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Newsweek
a day ago
- Politics
- Newsweek
There Are No More Reasons for U.S. Presence in Middle East
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu left Washington without a ceasefire deal for Gaza. Like U.S. efforts to broker an Iran nuclear agreement and end Houthi attacks in the Red Sea, the war in Gaza is yet another example of the United States being over-engaged and overconfident about a favorable outcome in the Middle East. Diplomacy is a good thing; so is encouraging stability across the Middle East. But instead of obsessing about fixing the region's problems, Washington needs to focus on vital U.S. interests, of which there are few in the Middle East. That means drawing down the majority of the 40,000 to 50,000 U.S. troops spread across 30 bases in the region. Throughout the 1980s, the United States had only two permanent bases in the Middle East. Aside from some short-lived ground operations, it largely stayed offshore with an occasional rotation of naval assets to protect the free flow of oil to global markets. Two vital interests—oil and terrorism—eventually brought U.S. forces on shore. Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait raised the danger of a single hegemonic power controlling global oil supplies. After deploying 540,000 troops to push Iraq out of Kuwait in the First Gulf War, Washington adopted a strategy of dual containment to prevent either Iraq or Iran from dominating the region. Around 25,000 U.S. troops were stationed permanently at new bases in the Persian Gulf throughout the 1990s. The September 11 terrorist attacks, related wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the 2014 rise of ISIS brought the next surge of troops. New U.S. bases emerged in Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and elsewhere. Troop levels soared at times to above 200,000. The big question now is: why are U.S. troops still in the Middle East? U.S. vital interests in the region are gone, but the forces stay. It makes no sense. Since 2019, the United States has been a net exporter of oil, meaning it's no longer dependent on the Middle East for its energy needs. Moreover, there are no regional hegemons on the horizon. Iraq is now a U.S. strategic partner. With the near-decimation of its regional proxies, a fragile economy, and battered missile defenses, Iran is weaker now than it has been at any point since the 1978–79 revolution. It has no capacity to make a bid—even with a nuclear weapon—for regional hegemony. The recent U.S. strikes against Iran prove challenges can be handled from offshore: bombers flew from Missouri, not from U.S. bases in the Middle East, to hit Iran's nuclear facilities. US soldiers inspect the site of reported Turkish shelling days earlier on an oil extraction facility on the outskirts of Rumaylan, in Syria's Kurdish-controlled northeastern Hasakeh province on October 28, 2024. US soldiers inspect the site of reported Turkish shelling days earlier on an oil extraction facility on the outskirts of Rumaylan, in Syria's Kurdish-controlled northeastern Hasakeh province on October 28, 2024. Delil SOULEIMAN / AFP/Getty Images Washington has an interest in maintaining open sea lanes in the region to ensure stable global oil prices. But it can handle that objective with something akin to the 1980s force posture, not the bloated ground presence we have now. U.S. access to a handful of strategically located naval bases in the Persian Gulf should do the trick. The terrorism threat is also mostly gone and capable of being handled by local actors. The ISIS caliphate was defeated in 2019 and al-Qaeda is extremely weak. Developments in post-Assad Syria have opened new avenues for regional states to work together in managing what remains of ISIS. The most influential ISIS and al-Qaeda affiliates aren't located in the Middle East and are almost exclusively local insurgencies incapable of posing a threat to the United States. In short, the issues—oil and terrorism—that have traditionally anchored the U.S. military presence in the Middle East for decades no longer offer good reasons to keep troops in the region today. Some might say we need to stay to protect Israeli sovereignty, counter China, or act as an insurance policy of some sort. None of these reasons hold up. Even after the events of October 7, 2023, Israel is more secure today than at any point since its founding due to the collapse of the Assad regime in Syria and the decimation of Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran. As a slew of new research shows, China has no plans or means to seize leadership in the Middle East. And staying "just in case" makes for an expensive insurance policy and gives unfriendly actors targets to fire at—U.S. forces in the region have been attacked hundreds of times in the last two years, including most recently by Iran. Sticking around "just in case" could also do more harm than good to regional stability. The reduction of U.S. forces in Syria helped unify the post-Assad Syrian state. Likewise, a 2019 U.S. decision to not retaliate after an Iranian attack on Saudi oil facilities contributed to Riyadh winding down its war in Yemen and normalizing relations with Iran. Who knows? Stepping back might even help bring a sustainable peace to Gaza someday. So let's get going. The sooner the U.S. draws down troops, the better. Will Walldorf is a Professor at Wake Forest University and Senior Fellow at Defense Priorities. He is currently writing a book titled America's Forever Wars: Why So Long, Why End Now, What Comes Next. The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.
