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Boston Globe
7 days ago
- Politics
- Boston Globe
Trump vs. Massachusetts: How one state represents everything the president despises
Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up Massachusetts may be uniquely positioned to suffer in President Trump's second term. And not just because the president has slashed Advertisement Our economy is deeply reliant on elite colleges, elite hospitals, and the elite minds who come here from around the world. In Massachusetts — like it or not — we have built an economy on expertise, excellence, and education. Advertisement In the early 2000s, after graduating from high school outside of Chicago, Wu was drawn — like so many others — to the educational opportunities here. Her parents 'didn't know too much about America' when they arrived in the 1980s from Taiwan. She says that they, 'like so many, held such a reverence for the institutions that in some ways symbolized the American dream for them. Harvard was one of them.' Now, the magnets that have attracted talent to Massachusetts have become liabilities. ' Boston is at the center of many of the most targeted industries and communities,' Wu says. 'And so we're feeling it very much — very urgently.' The mayor notes that the city is 'trying to plan for unpredictability. And so our city budget this year includes preparations for worst-case scenarios.' Although Boston's financial foundation is 'quite strong,' Wu says, 'we need to be prepared for immediate, significant impacts to federal funding or larger macroeconomic impacts.' We're living, she says, under 'a cloud of chaos.' In epic tales, heroes and villains often have a lot in common — even if they can't initially see it. Think Luke Skywalker and Darth Vader. Or King Arthur and his son — and mortal enemy — Mordred. For the Trump administration, the ultimate foe just might be liberal elites. These are the folks, conservatives argue, who brought you 'Latinx,' pronouns in email signatures, and unruly campus protests. They supported lengthy COVID shutdowns and set up diversity, equity, and inclusion offices. Advertisement Of course, those lamenting the consequences of elitism are often products of elite institutions themselves, from Trump (a graduate of the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania) to Elon Musk (also a Penn graduate) to Fox News host Laura Ingraham (a Dartmouth alum). And the president tends to embrace the trappings of the upper, upper crust. He makes executives pledge fealty at his ornate, 62,000-square-foot Mar-a-Lago estate. He has drenched the Oval Office in gold. And just after the stock-market-wrecking 'liberation day,' he spent the weekend playing that most elite of activities: golf. In such a war — elite vs. elite — there's one obvious place to pitch the tents: a state where academia shapes the skyline and the job market. A place where legions of PhDs pore over texts, try to understand diseases, and build next-generation robots. A place where both identity and money are tied to the embrace of education. Donald Trump with his father, Fred, after he graduated from Wharton in May 1968. Globe archives Not only is Massachusetts home to more than 100 colleges and universities, it also boasts the highest percentage of college graduates of any state in the nation. Educated liberals are certainly not a majority in America, but they feel ubiquitous in Massachusetts. Without academia, this would be a profoundly different state. Which isn't necessarily that impressive to Trump supporters. In 2023, the venture capitalist and fervent Trump booster Marc Andreessen portrayed universities as, essentially, exercises in ridiculousness. Why would you pay, Advertisement Still, over the last couple of years, in passionately-fought battles over truth, justice, and the American way, the pedigrees of the warring sides have felt shockingly similar — especially considering that the overwhelming majority of Americans do not attend these sorts of elite, highly competitive schools. Consider Harvard-educated financier Bill Ackman taking on Harvard's then-President Claudine Gay. Or Harvard-grad and Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. slashing the amount of National Institutes of Health money that supports Harvard's labs. Or Yale-educated Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent defending the president's tariffs, while they're attacked by Brent Neiman, a University of Chicago economist (educated at Penn and Harvard) Sometimes, it's hard to find anyone in these skirmishes who didn't attend the same eight or 10 schools. And yet, Trump has seen the enemy — and it is us. Those the president considers elites will be brought to heel, and — significantly — cut down to size. University elites must bow to the will of executive-branch elites. And any form of resistance will meet with punishment — all of which could have painful consequences for Massachusetts. Wu pointed out to me that Boston alone has 42,000 jobs tied to universities. And across the state, four of the five top