Latest news with #LaFontaine
Yahoo
27-05-2025
- Automotive
- Yahoo
Tim Lamb Group Facilitates Sale of LaLonde Chrysler Dodge Jeep Ram in Imlay City, Michigan to Paul LaFontaine
Paul LaFontaine and his family stand outside their new dealership, Imlay City CDJR on May 5, 2025. Pictured from left to right: Ayrton, Paul, Caroline, Sophie, Alexander LaFontaine Tonia LaLonde and Paul LaFontaine celebrate their closing at Imlay City CDJR on Cinco de Mayo. Columbus, OH, May 27, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- The Tim Lamb Group, the largest auto dealership sales and acquisitions firm in North America, is proud to announce the sale of LaLonde Chrysler Dodge Jeep Ram to Paul LaFontaine. The transaction, which closed on May 5, 2025, was led by Bob Wolfbauer, Director at the Tim Lamb Group. With this acquisition, LaLonde Chrysler Dodge Jeep Ram has been rebranded to Imlay City Chrysler Dodge Jeep Ram. Conveniently located at 2093 S Van Dyke Rd. in Imlay City, MI the dealership is less than one mile from LaFontaine Ford, also owned by Paul LaFontaine. The close proximity between the two dealerships creates a unique opportunity for operational synergy and an enhanced customer experience. 'We've proudly served Imlay City through our Ford dealership for over 35 years,' stated Paul LaFontaine, Dealer Principal. 'With all of my children now active in the business, it was the right time to grow. Acquiring this dealership was a natural next step – and what better investment than expanding in a community we already know and love?' Paul's children - Arie, Alex, and Sophie - are all actively involved in daily operations and will play key leadership roles at the new location. Imlay City CDJR is 35,000 square foot full-service facility featuring 18 service bays and an on-site car wash. Under new ownership, the dealership has already added a used car lot with a wide selection of vehicles and has repaved entryways to create a smoother and more welcoming customer experience. Additional facility upgrades and a grand re-opening event to celebrate the new ownership and on-site enhancements, will be planned in the coming months. Former owner Tania LaLonde sold the dealership to focus on other automotive ventures in Metro Detroit. 'Working with Paul LaFontaine and the entire LaFontaine family was a pleasure and made the entire transaction smooth and seamless,' stated LaLonde. Both LaLonde and LaFontaine prioritize employee retention and community involvement. The majority of LaLonde's staff chose to remain with the dealership, ensuring continuity for customers and employes alike. Imlay City CDJR will continue support local schools, youth sports, and charitable organizations – building upon the strong community ties already established by the LaFontaine Ford dealership. 'We prioritize hiring locally and building strong relationships with our neighbors, customers, and fellow businesses,' stated LaFontaine. 'Being a part of Imlay City means more than just selling cars, it means being an active, supportive presence in a place that we proudly call home.' 'I've worked with Bob Wolfbauer for over 20 years,' added Paul LaFontaine. 'His integrity, professionalism, and deep industry knowledge made this an exceptionally smooth process. We had complete confidence that this deal was in the right hands.' Bob Wolfbauer shared, 'Helping Paul and his family expand their presence in Imlay City was incredibly rewarding. Both the LaFontaine and LaLonde organizations are family-oriented, making this a perfect fit for both parties.' Photo Credit: Photos Courtesy of Tim Lamb Group Paul LaFontaine and his family stand outside their new dealership, Imlay City CDJR on May 5, 2025. Pictured from left to right: Ayrton, Paul, Caroline, Sophie, Alexander LaFontaine Tonia LaLonde and Paul LaFontaine celebrate their closing at Imlay City CDJR on Cinco de Mayo. About Tim Lamb GroupSince 2006, Tim Lamb Group has been the number one choice for dealers looking to sell, or purchase, a new vehicle dealership. Fifteen regional directors handle billions of dollars per year in transactions for multiple dealer operators in every part of the United States and Canada. The Group has leveraged their factory management experience and retail dealership background to become the largest auto dealership sales and acquisitions firm in North America. For more information and dealerships for sale, visit Attachments Paul LaFontaine and his family stand outside their new dealership, Imlay City CDJR on May 5, 2025. Pictured from left to right: Ayrton, Paul, Caroline, Sophie, Alexander LaFontaine Tonia LaLonde and Paul LaFontaine celebrate their closing at Imlay City CDJR on Cinco de Mayo. CONTACT: Dawn Kelley Expand Marketing Group 734-765-1429 DawnK@ Katrina Luts Expand Marketing Group 586-747-7418 KatrinaL@
Yahoo
16-05-2025
- Sport
- Yahoo
Toledo Pitches Shutout In KC, Takes 1-0 Lead In Western Conference Finals
