the poverty line. At the same time, the nation's mineral wealth was extracted and shipped out of the country to benefit trade partners. Reelection in 2011 saw Kabila retain power, but his list of enemies grew, and rebel groups such as the Rwandan-backed M23 reappeared. Protests against Kabila's governance and self-enrichment rumours were often violently quashed. When Kabila's term ran out in 2016, he delayed the elections until 2018 and became more unpopular at home and abroad. In addition, the security situation in Congo, despite the presence of multinational forces like SADC and MONUSCO, was becoming untenable. In 2019, Kabila handed over power peacefully to Felix Tshisekedi, although observers expressed distrust in the validity of the election results. Kabila then seemed to retreat from politics. But in 2020, the pair fell out, and the coalition between their political parties ended. Since 2023, Tshisekedi's regime has accused Kabila of siding with the M23. Consequently, Tshisekedi banned Kabila's People's Party for Reconstruction and Democracy, and ended his immunity from prosecution, which he had enjoyed as a former president. Is Kabila's influence waning? Kabila's relationship with the Congolese government deteriorated further in 2025. 'There is no strong popular nostalgia for Kabila in the country today,' said political analyst Kibangula. Nevertheless, Tshisekedi has ramped up accusations, saying Kabila was plotting an 'insurrection' with the M23. He has regularly named him the architect of the M23's military success in eastern Congo. In a recent online video address, 53-year-old Kabila broke his silence publicly for the first time after losing his immunity. 'The dictatorship must end, and democracy and good economic and social governance must be restored,' he said. He criticised Tshisekedi's leadership for corruption, undermining democracy and mishandling the violent conflict in the eastern DRC. Deo Bizibu, a member of Tshisekedi's ruling UDPS, accused Kabila of hypocrisy. 'This is a pyromaniac trying to pass himself off as a fireman,' Bizibu told DW, adding that Kabila had spent six years pulling strings, seeking to return to power. 'He should understand that his time is up.' Conflict analyst Philippe Doudou Kaganda told DW that Congolese unity is at stake with Kabila's return. 'We're going to get bogged down in conflict again, and it's going to take on a dimension that's much more internal than external,' he said. 'There's a risk that the discourse around Rwanda will be stifled.' Tshisekedi's government has sought to blame incursions from Rwanda as the cause of instability in eastern Congo. Rwanda has denied the allegations, arguing that the Congolese must handle their security challenges. DW
DW
27-05-2025
- Politics
- DW
Is Joseph Kabila's return to Congo a game changer? – DW – 05/27/2025
The M23-led rebel alliance claims Congo's former leader, Joseph Kabila, is safe in Goma, which is under their control. Kabila is back in the spotlight after criticizing the government of President Felix Tshisekedi. The Congo River Alliance (AFC) and M23 rebel groups claim Joseph Kabila is in Goma, beyond the reach of Congolese government forces. Kabila, who served as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) head of state from 2001 to 2019, was once a strong ally of incumbent President Felix Tshisekedi. But Kabila recently made headlines after publicly criticizing a decision by Tshisekedi's government to remove his immunity from prosecution, despite being declared a "senator for life" when he stood down in 2019. Tshisekedi's administration has also ramped up verbal attacks on the former president, with Augustin Kabuya, secretary-general of Tshisekedi's Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), declaring "Kabila is not Congolese" but rather a "Rwandan subject." Some political observers have said Kabila's reemergence in a rebel-held area could jeopardize existing mediation efforts spearheaded by religious leaders. However, Elodie Ntamuzinda, a conflict resolution expert, told DW that sidelining Kabila is counterproductive. "We encourage the authorities to be able to approach him and that he, too, be open to talks. We believe that the general interest comes first, and we need each other," Ntamuzinda said. Joseph Kabila became the Congolese president after the assassination of his father, Laurent-Desire Kabila (pictured), in 2001 Image: picture-alliance/AP/D. Guttenfelder Tresor Kibangula, political director at the Kinshasa-based Ebuteli research institute, described Kabila as a shadow power the government is trying to keep at bay. As the son of the late Congolese President Laurent-Desire Kabila, who opposed the dictatorship of Mobutu Sese Seko, Joseph Kabila spent much of his youth in Tanzania before becoming a military leader in his father's rebel Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL) in the late 1990s. It is widely believed that Kabila's ADFL rebel group included "kadogos" (Kiswahili for child soldiers), and when the ADFL ousted Mobutu's regime in 1997, the young Kabila gained further military training abroad before taking up a senior position in the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC). Kabila's tumultuous presidency Laurent Kabila's assassination on January 16, 2001, thrust his son Joseph Kabila, who was just 29 years old at that time, into the presidency. He was reportedly reluctant to be president of the vast mineral-rich country, which was in the midst of the devastating Second Congo War. The conflict broadly pitted pro-government forces and international allies like Angola, Zimbabwe, and Namibia against Rwandan-backed fighters, who had taken over large territories in the eastern DRC. The 2002 Sun City Agreement technically ended the fighting and paved the way for the DRC's first democratic election. Kabila won the 