Latest news with #LaPaz
Vogue
5 hours ago
- Entertainment
- Vogue
Project Runway Is Back—Can It Finally Produce a New Fashion Star?
When Project Runway first aired it became a global phenomenon. I would know—I sat in front of my TV back in my hometown of La Paz, Bolivia, and tuned in to every episode. I can still remember the names of my favorite contestants, and can still recall the promise of fashion superstardom that was outlined with the prize rewards at the beginning of each episode: a magazine spread, a show at the tents at Bryant Park during New York Fashion Week—the opportunity to become the next It-designer, the next, say, Michael Kors, who was the show's star judge. This was a different time. In 2004, when the show first aired, the ins-and-outs of a career in fashion had not yet been put into focus by movies like The Devil Wears Prada (2006) or TV shows such Ugly Betty (2006). Yes, Tim Blanks and Elsa Klensch had their respective TV shows, and yes, House of Style helped Todd Oldham and Cindy Crawford become household names. But what it would take to be part of fashion itself, that only came with the arrival of Project Runway. My friends and I still refer to Nina Garcia, now the editor-in-chief of Elle, as the 'fashion director of Elle magazine,' the way Heidi Klum used to introduce her every episode. And now that we all work in fashion, we like to quote Klum: 'some days you're in, and the next day you're out,' emulating her Teutonic delivery. We remember Kors's quips and his savage reads. But as inescapable as Project Runway is in the context of pop culture and reality television, its impact on fashion is more nebulous. Sure, Project Runway encouraged a generation of would-be fashionistas to pursue their dreams, not by showing them it was easy, but by revealing the exact opposite—this is what it takes, do you have it? Yet the show itself, 20 seasons in and with countless international adaptations, has only created one bonafide fashion star. Christian Siriano, who occupies the role of mentor on the rebooted show, is the most well-known and prolific designer to come out of Project Runway since winning its fourth season in 2007. Siriano shows on the official New York Fashion Week schedule, dresses the likes of Jennifer Lopez and Ariana Grande, and has stores in Manhattan and Westport, Connecticut. Many of the other names I remember from those early seasons have simply, unfortunately, fallen off.
France 24
15 hours ago
- Business
- France 24
Bolivia right-wing presidential hopeful vows 'radical change'
Quiroga, who briefly served as president from 2001 to 2002, is running a close second behind center-right business magnate Samuel Doria Medina in polls for the first round of the election on August 17. The ruling Movement towards Socialism (MAS), founded by three-term ex-president Evo Morales, is shown at rock bottom, with voters poised to punish the party over its handling of the worst crisis in two decades. Basics like fuel and food items are in short supply in the Andean nation, which is running out of the dollars it needs to import essentials. After a rally with supporters in the administrative capital La Paz, Quiroga, 65, said Bolivians faced a period of "radical change (to) regain 20 lost years" -- a reference to the Morales era (2006-2019) and that of his successor, Luis Arce (in power since 2020). Referring to MAS, which was credited with lifting many Bolivians out of poverty during a commodities boom in the 2000s, he declared: "Its cycle is over, its time is up." Quiroga, Doria Medina and even the main left-wing candidate, Andronico Rodriguez, who is polling in third, have all prescribed varying degrees of austerity to turn around Bolivia's finances. Quiroga, a supporter of libertarian Argentine President Javier Milei, has advocated the deepest spending cuts. Year-on-year inflation rose to 25.8 percent in July, the highest level since 2008, driven by a shortage of dollars, which has nearly doubled in value against the local boliviano in a year. Quiroga, a US-educated former finance minister who served as vice president under dictator Hugo Banzer in the 1990s, said if elected he would "change all the laws" to attract investment, including in the energy sector which Morales nationalized in the 2000s. He also vowed a change in international alliances, breaking from Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua -- close allies of the Morales and Arce administrations.
