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Morocco World
12-05-2025
- Politics
- Morocco World
PKK Decides to Dissolve, Halt Armed Struggle in Turkiye
Rabat — The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) militant group announced today its decision to dissolve and end all its armed struggle against the Turkish state. The decision comes after four decades of bloody conflict that killed over 40,000 and exerted a huge economic burden, fueling social tensions. Turkiye welcomed the PKK's decision as it is paving the way to a legal framework for security, disarming the group. The group was designated by Ankara, as well as its Western allies, as a terrorist group. The decision was taken following the PKK's 12th congress on Monday A statement from the group on Monday announced that its '12th Congress decided to dissolve the PKK's organizational structure…and end the armed struggle.' The decision emanated from the congress that was held in response to the PKK's jailed leader Abdullah Ocalan's February call to dissolve. Ankara has not confirmed or agreed that Ocalan, who has been imprisoned on an island south of Istanbul since 1999, will lead the dissolution process. However, the statement did not outline how the PKK's disarmament would be carried out or what would become of its existing fighters. Analysts say the decision is a good step to boost political and economic stability in Turkiye, as well as alleviate the tensions created by Kurds' groups in neighboring countries, particularly Iraq, Iran, and Syria. Read also: Algeria's Regime Caught Red-Handed: Kurdish Separatists Hosted in Tindouf Camps However, the statement of the decision did not mention whether it would apply to the group's affiliates in the region. This development is set to change power relations in the region as less tension will be exerted by the Kurds, thus contributing to peace and stability in the region. Background of the decision The PKK declared on March 1 its decision to take a unilateral ceasefire in its 40-year insurgency against the Turkish government. The ceasefire decision took place after the PKK's imprisoned Ocalan, called on his militants to disarm, urging Turkiye for his release in order to facilitate the organization's disarmament. Turkiye welcomed the ceasefire decision, but tensions remained between authorities and the Kurds. However, Kurds also expect that Ankara will halt its offensive operations against the primarily Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which is allied with the US in its fight against ISIS in northeastern Syria. The Kurdish struggle in Turkiye The Kurds comprise nearly one-fifth of Turkiye's population of 79 million. They hold a population of roughly 30 million in the Middle East, and predominantly live in Iraq, Syria, Iran, and Turkiye. Abdullah Ocalan established the PKK in 1978. The group started an insurgency against Ankara since 1984, demanding greater cultural and political rights, and has long sought establishing an independent Kurdish state. Recently Turkiye, has seen an increasing popular discontent with the June 2013 Gezi Park protests and the July 2016 coup attempt. Tensions have also reemerged between Turkish authorities and Kurdish groups. Turkish authorities in the southeast have received several attacks from different Kurdish groups. These include, in particular, the PKK, the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP), a left-wing pro-Kurdish party, and the People's Protection Unit (YPG), the armed wing of the Syrian Democratic Union Party (PYD) with ties to the PKK. Tags: Kurish peoplePKK TurkiyeTurkiye


The National
28-04-2025
- Politics
- The National
Al Shara's feud with Kurds dims Syria's hopes of stability
A feud between Syria's President Ahmad Al Shara and the country's Kurds over the shape of the new order in Damascus has shattered a two-month respite in tensions between two groups who control the country's most lethal military forces. The tensions have also widened the fault line between the regime and the country's minorities as sectarian killings mount, undermining Mr Al Shara's quest for international legitimacy after a 14-year civil war. In the past 24 hours gunmen reportedly killed four members of the Alawite sect in Homs, the latest in a wave of attacks in the city. In a statement on Sunday, Mr Al Shara accused the US-backed, mostly Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) of undermining a March 10 deal to join the new state, by convening a Kurdish conference on Saturday in Qamishli that demanded decentralisation. He also accused the SDF of separatism, although a final declaration from the conference called only for an equitable sharing of resources and the recognition of Kurdish as an official language. Most of Syria's commodities and all its oil are produced in the east of the country, which is ethnically mixed between Arabs and Kurds. An SDF official said joint committees set up with the regime under the March 10 deal would continue their work. He said Mr Shara had condemned the Kurds to satisfy his own hardline supporters, as well as Turkey, an avowed enemy of the SDF. The March deal was vague but the two sides had set up committees to seek agreement on the main issues of oil, how to integrate the SDF in new military structures, and the fate of the current SDF-controlled administration in part of Syria. The official said the Kurdish issue "will not be decided by either Al Shara, nor us", pointing out the presence of French and US officials at the Kurdish conference. The two countries, he said, have made clear their preference for decentralisation, while Turkey does not want the Kurds to hold sway. Mr Al Shara leads Hayat Tahrir Al Sham, a former Al Qaeda affiliate that led the removal of the regime of Bashar Al Assad last year. Although Western governments have engaged with the new regime, especially those in Europe eager for the return of Syrian refugees, they have stressed the need to take counter-terrorism measures and preserve minority rights. Mr