employers are in health care or education, Advertisement 'To the extent that Trump is destroying universities, and cutting health funding,' says Boston University economist Adam Guren, 'I think the local economy is going to hurt. I think it's going to hurt a lot. This is a particularly scary time for Massachusetts.' In 1966, when Ronald Reagan ran for governor of California, he pledged to 'clean up the mess' at the University of California Berkeley, noting that 'a small minority of beatniks, radicals, and filthy speech advocates have brought such shame to and such a loss of confidence in a great university.' During the preceding couple of years, Berkeley students had launched massive protests against the Vietnam War, and had resisted the school's attempts to curtail their ability to speak freely. Reagan, an affable Hollywood star and former Democrat, had spent decades drifting to the right, and he finally decided it was time to run for office. During his campaign, he argued that California needed to infuse good, wholesome values into an out-of-control campus. 'This has been a longtime theme and popular sort of statement,' says Lawrence Katz, who has taught economics at Harvard for nearly 40 years. He brings up Reagan's campaign as we sit in his office. In Katz's own experience, the current backlash against universities 'has been building for some period.' He remembers talking to moderate Republican governors 10 or 15 years ago, and, 'There were just a lot who had been traditional supporters of higher education. And they felt in their states, they no longer could support spending on higher education.' Many voters couldn't relate to what went on at universities; a strong cultural divide had emerged. Advertisement The economics of the country have also changed radically, Katz says. Increasingly, the path to a well-paying job runs through college. And that connection 'has just become stronger over decades. I think for those who feel they haven't had the opportunities, that's clearly played a role in some of this resentment.' While many universities may suffer in the months to come, Trump has reserved remarkable ire for a small circle of schools. Of the seven schools that the administration initially ' I can't look deep into the souls of people and say what's a true thing built out of experience, and what is a strategic political right decision,' Katz says. But when he considers how many folks in the administration attended elite schools, he notes that those 'who felt that they were an outgroup are often the ones who are most vehement. They think they understand the rot in the place.' 'Sometimes I view members of the elite with an almost-primal scorn,' Vice President JD Vance wrote in his 2016 book, Hillbilly Elegy. When he handed in a poorly-written paper at Yale Law School, he recalled that his professor 'circled a large paragraph and wrote in the margin, 'This is a vomit of sentences masquerading as a paragraph. Fix.'' Vance said he 'heard through the grapevine that this professor thought Yale should accept only students from places like Harvard, Yale, Stanford, and Princeton: 'It's not our job to do remedial education, and too many of these other kids need it.'' Vance had attended Ohio State. But Katz points to a significant irony: People take these leaders seriously 'because they went to these places and have a forum. And it's hard to believe they would actually be in the position they [are] in now without it. But it also gives them some cred to denounce it.' So, given where things stand, can elite schools weather the storm? 'You could imagine for several years supporting [universities] by running down endowments and trying to keep the infrastructure up,' Katz says. 'You couldn't do that permanently.' He says one great danger is the enormous — 35 percent — tax on large endowments that Harvard University campus on April 16. Sophie Park/Bloomberg Another financial landmine for Harvard is nearly underfoot: the Trump administration's In April, Harvard raised money by issuing $750 million in bonds, which Luis M. Viceira, an economist at Harvard Business School, Though Katz argues that the Boston area has tremendous strengths and a huge range of universities and hospitals underpinning it, he acknowledges that there have been 'authoritarian-leaning governments who have destroyed research universities as independent sources of dissent.' Indeed, if you rewind a century, German universities were dominant. Brilliant Americans went to Germany to understand cutting-edge science. And yet, Katz says, 'It's 80 years later and [German universities] still haven't come back. So yeah, if you have political purges of all serious scientists, as they did in that period, you can destroy a university system.' The same week that the National Institutes of Health told staff to stop all grants to Harvard, Brown, Cornell, and Northwestern, Beth O'Neill Maloney got a call from Brussels. Business leaders there wanted to visit Kendall Square to better understand how to collaborate with US companies, particularly those in biotech and medtech. Maloney, the executive director of the Kendall Square Association, wasn't surprised. During the previous few weeks, groups from Australia, Japan, England, Denmark, and Norway had all toured Kendall. And Maloney had just returned from a meeting in Mexico of The Global Institute on Innovation Districts, which brought together 50 innovation districts around the world. Kendall Square won the Lighthouse Award, one of three major prizes. 