Reuters
a day ago
- Politics
- Reuters
Bolivia's socialists lose support of the Aymara, once their base
LA PAZ, Aug 7 (Reuters) - The rise in power and influence of the Indigenous Aymara in Bolivia has been the country's biggest political shift of recent decades, driven by the success of former President Evo Morales and the leftist party he founded. But as Bolivia prepares for a general election on August 17, it seems increasingly clear that Indigenous voters are abandoning the ruling Movement to Socialism, or MAS, the party that once claimed to champion them. Voters from inner-city Aymara and Quechua communities say their loyalty to MAS has been eroded over the country's worst economic crisis in decades, and younger Bolivians in particular say questions of identity now loom less important. "Most Indigenous people are having to deal with how to earn money," said Sayuri Loza, an Aymara social media influencer and daughter of Remedios Loza, the first Indigenous woman elected to Bolivia's national legislature. "The need for economic stability, for education, for healthcare — none of those are being met," said the 42-year-old, who does not plan to cast her vote for MAS. Bolivia has the highest Indigenous population proportionally of any country in Latin America, at about 62%, according to the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean. Made up of diverse ethnic groups, the largest are Aymara and Quechua, long the backbone of MAS, which has dominated the country's politics for nearly two decades. Now support for leftist and MAS-affiliated candidates is trailing the right-wing opposition. A July survey by Ipsos CIESMORI showed Andronico Rodriguez, the leading leftist contender, with just 6% support in July, from 19% earlier this year. Another candidate of Aymara heritage, Eva Copa, stood down from the race last week. Such is the rout that the official MAS candidate is polling around 2%, while Rodriguez has distanced himself from the party. President Luis Arce is not seeking reelection. Nearly half of the electorate is under 35 - a generation that has known no political era other than that shaped by Morales, Bolivia's first Indigenous leader, and Arce, his successor. Younger voters like Lirio Fuertes, 29, who runs a fashion brand and teaches the Quechua language on TikTok, said the party's promises fell short. "Indigenous identity was paraded in speeches, flags, and festivals," said Fuertes, who on social media goes by T'ikita Wara, meaning little flower in Quechua. "But it never translated into better healthcare, education, or justice." Loza, a historian who promotes Indigenous traditions on social media, also said public services and financial stability rather than her identity were the key drivers of her vote. Bolivia's emerging middle class, much of it Indigenous, has moved beyond identity politics, and the younger generation spanned diverse professions, said Bolivian sociologist Renzo Abruzzese. "Bolivia's social structure has transformed," he said. The 2006 election of Morales was a historic moment for a nation where Indigenous groups for centuries had felt like second-class citizens. They were forbidden, until the mid-1950s, from entering the square outside the presidential palace. Serfdom was only abolished in 1945. Before his first inauguration, Morales received the chieftain's staff at the pre-Inca site of Tiwanaku, pledging to grant rights to the Amerindian majority. "Today begins a new era for the native peoples of the world," Morales said at the time, surrounded by Indigenous activists who had traveled from as far as the United States. Tensions first emerged with some Indigenous groups in 2011, when Morales wanted to build a highway through Indigenous territory in the Bolivian Amazon. Protests broke out and relations between MAS and those groups suffered. Morales, who served three terms until 2019, is barred from running after a failed attempt to change the constitution to allow a fourth term. He is now in hiding in the coca-growing region of the Chapare, after a court in December issued a warrant for his arrest on child abuse and terrorism charges. The former president denies the allegations. Instead of standing for hope, Morales is now associated with disillusionment, Fuertes said. "Sadly, Evo Morales and this radicalized group that refuses to relinquish power have caused the Indigenous movement to be associated with anti-democracy, with corruption and abuse," she said. MAS did not respond to a Reuters request for comment. The official MAS candidate, Eduardo del Castillo, said last month that the problems in Arce's administration had been "identified." "There are people who believe in us and trust us," he told EFE in an interview last month. This election comes as Bolivia faces its worst economic crisis since the mid-1980s. Natural gas exports have plummeted, inflation is at a 40-year high, and dollars are scarce. The boliviano currency has lost half of its value on the black market this year, even as the official exchange rate has been held artificially steady by government intervention. Urban, business-minded Indigenous voters were questioning the relevance of MAS, and many blamed the ruling party's spend-to-grow model for the downturn, said Quechua political analyst, Andres Gomez. "The 'wallet vote' is starting to outweigh the identity vote," said Gomez. It was still unclear, he said, how that would manifest on election day. Polls show conservative contenders Samuel Doria Medina and Jorge "Tuto" Quiroga leading the race, but neither commands more than 30% support, while around a third of Bolivians remain undecided. If no candidate wins the August vote outright the election will head to a runoff scheduled for October 19. Some Indigenous voters who are passing over MAS were also skeptical of the alternatives. "The right doesn't understand Indigenous Bolivia either," Loza said.