Al Shara and HTS remain designated as terrorists in the US and Europe. The Kurdish writer Hosheng Ossi said Mr Al Shara's condemnation "was written with Turkish ink", marking a major departure from the "soft language" the President has been using with the Kurds. "Syria's Kurdish streets have united," Mr Ossi said. "The Kurds have agreed between themselves on a package of demands that do not contradict internationally recognised human rights principles. This terrifies Al Shara, because the Kurds are also well-organised militarily, and have an administration." Majority-Sunni Syria shed more than five decades of Alawite-centric Assad family rule after forces led by HTS swept from the north into Damascus last year. The ensuing Sunni political ascendancy has changed Middle Eastern power dynamics to the disadvantage of Shiite Iran, and Russia, the main backers of the former regime. However, clashes broke out between the country's new rulers and the Kurds, who had carved out large areas of territory in the east with US backing during the civil war, and set up a secular administration. Mr Al Shara has assumed control of a country subjected to decades of social engineering by the Assads, who built new support bases for the regime by distributing land and other assets. These changes, accentuated by the dynamics of the civil war, caused and deepened many schisms. They include the Arab-Kurdish divide and resentment from many Sunnis of the privileges granted to the Alawite sect, whose members provided the core strike force for the regime in the civil war. Faced with a powerful player in the east, Mr Al Shara has focused his power-consolidation drive on Alawite areas in the centre and west of the country, as well as southern areas near Jordan separately run by Sunni and Druze forces. Over the last four months, he has sent forces to subdue Alawite heartland regions and arrest former regime loyalists there. The campaign culminated in the killing of 1,300 Alawites, mostly civilians, on March 7 and 8, after the incursions by government forces and allied paramilitaries were met by ambushes. Clashes also occurred between HTS-led forces and members of the Druze sect, whose spiritual leader, Sheikh Hikmat Al Hijri, had opened channels with Israel, in a quest for protection. Over the last month, the government has recruited hundreds of Druze in their ancestral region of Suweida, near the border with Jordan, to its new security forces. Druze militias loyal to Sheikh Al Hijri have responded by raising their presence in the streets of Suweida, and activating patrols on the border of the province, residents say. In Homs, there was a return to identity-based killings of Alawites over the weekend. Mutaz Shalqab, a Sunni figure in the city, said that one Alawite woman was killed with her two children, while another victim was a mentally impaired Alawite man. That was in addition to the bodies of 14 Alawites abducted and killed. Mr Shalqab said that Mr Al Shara and the his deputies should apprehend the killers "even if they are their brothers". "If this chaos continues the ship of the new state will sink," Mr Shalqab said. "We will end up like Rwanda".
Yahoo
07-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - The US and Syria: Between strategic success and unfinished business
Washington is facing a moment of rare strategic clarity in Syria, a country long synonymous with unending war and geopolitical entanglement. A fragile interim government in Syria is struggling for stabilization. The dilemma for the U.S. is how to choose its level of engagement there without engaging in new conflicts or letting adversarial forces gain ground. This becomes particularly important for the Trump administration, as Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa announced a transitional government on March 30, appointing a diverse 23-member Cabinet — an illustration of his growing grip on power. Although past policy has oscillated between intervention and disengagement, the current situation requires a balanced approach between pragmatic diplomacy and enforcing critical red lines. The decisions Washington makes during this period will shape whether Syria develops into a functional state or backslides into instability. Strategically, the U.S. has achieved major successes in the region. The military presence of Iran has been substantially debilitated. Hezbollah's weapon supply chains have been interrupted and Russia's control over Syrian politics has diminished. The longstanding 'ring of fire' which threatened Israel due to Iranian-backed militias no longer presents an urgent danger. These successes, however, do not translate to an automatic U.S. exit from Syria's affairs. A hasty U.S. withdrawal, combined with rigid policy approaches, would create fertile conditions for its adversaries to regain power in the resulting vacuum. The situation demands careful consideration, because Syria will fall back into disorder from insufficient engagement, yet deep intervention could inversely disrupt the current political equilibrium. The Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act of 2019 remains the subject of extensive discussion in Washington regarding its potential lifting. The sanctions imposed to condemn Bashar al-Assad 's crimes have been unintentionally blocking Syria's economic revival since the war ended. The U.S. should maintain its human rights enforcement yet Washington should adopt a dynamic approach by offering economic incentives for specific reforms to support Syria's new government in establishing stability. The U.S. policy must rest primarily on diplomatic relations. Washington has demonstrated its willingness to adjust policies through limited sanctions relief in January and it facilitated essential agreements between the interim government and Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces. These efforts should be expanded. The good thing is that there has been some positive development in this regard. As per credible media reports, the U.S. has