'I see Kendall Square as the beating heart of the innovation economy in Massachusetts,' Maloney says. And she has confidence that it can ride out the turbulence ahead. Even so, Maloney acknowledges the going has already gotten rough. 'Is everyone gonna make it? I can't answer that. But what's frustrating is that what got us here, what made us a great country, is the investments that we've made in people and in science and technology. And that's what's brought us some really incredible therapeutic drugs that are making a difference in people's lives, whether they have a rare disease or are battling cancer, or high blood pressure.' 'Up until a couple of months ago,' says Cait Brumme, the CEO of MassChallenge, 'Massachusetts was a really attractive place to be.' Over the past 15 years, the Boston-based nonprofit has incubated nearly 5,000 companies, and Brumme is now concerned about 'the best and brightest researchers' going elsewhere to do research. 'I feel like there's a risk people will feel like: You may not be welcomed here,' Brumme says. She worries about researchers deciding they'll head to Toronto or Oxford. Mayor Michelle Wu delivers the State of the City address on March 19. Brett Phelps for The Boston Globe 'Every organization I've spoken to has had very painful and tough conversations internally with their team members,' says Mayor Wu. 'For those employees who might be on a green card, talking to them about not leaving the country because who knows what might happen at various customs checkpoints? And for others who are making decisions about whether to come for that fellowship or job or semester — everything is in limbo.' Rachel Sha sees that danger up-close. When she thinks about the biggest risk for the Boston area, she says, 'There are other governments that are stepping in and trying to attract that talent, provide funding, trying to streamline the review process.' Sha is the CEO of Vaxess Technologies, a biotech company built on expertise and talent coming out of MIT, Tufts, and Harvard. Vaxess has developed a patch that can administer medication through your skin, using an array of super-tiny needles. (I asked Sha if they hurt. She said they don't.) Though much of the early work at Vaxess centered on administering vaccines — which, with the patch, don't have to be refrigerated and can therefore be shipped all over the world — the company is now working on using the patch to administer GLP-1s, the popular class of weight-loss drugs. 'Our company was built here in Massachusetts,' Sha says. 'We want to be able to introduce these products for the US.' But Vaxess has investors, and they have to consider which regulators might be able to help them get the company's products approved as efficiently as possible. Over time, Vaxess has raised about $100 million, with about 70 percent of it coming from venture capital and 30 percent from (mostly government) grants. Sha points out that government money has been critical, as it is for so many companies, in helping researchers prove the scientific validity of what they're doing and attract private funding. Government grants are a sign of 'validation' and 'credibility,' Sha says. 'I think both the talent and the investment necessary to work on hard things seem fragile in this moment,' says Brumme, of MassChallenge. 'And they're reinforcing. It's a network effects thing. If we lose one, you start to lose the other as well. To me, maybe the risk and opportunity is that the ecosystem which has been in balance — the universities, the talent, the large companies, the great place to live — if one or two of those pillars start to really weaken, the network effects that come with that, I think, are at risk of unwinding.' Jeffrey Flier has had his issues with Harvard. He has been Flier, an endocrinologist, served as dean of Harvard Medical School from 2007 to 2016. 'It's not like we have been perfect,' he says. But what has shocked him is how quickly the government's approach to research institutions has shifted. A few months ago, it was trying 'to promote the best possible biomedical research for the good of the country.' Now, government officials are trying 'to bludgeon institutions because [they] are opposed to them in various ways — even if the ways have relatively little to do with the research that's going on. You're gonna just try to bludgeon them because you can.' Flier — like Guren and Katz — worries that tensions with Harvard, reductions in NIH grants, and the inability to recruit the most elite minds in the world will take a considerable toll on Massachusetts. At least since World War II, he says, the United States 'has been the leader in biomedical research, in innovation, in discovery. And those have also led to health advances, new therapies, new diagnostics, new companies.' 