Coming into the Western Conference Finals, Kansas City Mavericks goaltender Jack LaFontaine had allowed one goal or less in six of 10 games this post-season. Through two periods in Game 1 Thursday night against the Toledo Walleye, he appeared to be on his way to equaling that mark. Then, two quick goals within 20 seconds changed all that, and the Walleye walked away with a 2-0 shutout at Cable Dahmer Arena to take a 1-0 lead in the WCF. Matt Anderson finally broke the scoreless tie at 2:51 of the third period off his own rebound. The assist went to Carson Bantle. Just 20 seconds later, Cole Gallant went on a breakaway and added some much needed insurance to put Toledo up 2-0. Dylan Moulton assisted on the play. As solid as LaFontaine was, Toledo netminder Jan Bednar was perfect on the night, stopping all 25 shots he faced. LaFontaine made 32 saves in the loss. Bednar's shutout was the first in the post-season for the Walleye since 2022. Both teams played intense but well-disciplined hockey, and Toledo stole the Mavericks' home ice advantage in the series. This year marks the second consecutive meeting between these two teams in the Western Conference Finals, with the Mavericks taking last year's series 4-2. Game 2 of this series is Saturday at Cable Dahmer Arena, with puck drop set for 6:05 Pm CT.
Morocco World
05-05-2025
- Politics
- Morocco World
Diplomacy, Context, and Misperception
Moroccans are fond of sayings and proverbs. They refer to sayings and proverbs to make an argument and justify a choice. Often, they add a scent of sacredness to make the reasoning credible. Sidi Abderrahmane el-Majdoub (1506-1568), Ahmed Ibn Ajiba al-Hassani (1747-1809), and Mansour al-Hallaj (858-922) are the most referred to when Sufism is taken into consideration. Some Moroccans, more familiar with the history of classical Middle Eastern literature, most often quote Abu Muhammed A. Ibn al-Muqaffa (724-759), whom they compare to Jean de La Fontaine (1621-1695). In their understanding, twisting from one to the other is made when no argument is made. They fly over the eras and therefore fall into extrapolations and speculations. They don't take into account the context, although it is a fundamental rule in any self-respecting analysis. They close their eyes or ignore, for example, the tragic fate that Ibn al-Muqaffa suffered. He was mutilated, organ by organ, while tied to a tree to die a slow death. Each severed organ was thrown into a boiling vessel under a huge fire. This was his punishment for having a big mouth and underestimating the context of its time and despising Sofiane Ibn Maaouiya Ibn Yazid, governor of Basrah. The governor hated Ibn al-Muqaffa for being disrespectful to the ruling elite and for using pamphlet as a public nuisance. This was also true for La Fontaine's admirers. They placed him on a pedestal to plead their cases and to mock him when their opponents put him in the spotlight to taunt them. They ignore La Fontaine's redemption towards the end of his life when he asked forgiveness for the harm he would have caused through the Fables (1668, 1678, and 1694). The context is very important, without which, everything that is said and written, ignoring it, is not worth a candle. Well, the context is taken into account in this paper and it has a direct link with the issue of the Moroccan Sahara. Morocco was on the verge of suffering the fate of Ibn Al Muqaffa and the laughing stock of La Fontaine. Indeed, long before the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, the project of 'dividing' Morocco into separate entities was conceived, thought out and set in motion. Morocco is exposed and pushed towards a tree in the center (the Mediterranean, Africa and the Middle East) to be tied up in anticipation of the amputation of its essential organs. Morocco was then alone ( ( H. Hami: No Room for Dual-allegiance in Geopolitics, MWN; September 19, 2024). Let us proceed smoothly to emphasize the reading of the problematic of the context. This reading is associated with that of diplomacy, which is currently the subject of biased and unjustified attacks, particularly with regard to the issue of the Moroccan Sahara. When Masaad Boulos, special adviser to the US president for African and Middle Eastern affairs, made a far-fetched statement on the Al Arabiya channel on April 19, 2025, on the Sahara issue, Moroccan and Algerian commentators stepped up to the plate to make the reading they deemed relevant on the subject. On the Moroccan side, commentators, including respected academics, have gone to work quickly to make projections on Moroccan diplomacy. Most of them excel in making readings that are worth what they are worth in terms of hindsight and rigor. However, some analysts go even further. They therefore mix widely and mix eras. They show a flagrant ignorance of the context. They were quickly caught up in the element of surprise, the same one that plunged them into the rush to comment with no reservation as they are supposed to. Boulos amended his statement and confirmed, twenty-four hours later, that his words had been