Shafaq News
17-07-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Suwayda: Al-Hijri urges humanitarian corridor through Kurdish areas to Jordan
Shafaq News – Suwayda Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri, a prominent Druze religious leader in Syria, declared Suwayda province a 'disaster-stricken area' on Thursday and called for a period of public mourning following days of deadly violence. In a statement, al-Hijri urged authorities to open roads leading toward Kurdish-controlled areas and appealed directly to Jordan's King Abdullah II to "instruct the opening of a border crossing between Sweida and Jordan, given its urgent humanitarian importance under the current circumstances." He also called for practical steps to ease communication and reduce the suffering of residents. Al-Hijri described the recent violence in Suwayda as a 'brutal crime,' adding that 'the pure blood spilled on Sweida's soil will not be in vain, but will serve as a beacon of dignity and resilience.' Urging the Druze community to unite, support the families of the victims, he emphasized facilitating the work of medical teams and groups documenting the violations.
Kuwait Times
15-07-2025
- Politics
- Kuwait Times
Iraqis face difficult return from Syria camp for IS families
MOSUL: After years in a Syrian detention camp, Ibrahim Darwish was relieved to be allowed to return home to Iraq, but his joy was quickly punctured by the harsh reality that he had to disown his sons accused of being jihadists. 'All I wanted was to return to Iraq,' the 64-year-old said of his time in the Kurdish-controlled al-Hol camp, where family members of suspected Islamic State group fighters are held in prison-like conditions alongside refugees and displaced people. But back home in Iraq, 'I had to disown my sons. My house is gone,' he said. 'I am back to square one.' Thousands of Iraqi returnees from the camp have faced major obstacles reintegrating into their communities, their perceived affiliation with IS casting a dark shadow over their prospects. AFP spoke to more than 15 returnees, humanitarian workers and a lawyer, most of whom requested anonymity for fear of reprisals. They described armed groups and local authorities in some areas pressuring returnees to cut ties with relatives suspected of IS links as a precondition for going home or obtaining essential documents. A lawyer for many returnees equated the pledges of disownment to denunciations, 'essentially complaints by one family member against another'. He also warned of a widespread misconception among returnees that they must comply in order to obtain identity cards and other government papers. But a senior Iraqi official insisted that the authorities supported reintegration, including when it came to the issuance of documents. Requesting 'disownment statements has become illegal, and anyone who asks for it should be reported', the official told AFP. Darwish said he was allowed to leave al-Hol after receiving Iraqi security clearance and support from his tribal leader. Back in Iraq, he spent the first several months at al-Jadaa camp, presented by the authorities as a 'rehabilitation' center where returnees wait for further permission to return home. There, 'we felt the most welcome', Darwish said. But when it was time to go home to Salaheddin province, Darwish said local authorities told him he first had to disown his sons, who are locked away on suspicion of joining IS—a charge he denies. Reluctantly, he complied. Otherwise, 'how was I going to farm my land and make ends meet?' he said. In the northern city of Mosul, one woman in her thirties told AFP she was afraid to return to her hometown in Salaheddin, where her father was arrested upon his arrival and later passed away in prison. She is currently squatting with her sister and children in a dilapidated house, living in fear of eviction. When the family first returned to Iraq, she said, people 'looked at us differently, just because we came from al-Hol'. Now her concern is obtaining new identity cards, which are essential for accessing healthcare, education and employment, and she fears she will have to disown her husband to do so. The authorities, she said, 'did well' by bringing them back from al-Hol, where many speak of increased violence, but they must now solve the issue of reintegration. 'We need them to support us so we can stand on our feet,' she added. Thanassis Cambanis, director of New York-based Century International, said the returnees 'face a murky future', especially since some of those tarred as IS families are denied documentation. 