presented Syria with a set of conditions for partial sanctions relief, including a firm demand that no foreign nationals hold senior positions in the government. Natasha Franceschi, U.S. deputy assistant secretary for the Levant and Syria, personally conveyed these terms to Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani during a sideline meeting at the Syria donor conference in Brussels on March 18. This marks the first high-level direct engagement between Washington and Damascus since President Donald Trump assumed office on Jan. 20, underscoring a potential shift in U.S. policy toward Syria. The U.S. should maintain direct contact with Syrian leadership to influence its post-conflict decisions toward protecting minority populations and security sector transformation and economic growth. Engaging does not mean endorsing — it means having a seat at the table. Ignoring Syria's new leadership outright by the international community would allow regional powers to dictate the country's future on their own terms. The transition government must protect Syria from becoming a haven for war criminals while implementing transitional justice processes and achieving credible judicial outcomes for recent events including the Latakia massacres. The credibility of Syria's interim government will rapidly decline both domestically and internationally if it does not demonstrate authentic dedication to these principles. The U.S. also faces a difficult decision regarding whether or not to engage with the rebel faction that led the successful overthrow of the Assad regime. Designated as a terrorist organization because of its al-Qaeda ties, it now operates as the governing force across extensive Syrian territories under al-Sharaa's leadership. There is also a geopolitical dimension to Syria's reintegration. Some analysts argue that Damascus should pursue normalization with Israel under the framework of the Abraham Accords, a move that could accelerate its economic recovery and diplomatic legitimacy. But this depends upon the situation in Gaza and the West Bank. The continuing war between Israel and Palestinians may make such a scenario untenable. The path out of permanent economic isolation will require Syria to develop connections with countries that extend beyond its traditional allies Russia and Iran. The U.S. should explore creative diplomatic incentives that encourage Syria's integration into a broader Middle Eastern framework — whether through economic partnerships, counterterrorism cooperation or regional security arrangements. Acting with this in mind, the U.S. must secure its current successes in Syria while stopping the country from descending into a failed state. The U.S. must avoid the worst-case situation where Syria limps on a fragmented territory lacking effective government while being controlled by foreign interests. It must also reject the false choice between full recognition of Syria's interim government and complete disengagement. The U.S. must engage selectively, applying pressure where necessary and offering incentives where useful. Washington has consistently operated with a reactive Middle Eastern policy that focuses on crisis response instead of proactive event formation. In Syria, the U.S. has an opportunity to transform its past reactive approach to balanced one, combining diplomatic relations with conditional economic aid and defined governance standards provides. Imran Khalid is a physician and has a master's degree in international relations. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.


Asharq Al-Awsat
19-02-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Kurdish Leaderships Reveal Details of Plan to Merge with Syrian Army
Sources close to the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) said the group's decision to merge its military and security bodies with those of the Kurdish Autonomous Administration is a serious step toward talks with Damascus. The move, announced late Monday, aims to integrate the SDF into the Syrian army. SDF commander Mazloum Abdi invited Syrian interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa to visit SDF-held areas in northeastern Syria, congratulating him on leading the country's transition. The SDF had published the minutes of a three-way meeting that included Abdi along with leaders from the group's political wing, the Syrian Democratic Council, and the executive administration of the Autonomous Administration. The meeting resulted in an agreement to merge the SDF's military and security institutions with the security bodies of the Autonomous Administration under the Syrian army's structure. It also approved the reactivation of state-run civil and service institutions in northeastern Syria and the withdrawal of non-Syrian foreign fighters from SDF ranks and areas under its control as part of efforts to bolster national sovereignty and stability. Abu Omar Al-Idlibi, a senior commander in the SDF, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the meeting concluded with an understanding that the SDF would be integrated into Syria's Ministry of Defense as a single unit, potentially within a corps or as part of the ministry's eastern command. However, he noted that discussions were still in their early stages and that oil and gas fields in northeastern Syria were not on the agenda at this stage, but could be addressed in future talks. Al-Idlibi described the move as an effort to unify forces and strengthen national unity, while reviving state-run civil and service institutions in the northeast to improve public services and living conditions. The meeting emphasized the need to boost coordination with Damascus, increase dialogue on national issues, and reaffirm Syria's territorial integrity. Al-Idlibi said the latest decisions would support the integration of local forces into the Syrian army, bolster its defense capabilities, and facilitate the return of displaced people to their hometowns, particularly those from areas affected by Turkish military operations.