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
CleanTech Acquires Rights to El Triunfo Gold-Antimony Project in Bolivia from Silver Elephant
Vancouver, British Columbia--(Newsfile Corp. - August 6, 2025) - Silver Elephant Mining Corp. (TSX: ELEF) (OTCQB: SILEF) (FSE: 1P2) ("Silver Elephant") and CleanTech Vanadium Mining Corp. (TSXV: CTV) (OTCQB: CTVFF) (FSE: C9R) ("CleanTech") are pleased to announce that, further to their joint press release dated April 8, 2025, they have closed the Transaction (as defined below) whereby CleanTech was assigned an option to purchase the El Triunfo Gold and Antimony Project (the "Triunfo Project") located in the Bolivian department of La Paz, about 75km to the east of Bolivia's capital city of La Paz and spans an area of approximately 256 hectares. On April 8, 2025, Silver Elephant and CleanTech entered into an option assignment agreement pursuant to which Silver Elephant assigned its rights in and to an option agreement dated July 10, 2020, pursuant to which, Silver Elephant has the right, through a wholly owned subsidiary of Silver Elephant, to acquire 100% of the equity interests in the capital of Mururata S.R.L., a commercial society existing pursuant to the laws of Bolivia that owns certain Bolivian mining rights that comprise the Triunfo Project, to CleanTech in consideration for the payment of CAD 155,000 in cash (the "Transaction"). Oracle Commodity Holding Corp. ("Oracle") is a control person of CleanTech, holding 42,799,502 common shares of CleanTech. Silver Elephant is a control person of Oracle, holding 28,793,110 common shares of Oracle. As such, CleanTech and Silver Elephant are related parties to each other within the meaning of Multilateral Instrument 61-101 - Protection of Minority Security Holders in Special Transactions ("MI 61-101"). CleanTech will rely on the exemptions from the formal valuation and minority approval requirements of MI 61-10 (and Policy 5.9 of the TSX Venture Exchange) as the fair market value of the consideration paid for the Transaction does not exceed 25% of CleanTech's market capitalization (using a listed share price of $0.045 as of market close on August 5, 2025, and an listed share out of 143,376,716, the market capitalization of CleanTech on August 5, 2025, is approximately $6,451,952). About Silver Elephant Mining Corp. Silver Elephant is a mineral exploration company with precious metal projects in Bolivia. Further information on Silver Elephant can be found at About CleanTech Vanadium Mining Corp. CleanTech is an exploration-stage mining company focused on critical mineral resources in the USA. CleanTech owns a 100% interest in the Gibellini Vanadium Mine Project in Nevada and an option to acquire a 100% interest in the Campbell Crotser Fluorspar Project in Kentucky. Further information on CleanTech can be found at SILVER ELEPHANT MINING CORP. ON BEHALF OF THE BOARD "John Lee"CEO and Executive Chairman For more information about Silver Elephant, please contact Investor Relations: Phone: 1.604.569.3661 ext. 101info@ CLEANTECH VANADIUM MINING CORP. ON BEHALF OF THE BOARD "Masateru Igata"Director For more information about CleanTech, please contact: Phone: 1.877.664.2535info@ Neither the TSX Venture Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in the policies of the TSX Venture Exchange) accepts responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this release. Forward-Looking Statements and Cautionary Disclaimers References to $ herein refer to the lawful currency of Canada. This news release is not an offer to sell or the solicitation of an offer to buy any securities in any jurisdiction, nor shall there be any sale of securities in any jurisdiction in which such offer, solicitation or sale would be unlawful. This news release contains certain "forward-looking statements" and "forward-looking information" under applicable Canadian and United States securities laws. Forward-looking statements and forward-looking information include, but are not limited to, statements with respect to the Transaction. Except for statements of historical fact relating to each of Silver Elephant and CleanTech, certain information contained herein constitutes forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements are frequently characterized by words such as "anticipates," "may," "can," "plans," "believes," "estimates," "expects," "projects," "targets," "intends," "likely," "will," "should," "to be", "potential" and other similar words, or statements that certain events or conditions "may", "should" or "will" occur. Although each of Silver Elephant and CleanTech has attempted to identify important factors that could cause actual actions, events or results to differ materially from those described in forward-looking statements, there may be other factors that cause actions, events or results not to be anticipated, estimated or intended. There can be no assurance that forward-looking statements will prove to be accurate, as actual results and future events could differ materially from those anticipated in such statements. Neither Silver Elephant nor CleanTech undertakes any obligation to publicly update or revise any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise except as required by applicable securities laws. The reader is cautioned not to place undue reliance on forward-looking statements. Statements concerning mineral reserve and resource estimates may also be deemed to constitute forward-looking statements to the extent they involve estimates of the mineralization that will be encountered as the property is developed. Further, each of Silver Elephant and CleanTech may make changes to its business plans that could affect results. To view the source version of this press release, please visit