misinterpreted and that the United States clearly and unambiguously recognized Morocco's sovereignty over the Moroccan Sahara. Check mate for the detractors and the revengeful. In the wake of this, academics and experts in Maghreb affairs entered the fray and spoke of mistakes that Moroccan diplomacy had made since Morocco's independence in the management of the Moroccan Sahara issue. A statement as flat as it is ridiculous. Diplomacy is not a quiet river However, diplomacy is not rocket science. Foreign policy in general is not just the guiding principles that each country stands for. One could comment that everybody is aware of such an elementary fact. Indeed, diplomacy as a means to implement foreign policy has its secrets. It has, like all the professions in the world, its techniques, its rules, its dogmas, its men and women. What is it about? Suffice it to sit on a café terrace or stretch your legs when you're doing your ritual promenade park and somehow eavesdropping. You'd hear customers or walkers share all sorts of analyses and suppositions on domestic and international politics, all regions of the world combined. The Italian film 'We Loved Each Other So Much – C'eravamo tanto amati' by Ettore Scola, released in 1974, tells the story of three childhood friends played respectively by Nino Manfredi, a trade unionist, Stefano Satta Flores, an idealistic artist and Vittorio Gassman, a bourgeois. They meet to evoke their memories and, above all to assess their previous ideological choices. All three characters covet the friendship, beauty, and grace of Stefania Sandrelli, who represents for them the life they should have chosen. Beyond the aesthetic aspect, the film flies over a particularly troubled period in the history of Italy. It is ultimately characterized by an unnatural marriage between the Christian Democrat Party and the Lefts parties. Both were threatened by the far-left Marxist-Leninist militant group (the Red Brigades). Stefania represents Italy divided since the end of the Second World The three characters resume their normal lives. They are convinced that they cannot make concessions. Fifty years later, Italy finds itself in almost the same situation. We are faced with the same problem of context. Yet, politics and diplomacy consist of arrangements, agreements, alliances, and marriages that surprise neophytes and call into question the stereotypical readings of experts who are too full of their personalities and blinded by their aura à la carte. The context applies in the case of the establishment of the Arab-African Union (AAU) by Morocco and Libya in 1984. This happened as a retaliation to the alliance between Algeria, Tunisia and Mauritania, incepted as a result of their signing of the Treaty of Fraternity and Concord in 1983. The unnatural marriage between Morocco and Libya caused a lot of ink to flow. However, the approach of the late King Hassan II was justified by his concern to avoid being isolated as Algeria and Libya had wished a decade earlier. Morocco suffered the ire of the United States and some European countries, such as Spain and France, even though they were on good terms with Gaddafi. Fifty years later, informed observers are of the opinion that the Moroccan monarch played one of the most masterful moves of which he has been known to dislocate, from within, a quadripartite alliance in perspective that would sound the death knell of Morocco's Sahara cause. Diplomacy is driven by decision-making that combines realism, adaptation and flexibility. It depends on the balance of power and the opportunities offered. However, sometimes goodwill is exploited by adversaries. This is the case with the supposedly secret 1981 meeting between Foreign Minister M'hamed Boucetta (1977-1983), his Algerian counterpart, and a representative of the Polisario separatist movement. The meeting was secretly filmed by Algerian intelligence and leaked to exert pressure on Morocco and promote the narrative of direct negotiations and the referendum option, leading to the creation of an artificial entity in the Sahara territory. Diplomacy is also about dirty tricks, insipid staging, and volte-faces. On the question of the Sahara, foreign observers are spoiled for choice. For my part, I stick to what I would call knowingly connivance and ignorance connivance. Critics ignore the fact that Morocco, in the midst of negotiations on its independence, has insisted on the need to complete its territorial integrity. The declarations of independence in 1956 with France and Spain were made in this spirit. Morocco's intention was confirmed by the late King Mohammed V in the speech of Mhamid El-Ghizlane in February 1958. Critics also ignore the fact that Morocco was the first to bring the issue of its territorial integrity before the United Nations General Assembly in 1960, well before Algeria's independence and a few months after Mauritania's. The latter was to enter the scene in 1962 and 1963 to request that the Sahara be part only of