'It's not that that whole process is unique to Boston and Cambridge,' he says. But he believes that the area is 'the most glorious of all of those places and systems for carrying out all that stuff.' When I spoke with Flier, he told me about a local hospital where about 80 percent of the doctors who provide patient care hail from abroad. 'And a very substantial fraction of those people who have been accepted into [the hospital's] program to start in June are from Turkey. 'These were the best people that wanted to leave Turkey and come to the United States. Many of them in other years have gone on to be very successful leaders in American medicine,' Flier says. On May 22, Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem told Harvard it could no longer enroll students from other countries. Manuel Balce Ceneta/Associated Press The hospital was initially concerned about the doctors' willingness to even live in the United States, given what happened to Turkish citizen Rümeysa Öztürk, a Tufts doctoral student who was pulled off a Somerville street in late March and held in ICE custody for nearly six weeks. Flier says the hospital hopes most of this year's Turkish doctors will indeed begin work as scheduled, because many are already in America doing research — but that may not hold true in future years as research funding dries up and newer crops of researchers encounter visa problems. On May 22, the precarity of depending on foreign talent became clear when Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem told Harvard it could no longer enroll students from other countries, and existing foreign students 'must transfer or lose their legal status.' As of press time, a federal judge had Wu says it's just hard to believe what has happened. 'There's so much about right now that seems unimaginable,' she says. I ask her what she thinks about the Trump administration's duel with Harvard — where she earned both an undergraduate and a law degree. A poster taped to a light pole outside of Harvard University in Cambridge. David L. Ryan/Globe Staff 'We,' she says, 'are a city of revolution.' Harvard decided to stand and fight, and she believes it made the right choice. But the choice will have consequences. On April 11, when the Trump administration famously Harvard refused. Trump may be a man who shifts positions — on issues ranging from abortion to tariffs — but he is consistent when it comes to retribution. If he has been spurned, he will retaliate. Massachusetts rejected the president at the ballot box. Harvard rejected his administration's demands. And, predictably, a raft of retaliatory action has ensued. It will be hard for the state — and some of its most significant institutions — to win the battles of the next three-and-a-half years. The question is whether they can hold on long enough to win the war. Follow Kara Miller
Los Angeles Times
21-05-2025
- General
- Los Angeles Times
Column: Breaking barriers: The struggles of Latinx and Asian students in the U.S. education system
My American dream Hailing from Korea, I was always fascinated by stories of the American Dream, where anyone could rise to the greatest through education, hard work, and determination. I was captivated by tales of teachers and their genuine respect for the diverse interests of their students, nurturing individuality and creativity in an unmatched way. These relationships are unlike my experience with the Korean public school system, which heavily focuses on memorization and creating highly competitive environments to make to be accepted into top colleges. News broadcasts in my country often featured stories of equal opportunity in America, highlighting even homeless individuals who gained acceptance into prestigious institutions like Harvard. I was inspired by the story of a young man who made it to Stanford, not through top academic scores but by developing extraordinary talents in music and entrepreneurship–skills he had built with passion and dedication. Fueled by these narratives, I arrived in the United States a year ago and began American high school, hoping to pursue higher education at one of the prestigious top universities. However, the reality I encountered was far more complex than the idealized narrative I had believed, revealing hidden walls in a system that, while legally desegregated, was still not truly open to all. Systemic bias and a lack of genuine diversity made it clear that access to the American Dream, especially reaching the greatest colleges, still needed to be more evenly distributed. Twisting Path: Opening my eyes to Latinx struggles in education Overwhelmed but undeterred, I grew more determined to overcome these challenges. While searching for answers, I encountered an internship at the University of California, Irvine Ethics Center, specifically Module 13: College Decision-Making Process, taught by PhD student Julybeth Murillo. The module