Latest news with #KurdishFeyli
Shafaq News
29-07-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Iraqi Parliament's Quota move silences Feyli Kurdish aspirations
Shafaq News The decision to reclassify the Kurdish Feyli quota seat in Iraq's parliament as a nationwide allocation—rather than limiting it to Wasit province—has ignited political and community backlash. What was once a symbolic recognition of the Feyli Kurds' historic presence in Wasit is now seen by many as a vulnerable tool of political bargaining, prompting renewed calls to restore the seat's provincial scope and expand representation for a community long subjected to marginalization and forced displacement. Enduring Legacy of Displacement and Exclusion The Kurdish Feylis suffered systematic persecution under the Ba'athist regime, particularly during the 1970s and 1980s. They were targeted for their ethno-sectarian identity—being both Kurdish and Shiite—and labeled as 'foreigners' despite generations of residence in Iraq. Between 1970 and 1980, up to half a million Feylis were expelled to Iran. Many lost their citizenship, property, and civil rights. Over 15,000 young Feyli men disappeared during the purges, with their remains never recovered. Baghdad's elite Feyli business and academic circles were especially targeted. Despite the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in 2003, many returnees still face bureaucratic barriers in reclaiming their original citizenship or accessing legal rights. Historical and Political Context The Kurdish Feyli quota seat was originally established as a recognition of the community's longstanding presence in Wasit, particularly in cities like Kut, Al-Aziziyah, Al-Hai, Badrah, Zurbatiyah, and Jassan. Political activist Haidar Hisham al-Feyli explained that the seat was secured after a sustained campaign by Feyli activists and was initially meant to include three seats before being reduced to one for political reasons. 'This seat was meant to reflect the aspirations of the Feyli Kurds,' Hisham told Shafaq News. 'But now, instead of protecting their representation, it is being contested by figures outside the community due to weak safeguards and ineffective electoral oversight.' He stressed that the seat lacks clear legal protections and has been subjected to external interference, allowing candidates who are not Feyli Kurds to contest under the quota. This, he said, has diluted the seat's original purpose and fragmented the community's electoral voice. Kurdish Feyli MP Hussein Mardan stated that the Federal Court ruled that the Kurdish Feyli quota seat in the Iraqi parliament—out of a total of 329 seats—will be a national seat for all of Iraq does not benefit the Feyli component. 'If we assume that it must be a national seat, then at the very least the Feylis should be granted five seats, similar to the Christian component. A single national seat does not serve the Kurdish Feylis, especially considering that Feyli Kurdish candidates are not present across all Iraqi provinces,' He told Shafaq News. Legal and Institutional Gaps Critics highlight the failure of Iraq's electoral commission to enforce identity-specific quotas, allowing political maneuvering that jeopardizes minority rights. Rashid al-Budairi, a senior member of the 'Services (Khadamat)' political alliance, argued that this shift contradicts the historical justice intended for the Kurdish Feylis. 'They faced genocide, forced displacement, and systemic exclusion under the former regime.' 'Wasit should retain the seat as a matter of acquired and constitutional right. The recent move turns the quota into a bargaining chip, risking its appropriation by a single political faction.' Beyond the Quota While defending the quota's existence, some lawmakers also highlight the growing political engagement of Feyli Kurds outside the quota system. MP Bassem Nughaymish of Wasit noted that the community is not solely reliant on the reserved seat to enter the political arena. 'Feyli Kurds are full citizens of Wasit, not a minority in the traditional sense,' Nughaymish said. 'They have successfully contested general parliamentary elections and hold key posts in the provincial government.' According to Nughaymish, several key administrative roles in the province—such as municipal leadership in Kut and other directorates—are held by Feyli Kurds, reflecting their active participation in public life. He specifically mentioned Deputy Governor Nabil Shamma, the brother of renowned musician Naseer Shamma, as an example of the community's strong local presence. What's Next? With national elections on the horizon, the controversy over the Kurdish Feyli seat is likely to intensify. Calls for restoring the seat to Wasit and expanding the community's representation are gaining momentum among activists and political allies. However, unless electoral regulations are tightened and community-led representation is prioritized, the quota may become symbolic rather than substantive. 'Without legal safeguards and genuine political will,' Hisham warned, 'the quota will only serve as a façade, not a channel for real empowerment.' Written and edited by Shafaq News staff.
Shafaq News
31-01-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Names of Al-Sadr and Al-Hakim executioners, National Security reveals
Shafaq News/ On Friday, the National Security Service announced the names and details of the individuals accused of executing religious leader Mohammed Baqir Al-Sadr, his sister Bint Al-Huda, along with several young members of the Al-Hakim family and students from various universities. The spokesperson for the service, Arshad Al-Hakim, stated in a statement to Shafaq News Agency that "five of the most notorious criminals, who were followers of the former regime and killers of martyr Al-Sadr, his sister, and thousands of Iraqis, have been arrested'. He added that The operation was carried out in accordance with the provisions of the Law for the Prohibition of the Dissolved Baath Party, 'and with high-level coordination with all relevant authorities and the judicial institution." According to Al-Hakim, the first suspect, Saadoun Sabri Jamil Al-Qaisi, with the rank of Major General, admitted to executing the religious leader Mohammed Baqir Al-Sadr and his sister using his personal weapon, as well as carrying out mass executions of opponents accused of being members of the Islamic Dawa Party. He also executed eight citizens and buried them in mass graves in Fallujah and Diyala Bridge, executed two young members of the Al-Hakim family, and killed an opponent from the marshes of Nasiriyah. The second suspect, Haitham Abdul Aziz Faiq, with the rank of Brigadier General, oversaw the execution of Mohammed Baqir Al-Sadr and his sister, as well as executing a group of Dawa Party members. The third suspect, Khairallah Hamadi, with the rank of Major General, is known for leading campaigns of arrest and torture against the people of Balad, allegedly due to their political affiliation, participating in their executions, and overseeing the repression of the Kurdish Feyli community in Baghdad. He also issued and implemented forced deportation orders for the families of opponents from Balad to (Nuqrat Al-Salman) and was involved in hand-cutting crimes in Kirkuk, as well as executing several arrests and executions of opponents in Baghdad. The fourth suspect, Shaker Taha Yahya, with the rank of Major General, participated in the executions of Kurdish detainees in Baghdad in 1984, prevented mourning gatherings following the assassination of religious leader Mohammed Sadiq Al-Sadr, and was involved in the killing of opposition figure Suleiman Brinji. The statement concluded mentioning the fifth suspect, Ni'ma Mohammed Suhail Saleh, with the rank of Major General, led campaigns of arrest and torture targeting over 40 university students from Sulaimaniyah University and other universities, and continuously pursued members of Islamic parties. In a post on his X account, Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani emphasized that the capture of Al-Sadr's killers highlights the importance of 'leaving no room for impunity.' Al-Sudani pointed out that, 'the recent achievement of justice through the apprehension of key figures from the criminal repressive apparatus of the Saddam-era Ba'athist regime' reaffirms the steadfast commitment to the relentless pursuit of criminals, 'no matter how long they evade justice.'