Mauritania and Mauritania alone. It did so in collusion with Spain and, later, with Algeria. To my knowledge, few critics have made an objective parallel between the domestic situation and the foreign policy of the parties to the Sahara issue, Morocco, Mauritania, Spain and Algeria. In the chain of established parallelism, there is a link that stands out like a sword of Damocles and that targets, in the first place, Morocco. If, in the public transcript they convey, the commentators-analysts proclaim their support for Morocco's territorial integrity, they do not refrain, in a half-word, from criticizing the way whereby diplomacy has tackled the issue. However, in the hidden script, they unconsciously side with Morocco's opponents' allegations that the Sahara issue is a matter of the regime and not of the people. This narrative was adopted between 1970 and 1982; which relatively weakened Morocco until 1989. What about the sacred alliance between Spain, Algeria, and Mauritania from 1963 to 1975? And why not have a positive view of the behavior of Moroccan diplomacy which has made it possible to extract Mauritania from the influence of Madrid and Algiers? And why not consider that the Sahara issue was, in reality, a positive factor that put in place the conditions for democratic opening and the commitment to alternation of power? The answers would be as contradictory as they are far from integrating each question into its real context. Among the detractors of Moroccan diplomacy from 1960 to 2025, there are those whose mindset is full of ideological prejudices and who have been associated, at varying levels, with the Moroccan decision-making system. 'Hell is the others,' says Jean-Paul Sartre in Huis clos (1944-1947). Hell is also this dichotomous perception, bordering on schizophrenia, which classifies international conflicts according to the mood and interests of the time being. However, international conflicts are above all a stock in trade. For seventy years, the Palestinian issue has been used in this sense, supplanting all other conflicts relating to borders, social choice and ideological differences within the Arab periphery. In reality, the Arab governments and regimes have been using the Palestinian case as a pretext to neutralize each other and pretend to be right all along the line Existential Vacuum For the past five years, some misguided minds have been trying to draw a parallel between the Palestinian question and the Moroccan Sahara. Among Morocco's opponents, Algeria is the gold medal in this type of narrative. There is a desire on the part of Algerian decision-makers to have hegemonic ascendancy over the Maghreb and the Sahel-Saharan region. In Morocco, certain movements, fortunately very much in the minority, prefer transnational alliances and relegate national preferences in terms of geopolitical interpretation to second place. The first category, Algeria topping the list, belatedly realized that it had only been a guinea pig in the global geopolitical equation. It had to invent another narrative and stay in the race. For the second category, the choice between Ibn Rochd, Al-Ghazali, Ibn Taymiyyah, Marx, Trotsky, Franz Fanon or Spinoza placed the actors concerned in a position of hallucinatory self-neutralization. They have been shaken so much that they expressed their position in terms of an existential vacancy. That is to say, these movements, all trends included, are eyeing a vacant chair (an undeniable legitimation), but are skeptical about the procedure to follow to access and take over it. There is a kind of clash between the desired legitimacy and the existential brakes. There is a third category that mixes ingredients from the first and second categories. It is composed of those who have only a shallow knowledge of the political and diplomatic history of Morocco. They have no basic clue about their country's monarchical foundation that, despite certain periods of instability, has made it possible to save it. Sept dynasties : les Idrissides (789-978), les Almoravides (1060-1147), les Almohades (1145-1248), les Mérinides (1244-1465), les Wattassides (1472-1554), les Saadiens (1554-1659) et les Alaouites (1666-présent) n'auraient pas survécu s'il n'y avait pas eu une lecture judicieuse des circonstances particulières à chaque époque. Seven dynasties: the Idrisids (789-978), the Almoravids (1060-1147), the Almohads (1145-1248), the Merinids (1244-1465), the Wattassids (1472-1554), the Saadians (1554-1659) and the Alawites (1666-present) would not have survived if there had not been a judicious reading of the particular circumstances and the geopolitics of each era. The issue of the Moroccan Sahara, like those of all matters related to the authentic borders of the country, has been managed since 1956 with the same spirit of foresight and tact that takes into account the opportunities offered. Always the context to take into consideration if one doesn't want to fall into the easy way and the mixing of the wind. The context