'At a minimum, collective punishment of the ISIS families is an injustice and a moral error,' Cambanis warned. 'At a maximum, Iraq's policy creates a ripe pool of potential recruits for violent sectarian extremists.' While many countries refuse to repatriate their nationals from al-Hol, Baghdad has so far brought back around 17,000 people, mostly women and children. Local and international organizations facilitated reintegration, but their operations have been affected by US President Donald Trump's decision to cut foreign aid. The Global Community Engagement and Resilience Fund (GCERF), a Geneva-registered organization that focuses on preventing extremism, supports several centres that have so far assisted around 6,000 returnees. – AFP
Express Tribune
14-07-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Iraqis face difficult return from Syria camp for IS families
After years in a Syrian detention camp, Ibrahim Darwish was relieved to be allowed to return home to Iraq, but his joy was quickly punctured by the harsh reality that he had to disown his sons accused of being jihadists. "All I wanted was to return to Iraq," the 64-year-old said of his time in the Kurdish-controlled al-Hol camp, where family members of suspected Islamic State group fighters are held in prison-like conditions alongside refugees and displaced people. But back home in Iraq, "I had to disown my sons. My house is gone," he said. "I am back to square one." Thousands of Iraqi returnees from the camp have faced major obstacles reintegrating into their communities, their perceived affiliation with IS casting a dark shadow over their prospects. AFP spoke to more than 15 returnees, humanitarian workers and a lawyer, most of whom requested anonymity for fear of reprisals. They described armed groups and local authorities in some areas pressuring returnees to cut ties with relatives suspected of IS links as a precondition for going home or obtaining essential documents. A lawyer for many returnees equated the pledges of disownment to denunciations, "essentially complaints by one family member against another". He also warned of a widespread misconception among returnees that they must comply in order to obtain identity cards and other government papers. But a senior Iraqi official insisted that the authorities supported reintegration, including when it came to the issuance of documents. Requesting "disownment statements has become illegal, and anyone who asks for it should be reported", the official told AFP. Darwish said he was allowed to leave al-Hol after receiving Iraqi security clearance and support from his tribal leader. Back in Iraq, he spent the first several months at al-Jadaa camp, presented by the authorities as a "rehabilitation" centre where returnees wait for further permission to return home. There, "we felt the most welcome", Darwish said. But when it was time to go home to Salaheddin province, Darwish said local authorities told him he first had to disown his sons, who are locked away on suspicion of joining IS -- a charge he denies. Reluctantly, he complied. Otherwise, "how was I going to farm my land and make ends meet?" he said. In the northern city of Mosul, one woman in her thirties told AFP she was afraid to return to her hometown in Salaheddin, where her father was arrested upon his arrival and later passed away in prison. She is currently squatting with her sister and children in a dilapidated house, living in fear of eviction. When the family first returned to Iraq, she said, people "looked at us differently, just because we came from al-Hol". Now her concern is obtaining new identity cards, which are essential for accessing healthcare, education and employment, and she fears she will have to disown her husband to do so. The authorities, she said, "did well" by bringing them back from al-Hol, where many speak of increased violence, but they must now solve the issue of reintegration. "We need them to support us so we can stand on our feet," she added. Thanassis Cambanis, director of New York-based Century International, said the returnees "face a murky future", especially since some of those tarred as IS families are denied documentation. "At a minimum, collective punishment of the ISIS families is an injustice and a moral error," Cambanis warned. "At a maximum, Iraq's policy creates a ripe pool of potential recruits for violent sectarian extremists."