2006 election and would lead the Congo until 2018. He tried to keep a stable government, but accusations of incompetence, cronyism, and corruption dogged his tenure. Despite relative successes like opening up the country to foreign investors and growing the economy, most Congolese remained below the poverty line. At the same time, the nation's mineral wealth was extracted and shipped out of the country to benefit trade partners. Re-election in 2011 saw Kabila retain power, but his list of enemies grew, and rebel groups such as the Rwandan-backed M23reappeared. Protests against Kabila's governance and self-enrichment rumors were often violently quashed. When Kabila's term ran out in 2016, he delayed the elections until 2018 and became more unpopular at home and abroad. In addition, the security situation in the DRC, despite the presence of multinational forces like SADC and MONUSCO, was becoming untenable. Congo: Land of riches beset by massive exploitation To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video In 2019, Kabila handed over power peacefully to Felix Tshisekedi, although observers expressed distrust in the validity of the election results. Kabila then seemed to retreat from politics. But in 2020, the pair fell out, and the coalition between their political parties ended. Since 2023, Tshisekedi's regime has accused Kabila of siding with the M23. Consequently, Tshisekedi banned Kabila's People's Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD), and ended his immunity from prosecution, which he had enjoyed as a former president. Is Kabila's influence waning? Kabila's relationship with the Congolese government deteriorated further in 2025. "There is no strong popular nostalgia for Kabila in the country today," political analyst Tresor Kibangula told DW. Nevertheless, President Tshisekedi has ramped up accusations, saying Kabila was plotting an "insurrection" with the M23. He has regularly named him the architect of the M23's military success in the eastern DRC. Once allies-turned enemies: Kabila and Tshisekedi during happier times at the 2019 power handover Image: Jerome Delay/dpa/picture alliance In a recent online video address, 53-year-old Kabila broke his silence publicly for the first time after losing his immunity. "The dictatorship must end, and democracy and good economic and social governance must be restored." He criticized Tshisekedi's leadership for corruption, undermining democracy, and mishandling the violent conflict in the eastern DRC. Déo Bizibu, a member of Tshisekedi's ruling UDPS, accused Kabila of hypocrisy. "This is a pyromaniac trying to pass himself off as a fireman," Bizibu told DW, adding that Kabila had spent six years pulling strings, seeking to return to power. "He should understand that his time is up." Why Congo's Tshisekedi wants peace talks with M23 rebels To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Conflict analyst Philippe Doudou Kaganda told DW that Congolese unity is at stake with Kabila's return. "We're going to get bogged down in conflict again, and it's going to take on a dimension that's much more internal than external," he said. "There's a risk that the discourse around Rwanda will be stifled." Tshisekedi's government has sought to blame incursions from Rwanda as the cause of instability in the eastern DRC. Rwanda denies the allegations and argues that the Congolese must handle their security challenges. Edited by: Chrispin Mwakideu
DW
27-05-2025
- Politics
- DW
DRC: Is ex-President Joseph Kabila's return a game changer? – DW – 05/27/2025
The M23-led rebel alliance claims that former Congolese President Joseph Kabila is safe in Goma, which is under their control. Kabila is back in the spotlight after criticizing President Felix Tshisekedi's government. The Congo River Alliance (AFC) and M23 rebel groups claim Joseph Kabila is in Goma, beyond the reach of Congolese government forces. Kabila, who served as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) head of state from 2001 to 2019, was once a strong ally of incumbent President Felix Tshisekedi. Kabila recently made headlines after publicly criticizing a decision by Tshisekedi's government to remove his immunity from prosecution, despite being declared a 'senator for life' when he stood down in 2019. Tshisekedi's administration has also ramped up verbal attacks on the former president, with Augustin Kabuya, Secretary-General of Tshisekedi's Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), declaring "Kabila is not Congolese" but rather a "Rwandan subject." Some political observers say Kabila's re-emergence in a rebel-held area could jeopardize existing mediation efforts spearheaded by religious leaders. However, Élodie Ntamuzinda, a conflict resolution expert, told DW that sidelining Kabila is counterproductive: "We encourage the authorities to be able to approach him and that he too be open to talks. We believe that the general interest comes first, and we need each other," Ntamuzinda said. Joseph Kabila became the Congolese president after the assassination of his father, Laurent-Désiré Kabila (pictured), in 2001 Image: picture-alliance/AP/D. Guttenfelder Tresor Kibangula, political director at the Kinshasa-based Ebuteli research institute, described former President Joseph Kabila as a shadow power the government is trying to keep at bay. As the son of the late Congolese President Laurent Desire Kabila, who opposed the dictatorship of Mobutu Sese Seko, Joseph Kabila spent much of his youth in Tanzania before becoming a military leader in his father's rebel Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL) in the late 1990s. It is widely believed that Kabila's ADFL rebel group included 'kadogos' (Kiswahili for child soldiers), and when the ADFL ousted Mobutu's regime in 1997, the young Joseph Kabila gained further military training abroad