is also how events between 1981 and 1982 were handled. Morocco proposed the organization of a referendum on self-determination at the summit of the Organization of African Unity in Nairobi in 1981. Taken by surprise, Algeria nevertheless succeeded in getting the pseudo-Sadr admitted in 1982. The policy of creating a divided North-Africa was revived with the creation of the Algeria-Tunisia and Mauritania axis in 1983 and the Morocco and Libya axis in 1984. Morocco left the OAU in 1984 and only returned under its new name, the African Union, in 2017. Analysts in the Arab periphery are taking admiring and critical positions on Russian President Vladimir Putin's discourse on Russia's viability and resistance to the policies implemented by the West to weaken his country. They do not take a step back to understand the context in which Mikhail Gorbachev reluctantly accepted the erosion of the USSR. These analysts understand even less Putin's Munich speech at the 2007 European Security Conference. They remain silent in observing the way in which Russia intervened in Syria in 2012 and withdrew in 2025 by sacrificing the Assad regime. Well, it is clear that the regional conflict over the Sahara is on the way to its resolution, with all due respect to detractors inside and outside. The only appropriate framework is the autonomy plan Morocco proposed in 2007. The main party to the conflict is Algeria. It must sit down at the negotiating table and assert its demands. Algeria will have to do so by agreeing to put everything on the table, starting with a clear understanding of the provisions of the border agreement signed in 1972, acknowledging its responsibility in the 1963 Sand War, and repairing the harm caused to thousands of Moroccans expelled from Algeria in 1975. All this should be part of a clear vision designed to protect the Maghreb from hegemonic greed from the Middle East and the Middle East. That wouldn't be too much to ask. A final warning: time is running out. If some Algerian decision-makers – and the few foreign supporters they have left – playing it smarty, had in mind to imply that they would (theoretically) agree to negotiate on the basis of the autonomy proposal and to drown it (in fact) in endless demands, they would be mistaken. Because Morocco continues to build the country by consolidating local democracy. This requires the implementation of advanced regionalization, which has started on a speedy paces lately. The southern provinces are included in the process. Knowingly connivance and ignorant connivance Mistakes of Moroccan diplomacy, some like to shout it loud? What a conclusion drawn by the horses! The mistakes, on the contrary, are to believe: One, that Moroccan diplomats, especially those in charge of the Sahara issue, are broken arms and that the paradigms built far from the ground would reflect reality. Two, Moroccan diplomats enjoy their lives doing nothing to help their country. They would be dressed to the nines. It is almost like accusing them of lacking patriotism in comparison with the other servants of the Moroccan state. Third, that the Sahara issue would be a question of the regime and that transnational alliances would take precedence over national solidarity. Fourth, that the ongoing process for the resolution of the conflict is smoke and mirrors and that the United States and other international powers are playing with the naivety of Moroccan decision-makers. Fifth, not seizing the opportunities offered would be fatal for the unity and stability of Morocco. Six: When opportunities arise, you have to go for it. One must not make the mistakes certain Arab regimes made on the Palestinian question in the aftermath of the Camp David Accords in 1978. Nor pitying themselves on the democratic transitions setback during the years 1990-2000. Mistakes Moroccan diplomacy might have recorded? What a categorical and unjust judgment! The Moroccan diplomats in charge of the territorial integrity portfolio would have liked to see today's detractors sitting in their places at times when everyone was bequeathed against Morocco. One: in 1961, when Spain claimed that the Moroccan sultans had given up the sovereignty of their country by concluding treaties with foreign powers, including Spain (1767 and 1912) and France (1912) at the bilateral and multilateral levels (1906). Two: also in 1961, when Spain claimed that Morocco had not raised reservations on the question of the colonized territories on the occasion of the joint communiqué recognising its independence in 1956. Three: in 1963, when all the Arab and African countries took the side of Algeria on the occasion of the War of the Sands for which Morocco was not responsible. Four: 1966, when Algeria declared itself a party to the Sahara conflict and made common cause with Spain and Mauritania to torpedo the association between the Sahara issue and the handover of the city of Sidi Ifni. Five: in 1974, when Spain was on the verge of winning its bet to organize a formal