Al-Ahram Weekly
14-07-2025
- Politics
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Iraqis face difficult return from Syria camp for IS families: AFP report - Region
After years in a Syrian detention camp, Ibrahim Darwish was relieved to be allowed to return home to Iraq, but his joy was quickly punctured by the harsh reality that he had to disown his sons accused of being jihadists. "All I wanted was to return to Iraq," the 64-year-old said of his time in the Kurdish-controlled al-Hol camp, where family members of suspected Islamic State group fighters are held in prison-like conditions alongside refugees and displaced people. But back home in Iraq, "I had to disown my sons. My house is gone," he said. "I am back to square one." Thousands of Iraqi returnees from the camp have faced major obstacles reintegrating into their communities, their perceived affiliation with IS casting a dark shadow over their prospects. AFP spoke to more than 15 returnees, humanitarian workers and a lawyer, most of whom requested anonymity for fear of reprisals. They described armed groups and local authorities in some areas pressuring returnees to cut ties with relatives suspected of IS links as a precondition for going home or obtaining essential documents. A lawyer for many returnees equated the pledges of disownment to denunciations, "essentially complaints by one family member against another". He also warned of a widespread misconception among returnees that they must comply in order to obtain identity cards and other government papers. But a senior Iraqi official insisted that the authorities supported reintegration, including when it came to the issuance of documents. Requesting "disownment statements has become illegal, and anyone who asks for it should be reported", the official told AFP. 'Moral error' Darwish said he was allowed to leave al-Hol after receiving Iraqi security clearance and support from his tribal leader. Back in Iraq, he spent the first several months at al-Jadaa camp, presented by the authorities as a "rehabilitation" centre where returnees wait for further permission to return home. There, "we felt the most welcome", Darwish said. But when it was time to go home to Salaheddin province, Darwish said local authorities told him he first had to disown his sons, who are locked away on suspicion of joining IS -- a charge he denies. Reluctantly, he complied. Otherwise, "how was I going to farm my land and make ends meet?" he said. In the northern city of Mosul, one woman in her thirties told AFP she was afraid to return to her hometown in Salaheddin, where her father was arrested upon his arrival and later passed away in prison. She is currently squatting with her sister and children in a dilapidated house, living in fear of eviction. When the family first returned to Iraq, she said, people "looked at us differently, just because we came from al-Hol". Now her concern is obtaining new identity cards, which are essential for accessing healthcare, education and employment, and she fears she will have to disown her husband to do so. The authorities, she said, "did well" by bringing them back from al-Hol, where many speak of increased violence, but they must now solve the issue of reintegration. "We need them to support us so we can stand on our feet," she added. Thanassis Cambanis, director of New York-based Century International, said the returnees "face a murky future", especially since some of those tarred as IS families are denied documentation. "At a minimum, collective punishment of the ISIS families is an injustice and a moral error," Cambanis warned. "At a maximum, Iraq's policy creates a ripe pool of potential recruits for violent sectarian extremists." 'Expanded support' While many countries refuse to repatriate their nationals from al-Hol, Baghdad has so far brought back around 17,000 people, mostly women and children. Local and international organisations facilitated reintegration, but their operations have been affected by US President Donald Trump's decision to cut foreign aid. The Global Community Engagement and Resilience Fund (GCERF), a Geneva-registered organisation that focuses on preventing extremism, supports several centres that have so far assisted around 6,000 returnees. According to GCERF's Kevin Osborne, the centres provide services such as psychosocial support and vocational training. But the growing number of returnees requires "expanded support to adequately prepare communities and enable smooth, sustainable reintegration", Osborne said. Noran Mahmood, of the GCREF-supported Iraqi Institution for Development, said many returnees fear "society's refusal" to welcome them, as if having spent time in al-Hol is a "disgrace". Her organisation in Mosul provides counselling for the many returnees who suffer from depression, insomnia and anxiety. Rahaf, 24, is one of the many women receiving help after years of accumulated trauma. With the organisation's assistance, she achieved her long-held dream of furthering her education, enrolling in middle school. "I feel successful," she said. "I want to become a lawyer or a teacher." Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