explored the ethical aspects of the U.S. college admissions process and how education signifies mobility and progress. Delving deeper into this module, I saw the subtle yet pervasive challenges many students face, especially those from marginalized backgrounds. I realized my struggles were part of a broader pattern, one that also profoundly affected Latinx students. While I grappled with understanding a foreign education system, Latinx students faced systemic barriers like underrepresentation, racial discrimination, and a lack of culturally relevant support. The insights I gained clarified my experiences and connected me to the ongoing struggles of the Latinx community, highlighting the shared fight for educational equity in an education system still marked by hidden obstacles. A memorable encounter with mentor: Julybeth Murillo During the UCI sessions, the teacher, Julybeth Murillo, a first-generation Latinx college student who attended Emory University and is currently a fourth-year PhD student at UCI, shared her challenges navigating the American education system. She shared her intense passion for helping other Latinx students find their way and her desire to become a professor who could inspire and uplift her community. Her resilience, determination, and commitment to making a difference deeply moved me. Murillo shed light on a troubling statistic: only 33.4% of Latinx students make it to college, just over half of the national average of 61.4%. This stark disparity highlights the significant barriers Latinx students face in accessing higher education. This underscores the challenges Latinx students encounter in pursuing their dreams. Yet, it also proves the incredible resilience and perseverance needed to overcome systemic obstacles. Meeting Murillo assured me that even in the face of daunting statistics and discouraging advice, some individuals continue to push forward, inspiring others and paving the way for future generations. Cumulatively, this article will explore the shared struggles of Asian immigrant and Latinx students in the U.S. college admissions process that significantly hinder their educational opportunities, including language barriers that complicate academic performance, pervasive stereotypes and discrimination that undermine their potential, and economic challenges paired with heavy family responsibilities that limit their access to college admission resources. Language barriers According to Murillo, language barriers often block Asian and Latinx students from navigating the complex college application process. Coming from non-English speaking households, these students often navigate standardized tests, college counseling, and other resources independently. Not only does this add stress, but it puts them at a disadvantage compared to their native English-speaking peers. Murillo said that whether or not the parents can understand college materials determines whether the next generation attends college. 'For Latino students…having parents understand the differences between colleges, having them understand financial aid,' Murillo said, adding on 'Those different things can make a difference between attending community college and going straight to a UC or vice versa.' Hearing her acknowledge this barrier reminded me of my feeling of disorientation, reading stacks of unopened emails from school for my family, all while managing all my school work and exams. As I tried translating unfamiliar words for my parents, each felt like an unsolvable puzzle I had to decode. In contrast, my peers mostly relied on their parents to help navigate college application processes. It felt overwhelming, as I had just moved to the U.S. and was isolated in this unfamiliar nation. Stereotypes and discrimination Racial stereotypes of Latinx and Asian students can also affect their college admissions outcomes. Latinx students frequently confront stereotypes that label them as less academically capable, leading to lower expectations from educators and counselors. This can result in fewer Latinx students being encouraged to apply to competitive colleges, thereby limiting their opportunities. Murillo talked about her discouraging experience with school counselors, who often reinforced the stereotype of low expectations of Latinx students. Initially, she visited her school counselor's office and was excited to ask about QuestBridge, a program that provides first generation students with assistance navigating the college admissions process, as well as full-ride scholarships. But when she asked about it, her counselor sighed and said that most Latinx students at her campus do not even graduate high school. In turn, suggesting that she should focus on completing school first. 