before taking up a senior position in the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC). Kabila's tumultuous presidency Laurent Kabila's assassination on January 16, 2001, thrust his son Joseph Kabila, who was just 29 years old at that time, into the presidency. He was reportedly reluctant to be president of the vast mineral-rich country, which was in the midst of the devastating Second Congo War. The conflict broadly pitted pro-government forces and international allies like Angola, Zimbabwe, and Namibia against Rwandan-backed fighters, who had taken over large territories in the eastern DRC. The 2002 Sun City Agreement technically ended the fighting and paved the way for the DRC's first democratic election. Kabila won the 2006 election and would lead the Congo until 2018. He tried to keep a stable government, but accusations of incompetence, cronyism, and corruption dogged his tenure. Despite relative successes like opening up the country to foreign investors and growing the economy, most Congolese remained below the poverty line. At the same time, the nation's mineral wealth was extracted and shipped out of the country to benefit trade partners. Re-election in 2011 saw Kabila retain power, but his list of enemies grew, and rebel groups such as the Rwandan-backed M23reappeared. Protests against Kabila's governance and self-enrichment rumors were often violently quashed. When Kabila's term ran out in 2016, he delayed the elections until 2018 and became more unpopular at home and abroad. In addition, the security situation in the DRC, despite the presence of multinational forces like SADC and MONUSCO, was becoming untenable. Congo: Land of riches beset by massive exploitation To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video In 2019, Kabila handed over power peacefully to Felix Tshisekedi, although observers expressed distrust in the validity of the election results. Kabila then seemed to retreat from politics. But in 2020, the pair fell out, and the coalition between their political parties ended. Since 2023, Tshisekedi's regime has accused Kabila of siding with the M23. Consequently, Tshisekedi banned Kabila's People's Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD), and ended his immunity from prosecution, which he had enjoyed as a former president. Is Kabila's influence waning? Kabila's relationship with the Congolese government deteriorated further in 2025. "There is no strong popular nostalgia for Kabila in the country today," political analyst Tresor Kibangula told DW. Nevertheless, President Tshisekedi has ramped up accusations, saying Kabila was plotting an "insurrection" with the M23. He has regularly named him the architect of the M23's military success in the eastern DRC. Once allies-turned enemies: Kabila and Tshisekedi during happier times at the 2019 power handover Image: Jerome Delay/dpa/picture alliance In a recent online video address, 53-year-old Kabila broke his silence publicly for the first time after losing his immunity. "The dictatorship must end, and democracy and good economic and social governance must be restored." He criticized Tshisekedi's leadership for corruption, undermining democracy, and mishandling the violent conflict in the eastern DRC. Déo Bizibu, a member of Tshisekedi's ruling UDPS, accused Kabila of hypocrisy. "This is a pyromaniac trying to pass himself off as a fireman," Bizibu told DW, adding that Kabila had spent six years pulling strings, seeking to return to power. "He should understand that his time is up." Why Congo's Tshisekedi wants peace talks with M23 rebels To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Conflict analyst Philippe Doudou Kaganda told DW that Congolese unity is at stake with Kabila's return. "We're going to get bogged down in conflict again, and it's going to take on a dimension that's much more internal than external," he said. "There's a risk that the discourse around Rwanda will be stifled." Tshisekedi's government has sought to blame incursions from Rwanda as the cause of instability in the eastern DRC. Rwanda denies the allegations and argues that the Congolese must handle their security challenges. Edited by: Chrispin Mwakideu
Business Wire
26-05-2025
- Business
- Business Wire
Tanzania's Foreign Policy Launch Strengthens Afro-Latin Solidarity and South-South Cooperation
DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Tanzania's new Foreign Policy framework, which was recently launched in Dar es Salaam calls for deeper Afro-Latin American solidarity and cultural diplomacy. It highlights the historical ties and shared development priorities between Tanzania, Brazil, and Cuba. The policy was launched on 19 May during an event officiated by the President of the United Republic of Tanzania, H.E. Dr. Samia Suluhu Hassan. The launch was also attended by Dr. Hussein Ali Mwinyi, President of Zanzibar and Chairman of the Revolutionary Council, members of the Diplomatic Corps, senior government leaders and representatives from the private sector. Since independence, Tanzania's diplomacy has upheld anti-colonial values and cultural pride. The new policy revisits these roots while advancing people-centered development, multilingual engagement, and innovation partnerships with Latin America. With strong foundations in education, health, and liberation history, Tanzania invites renewed collaboration with Latin American partners The policy also supports Kiswahili promotion, South-South innovation, climate justice, and people-centered development — offering new pathways for engagement under platforms like the G77, UNCTAD, and the African Union-CELAC dialogue. Speaking during the launching ceremony, President Samia told the delegates that the drafting of the policy included views of Tanzanians from all walks of life. 