referendum for the creation of a phantom entity. And later, to keep its control over the territory that it would indirectly bequeath to Algeria eager to have access to the Atlantic. This was in accordance with the arrangements sealed in 1966, the date Spain held a mini-referendum that few observers are aware of. Six: still in 1974, when Morocco almost saw its request to bring the Sahara issue before the International Court of Justice rejected by the United Nations General Assembly. If it had not been for the good reaction of the Moroccan Minister of Foreign Affairs to the proposal of his Mauritanian counterpart on sharing the territory to gain time, Spain would have definitively buried Morocco's hopes. Seven: 1979, when Mauritania withdrew from Terris algharbiya (Oued Eddahab) by signing, under pressure from Algeria, an agreement with the Polisario. Morocco's military action had to be supported by a large-scale diplomatic campaign. Eight: 1980-1988, when Morocco tried by all means to bring Algeria back to a better disposition and to convince its mentors of its good faith. This period paved the way for the establishment of the Arab Maghreb Union in 1989. Moroccan diplomats were dispatched to the four corners of the planet to explain Morocco's commitment and firmness with regard to its southern provinces. Naivety? Let's talk about it. It is this presumed naivety (let's say good faith) that allowed the late King Mohammed V to neutralize detractors inside and outside the country; those who were in cahoots with foreign countries for political, ideological and strategic purposes. A thoughtful management of the issue of territorial integrity with France and Spain at a time when the latter's objective was regime change. It is the same naivety-good faith that allowed the late King Hassan II to control the internal political chessboard and to negotiate stability with foreign powers without losing out. At the same time, he knew how to tame the fury of Houari Boumediene who was unaware that he had been used by France for projects that the former power had not been able to complete before the independence of the African countries. The same naivety-good faith helped the late King Hassan II to soak the other Maghreb leaders in their own elixir of bad faith: failure of the axis policy, creation of the UMA, non-interference in the Algerian civil war and acceleration of the intra-national democratic process to make detractors doubt inside and outside. It is the same approach that King Mohammed VI adopts: an outstretched hand and a firmness that is unfailing. Political and diplomatic openness materialized by bold concrete actions aimed at the intranational, Maghreb, Arab, and African political chessboards. This coherent approach was reflected in visits to Algeria, Tunisia, and some thirty sub-Saharan African and Middle Eastern countries Among the most salient visits are those that helped to bring some countries out of the isolation imposed by their neighbours, intra-national insecurity, and the economic and security embargo. This was the case in Tunisia in 2014, in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks that paralyzed the country and dealt a heavy blow to the tourism sector, which is one of the most important sources of the Tunisian economy. This was also the case for Qatar in 2017, the day after the embargo was imposed on the country by three members of the Gulf Cooperation Council in addition to Egypt. Unless they are acting in bad faith, commentators have nothing to complain about. Cynicism has no place in politics, and even less so in diplomacy. Nass El Ghiwane, whose music fascinated the American director, Martin Scorsese, to the point that he used their song Ya Sah (My Buddy) in his movie 'The Last Temptation of Christ' released in 1988, have a favorite song whose first line says: اللي ڣَالْ لَعْصيدَة بَارْدَة يِديرْ يِدُّو فِيها. It can be poetically translated as 'Whoever claims that the broth is not hot, let him put his hand to it'. Another saying dear to Nass El Ghiwane calls for reason and determination instead of sacrificing to lamentations and denigrations without appropriate hindsight. The saying goes: والله ما قَفِّلْنَا لَفَوِّرْنَا which can be roughly translated as 'Unless you close the lid of the couscous maker, there is no couscous in the finesse of the gastronomic art.' And then the sayings and proverbs of Ibn al-Muqaffa and La Fontaine risk seeing the morality they imply applied to a certain sprinkler who is about to be watered. Moreover, like all rivers, the river of diplomacy is never quiet. At a time when the Sahara issue is nearing its epilogue, it should be recalled that the argument that Algeria had put forward in 1966, distinguishing between the Rguibat of the Sahel (Mauritania) and the Rguibat of the East (Tindouf), is likely to cost it dearly. Indeed, already in 1959, when Algeria was still a French department, a significant fraction within the French army proposed a plan for the establishment of ' a Sahrawi state ' in Tindouf, the main component of which would be the Rguibat of the East. A Moroccan saying fits in this respect. It says : اللِّي دَارْهَا بِيِدِّيهْ يِفُكْها بِسِنِّيه. 'Whoever causes a disaster must take responsibility for it.' History is not amnesiac. Archives may well be affected by humidity, but they cannot hide the truth indefinitely. Let's say conclude that some Algerian decision-makers who are running the business can run, but they can't hide. Moreover, time is running out among those who have their say to end the charade and do nothing. Tags: Africa diplomacyMoroccan Diplomacy