'I walked out of her office feeling like my dreams and hard work didn't matter, feeling like my ambitions were unrealistic,' Murillo said. On the other hand, Asian American students, often perceived through the lens of the 'model minority' stereotype, face higher academic expectations, which can lead to intense pressure and mental health challenges. Despite their academic achievements, they may also face discriminatory admissions practices, such as those highlighted in the Harvard affirmative action case, where it was argued that Asian American applicants were unfairly penalized. Additionally, there are unwritten rules that Asian students, like me, are naturally inclined toward Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) fields, leading to an assumption that I would excel in math and science. Still, this stereotype forced me to constantly navigate others' expectations while trying to explore my true passions. Economic barriers and family responsibilities Economic barriers, family responsibilities, and expectations create additional responsibilities students must juggle. Many Latinx and Asian students take on significant family responsibilities, such as working part-time jobs to support their households or acting as translators for non-English-speaking family members. These responsibilities limit the time and energy they have to dedicate to their studies and college applications. Murillo recounted her memories during her college application season, where she had strictly limited options as she could not afford tuition in many colleges she wanted to attend. Fortunately, she attended Emory University without worrying about tuition, thanks to QuestBridge. Nonetheless, she still had to earn money to afford other living expenses. According to Murillo, when working part-time at American Eagle, she was able to get free clothing, such as free jeans, jackets, and more which helped her save. She also once worked 24 hours straight, clocking in at McDonald's and clocking in at American Eagle in Atlanta. Her inability to rest even during summer breaks made her physically exhausted, as she had to keep making money to survive. Economic barriers additionally stem from racial discrimination that blocks Latinx families from equal opportunities in labor and housing markets. In their book 'Generations of Exclusion: Mexican Americans, Assimilation, and Race,' Edward E. Telles and Vilma Ortiz interviewed a group of Latinx families after 35 years. Moreover, observing the evolution of their socioeconomic status, cultural integration, and education. 'Since at least the 1970s, many scholars have argued that racial discrimination in labor and housing markets, inferior and segregated education, and tracking into manual jobs has primarily blocked the mobility of Mexican Americans,' Telles and Ortiz wrote. These challenges make it increasingly difficult for Latinx students to pursue higher education without taking on burdensome financial responsibilities. In my case, I have to balance my academic responsibilities with the role of translator within my family. My parents, who struggle with language barriers, rely heavily on me to navigate the turbulent immigrant life in a foreign country. I often spend evenings helping parents understand official documents, translating conversations with neighbors, and even accompanying them to appointments. Additionally, I take care of my younger brother, ensuring he adapts to school and completes his homework, as I have to see my family succeed in this new country. A path toward equity and empowerment As an Asian girl who came to America to attend a top college, I've experienced firsthand the challenges many immigrant students face in exploring the U.S. college admissions process. Julybeth, as a Latinx first-generation, has encountered many of the same struggles that I've faced. We often have to bear family responsibilities–assisting non-English-speaking parents and navigating a complex college admission process independently. Language barriers and these burdens can make approaching the already complex college admissions system even more challenging. To truly help students like us, educational institutions must provide culturally responsive support for Asian immigrant and Latinx students in the college admissions process, including language assistance, targeted college counseling, and outreach programs that make students and their families fully understand the complexities of higher education so that they can pave their pathway to college and beyond. Furthermore, both of us frequently face harmful bias. While Asian students may be stereotyped as naturally inclined toward STEM fields, Latinx students are often assumed to have lower academic expectations. Breaking down these misconceptions through advocacy is essential for creating an admissions process that values our individual merits rather than reinforcing ethnic biases. We can ensure that Asian immigrant and Latinx students have the resources, support, and opportunities they need to succeed by fostering partnerships between schools, communities, and policymakers. Through these collective efforts, we can build a more inclusive educational landscape where all students, regardless of their background, can pursue their dreams and contribute to the richness of our society. Until one day, every student will get an email: Congratulations, you've been accepted to your dream college.