'The drafting of the policy was participatory since we wanted everyone to participate in the process; it was high time we revised the policy to cope with the global shifts in various spheres,' she remarked. She mentioned some of the global shifts as the ongoing scramble for strategic minerals as the world seeks to move towards renewable energy from fossil fuel as well as disruptions of trade value chains caused by conflicts in some countries. According to President Samia, the renewed policy sets a clear course on how Tanzania engages with the world-grounded in national interest, principle and responsive to evolving global context. 'This policy speaks on who we are as a nation, firm in our values, proactive in our diplomacy and committed to constructive partnerships that advance peace, security and shared prosperity,' she affirmed. The guidelines plan special training for officials and envoys to achieve goals of economic diplomacy, where a key feature is granting special status to the Tanzania non-citizen Diaspora, formalizing their role in national development. The President urged the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation to make use of retired diplomats to conduct special trainings for officials in the ministry and other government offices on implementation of the policy. For his part, President Mwinyi said the updated policy will unlock potentials in many areas socially, economically and politically. 'Tanzania continues to position itself in greater heights globally and the revised policy aligns with the needs of the evolving world,' he stated. On the other hand, Dr Mwinyi urged the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation to woo more countries to open consulates in Zanzibar with the aim of opening up the isles to the world. He went on and called on Tanzanians to protect the interests of their country through implementation of the new policy. 'We should use the policy to protect the interest of our country, the new guidelines will benefit both parts of the union Tanzania Mainland and Zanzibar,' he noted. Ambassador Mahmoud Thabit Kombo said the revised policy seeks to foster deeper economic cooperation with development partners; support non-alignment and South-South cooperation. The Minister explained that the revised Foreign Policy focuses on 10 thematic areas, namely economic diplomacy; the promotion of peace, security, and political stability; the ratification and domestication of international treaties and protocols. The new policy also seeks to embrace effective participation in bilateral, regional and international bodies; the use of Kiswahili as an instrument of diplomacy and mobilizing international resources for national development, he stated. Other areas of focus are diaspora participation, maximizing opportunities arising from the blue economy and dispensing human rights and good governance in accordance with the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania of 1977 and its social and cultural values. As part of efforts to promote Kiswahili, the governments of Tanzania and Cuba hosted the First International Kiswahili Conference in Havana, from November 7 to 10, last year. President Samia's advocacy for Kiswahili has marked a historic milestone in Tanzania's cultural diplomacy. Through strategic engagements at the United Nations and UNESCO, she successfully campaigned for the recognition of July 7th as World Swahili Language Day. This achievement, secured through a UNESCO Resolution in November 2021, was followed by further efforts that led to the UN General Assembly's 2024 decision to officially recognize Kiswahili Day starting in 2025. President Samia's vision extends beyond symbolic recognition; she has established Kiswahili language centers in international universities and promoted its study worldwide, cementing Tanzania's role as a cultural leader in global forums. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Tanzania Ministry of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation. Download Image (1): Image Caption (1): H.E. Amb. Mindi Kasiga, Director of Communication at the Government Communications Unit of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and East African cooperation speaking at the Tanzania Foreign Policy 2024 Launch event in Dar es Salaam recently Download Image (2): Image Caption (2): H.E. Amb. Samwel William Shelukindo, Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation addresses attendees at the launch of the Tanzania Foreign Policy (2024) event in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Download Image (3): Image Caption (3): H.E. Dr. Hussein Ali Mwinyi, President of Zanzibar and Chairman of the Revolutionary Council speaks during celebrations to mark the official launch of the Tanzania Foreign Policy (2024) in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Download Image (4): Image Caption (4): Young Tanzanian singers entertain the audience during celebrations to launch the Tanzania Foreign Policy (2024) recently in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Download Image (5): Image Caption (5): H.E. Dr. Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete former President of the United Republic of Tanzania (centre) with H.E. Amb. Mahmoud Thabit Kombo, Minister of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation at an event to mark the launch of Tanzania Foreign Policy (2024) in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Download Image (6): Image Caption (6): H.E. Amb. Mahmoud Thabit Kombo speaking at the launch of the Tanzania Foreign Policy (2024) in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Download Image (7): Image Caption (7): H.E. Dr. Samia Suluhu Hassan, President of the United Republic of Tanzania addressing attendees at an event to officially launch the Tanzania Foreign Policy (2024) held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania recently