Yahoo
18-03-2025
- Automotive
- Yahoo
LaFontaine Auto Group plans new Mitsubishi dealerships in Lansing, Ann Arbor
LANSING — New Mitsubishi Motors dealerships are expected to come to the Lansing and Ann Arbor areas in the next year, according to a statement from the manufacturer. The Lansing location would be at 5103 S. Cedar, and would add to the existing LaFontaine Ford dealership there now, according to Chandler Horning, a Mitsubishi spokesperson. The new dealerships would be LaFontaine Mitsubishi locations, part of the auto chain, which operates 58 auto franchises in 42 locations, all in Michigan, according to the company's statement. The dealership plans to open the Lansing and Ann Arbor stores, "with the intention to open additional facilities across the state by mid 2026," according to the statement. The statement does not give more specific timing information. LaFontaine operates Ford, Chrysler and Buick dealerships in Lansing, along with a collision center. "We are thrilled to join Mitsubishi at such a pivotal time in its rebirth across the United States," Ryan LaFontaine, CEO of LaFontaine Automotive Group, said in a statement. "The opening of our Ann Arbor and Lansing locations mark the beginning of an exciting journey, with more locations to follow as we grow alongside the brand. Mitsubishi Motors fills an important gap in our portfolio." Mitsubishi Motors North America operates around 330 dealers in the United States and has recently come out with a five-year business plan called Momentum 2030, which includes blueprints for new dealerships like the ones planned for Lansing and Ann Arbor. The auto company is headquartered in Tennessee and has operations in California, Georgia, Michigan and New Jersey. It's Mitsubishi Motors R&D of America, Inc. is headquartered in Ann Arbor. Contact Mike Ellis at mellis@ or 517-267-0415. This article originally appeared on Lansing State Journal: LaFontaine plans new Mitsubishi dealerships in Lansing, Ann Arbor
Yahoo
18-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Florida bill would increase penalties for fleeing, eluding police
TAMPA, Fla. (WFLA) — Florida lawmakers want to increase penalties for those who try to get away from law enforcement. On Saturday, the Florida Highway Patrol chased a man in South Tampa, who authorities say stole an ambulance. They also said he'd been drinking. 'Our food is literally killing us': FL lawmakers propose warning labels for certain foods In January, 8 On Your Side sat down with Dan LaFontaine and his son, who had just been in a car wreck. LaFontaine had just picked up his son from school when a man running from police in a stolen car crashed into them and another car. 'We're all very fortunate — even the driver, even the perpetrator is lucky to be alive. Because it was carnage; it was total destruction. I've never seen anything like that,' LaFontaine said. 'You have innocent bystanders like myself who were just coming from picking up my son from school and had no idea what was about to take place.' House Bill 113 would address people fleeing or attempting to elude police. Representative Ryan Chamberlin, who proposed the bill, had his office answer questions over email. 'This legislation raises the scoring so that a second offense is mandatory jail time, when it comes to the high-speed chase aspect specifically,' they said. 'House Bill 113's intended goal is to deter and reduce the amount of individual's fleeing from law enforcement officers, which will ultimately save lives.' Pursuit Safety, a group working to prevent tragedies of police pursuits, said the bill needs to add the balance of public safety. 'We always need to keep in mind not only the safety of the public in general, but the person that we're chasing,' said Thomas Gleason, Pursuit Safety Advisory Board Member. 'If it's not a forceable felony. If it's not a gun involved. If it's not a rape, robbery, or an abduction of a child or something along those lines, Pursuit Safety feels like it doesn't rank the risk that comes from that pursuit.' LaFontaine said police have a tough job, and said he understands how chases are always a risk. But he would like to see this bill become law. 'I'd say I'm totally for it,' LaFontaine said. 'If there were more severe charges it would cut down police chases.' If passed, the law would go into effect Oct. 1, 2025. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