The Independent
2 days ago
- General
- The Independent
Burnt offerings, whispering to mountains: Inside Bolivians' rituals for Mother Earth
Neyza Hurtado was 3 years old when she was struck by lightning. Forty years later, sitting next to a bonfire on a 13,700-foot (4,175-meter) mountain, her scarred forehead makes her proud. 'I am the lightning,' she said. 'When it hit me, I became wise and a seer. That's what we masters are.' Hundreds of people in Bolivia hire Andean spiritual guides like Hurtado to perform rituals every August, the month of 'Pachamama,' or Mother Earth, according to the worldview of the Aymara, an Indigenous people of the region. Pachamama's devotees believe that she awakens hungry and thirsty after the dry season. To honor her and express gratitude for her blessings, they make offerings at home, in their crop fields and on the peaks of Bolivian mountains. 'We come here every August to follow in the footsteps of our elders,' said Santos Monasterios, who hired Hurtado for a Pachamama ritual on a site called La Cumbre, about 8 miles (13 kilometers) from the capital city of La Paz. 'We ask for good health and work.' Honoring Mother Earth Offerings made to Pachamama are known as 'mesitas' (or 'little tables'). Depending on each family's wishes, masters like Hurtado prepare one mesita per family or per person. Mesitas are made of wooden logs. On top of them, each master places sweets, grains, coca leaves and small objects representing wealth, protection and good health. Occasionally, llama or piglet fetuses are also offered. Once the mesita is ready, the spiritual guide sets it on fire and devotees douse their offerings with wine or beer, to quench Pachamama's thirst. 'When you make this ritual, you feel relieved,' Monasterios said. 'I believe in this, so I will keep sharing a drink with Pachamama.' It can take up to three hours for a mesita to burn. Once the offerings have turned to ash, the devotees gather and solemnly bury the remains to become one with Mother Earth. Why Bolivians make offerings to Pachamama Carla Chumacero, who travelled to La Cumbre last week with her parents and a sister, requested four mesitas from her longtime spiritual guide. 'Mother Earth demands this from us, so we provide,' the 28-year-old said. According to Chumacero, how they become aware of Pachamama's needs is hard to explain. 'We just know it; it's a feeling,' she said. 'Many people go through a lot — accidents, trouble within families — and that's when we realize that we need to present her with something, because she has given us so much and she can take it back.' María Ceballos, 34, did not inherit her devotion from her family, but from co-workers at the gold mine where she earns a living. 'We make offerings because our work is risky,' Ceballos said. 'We use heavy machinery and we travel often, so we entrust ourselves to Pachamama.' A ritual rooted in time and climate The exact origin of the Pachamama rituals is difficult to determine, but according to Bolivian anthropologist Milton Eyzaguirre, they are an ancestral tradition dating back to 6,000 B.C. As the first South American settlers came into the region, they faced soil and climate conditions that differed from those in the northernmost parts of the planet, where winter begins in December. In Bolivia, as in other Southern Hemisphere countries, winter runs from June to September. 'Here, the cold weather is rather dry,' Eyzaguirre said. 'Based on that, there is a particular behavior in relation to Pachamama.' Mother Earth is believed to be asleep throughout August. Her devotees wish for her to regain her strength and bolster their sowing, which usually begins in October and November. A few months later, when the crops are harvested in February, further rituals are performed. 'These dates are key because it's when the relationship between humans and Pachamama is reactivated,' Eyzaguirre said. 'Elsewhere it might be believed that the land is a consumer good,' he added. 'But here there's an equilibrium: You have to treat Pachamama because she will provide for you.' Bolivians' connection to their land August rituals honor not only Pachamama, but also the mountains or 'apus,' considered protective spirits for the Aymara and Quechua people. 'Under the Andean perspective, all elements of nature have a soul,' Eyzaguirre said. 'We call that 'Ajayu,' which means they have a spiritual component.' For many Bolivians, wind, fire, and water are considered spirits, and the apus are perceived as ancestors. This is why many cemeteries are located in the highlands and why Pachamama rituals are performed at sites like La Cumbre. 'The apus protect us and keep an eye on us,' said Rosendo Choque, who has been a spiritual guide or 'yatiri' for 40 years. He, like Hurtado, said that only a few select people can do they job. Before becoming masters, it is essential that they acquire special skills and ask Pachamama's permission to perform rituals in her honor. 'I acquired my knowledge little by little,' Choque said. 'But I now have the permission to do this job and coca leaves speak to me.' Hurtado said she mostly inherited her knowledge from her grandmother, who was also a yatiri and witnessed how she survived the lightning strike. 'For me, she is the holiest person, the one who made me what I am,' Hurtado said. She said she finds comfort in helping her clients secure a good future, but her close relationship with Pachamama brings her the deepest joy. 'We respect her because she is Mother Earth,' Hurtado said. 'We live in her.' ____ Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP's collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.