Yahoo
20-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Chicago's Black Mayor's Comments on Hiring Black Officials Struck a Nerve— Now, the Feds Are Involved
The city of Chicagohas found itself in the middle of a political scandal after the Department of Justice announced a new investigation into the city's mayor. Brandon Johnson has served as Chicago's mayor for almost two years, and now, his job is in jeopardy after one interview caught the attention of the federal government. On Monday (May 19), a formal letter was sent to Johnson's office from the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ). Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon announced plans 'to determine whether the City of Chicago, Illinois, is engaged in a pattern or practice of discrimination based on race,' according to the letter, which plainly accused the mayor of violating the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This comes after Johnson's Sunday (May 18) appearance at Apostolic Church of God in Chicago. During which, the mayor revealed his method behind hiring people in his administration. The current deputy mayor, chief operations officer, budget director and several other high ranking employees in the mayor's office are Black... and that's not by coincidence. Since Johnson stepped into office in 2023, he's been determined to get Black folks in critical leadership positions. 'Two administrations ago, 70 to 75 percent of the administration was primarily made up of white men,' Johnson told churchgoers. 'Forty-five percent of my administration is Black; 25 percent is Latinx; 30 percent is white; 8 percent is Asian.' The mayor went on to say, 'Having people in my administration that will look out for the interest of everyone... means you have to look out for the interests of Black folks, because that hasn't happened.' He continued, 'That's how we ensure long-term sustainable growth.' Clearly, Johnson ruffled some feathers with his Sunday remarks, because just one day after the service, Johnson was in the MAGA hot seat. The DOJ's letter continued saying, 'If these kind of hiring decisions are being made for top-level positions in your administration, then it begs the question whether such decisions are also being made for lower-level positions.' This is just the latest move by the Trump administration to expel diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) across the board. President Donald Trump signed an executive order in January banning DEI practices at the federal level. According to the DOJ — ran by MAGA champion Attorney General Pamela Bondi — Johnson is violating this order. In response to the federal probe, Mayor Johnson spoke to the media on Tuesday (May 20). 'What's clear is that not only does the Trump administration not respect the rule of law or what's sensible about our society, you would be hard-pressed to find qualified individuals who are in his administration,' Johnson said, according to ABC News. 'As my administration reflects the country— reflects the city, his [Trump's] administration reflects the country club.' He continued, 'It's also clear that this administration is more interested in creating division within our country. While we are being inclusive, [we are] proud of the fact that we have individuals that have legal backgrounds, operational backgrounds, education backgrounds.' Experts told CBS News political appointments don't fall under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, contradicting the DOJ's accusations against Mayor Johnson. Carolyn Shapiro, professor law at University of Chicago Kent College of Law, said, 'They would not be employees under Title VII, so even if it were true that he was going out of his way to hire people of a particular race, that would not violate the law.' For the latest news, Facebook, Twitter and Instagram.
Yahoo
20-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Sara Lomelin
Credit - Courtesy Bryan Patrick Sara Lomelin runs the nonprofit Philanthropy Together to show that you don't need to be wealthy to be a philanthropist; you can participate in collective giving. Get some friends, neighbors, or other philanthropic-minded people to each kick in small amounts, then gather to decide where to donate the kitty. By pooling resources, you create a bigger impact. 'It's the multiplying effect of the dollars, the ideas and the volunteer hours,' says Lomelin, a former fundraiser for San Francisco's Latino Community Foundation who previously created the Latino Giving Circle Network, the largest network of Latinx philanthropists in the U.S. Lomelin then co-founded Philanthropy Together in 2020, with backing from the Gates Foundation, to help scale and strengthen the collective giving movement. The organization offers free training videos and webinars, and a searchable database of more than 4,000 circles looking for new members. It's a movement that's gaining traction. Philanthropy Together's 2024 study found that collective giving has more than doubled since 2017, with more than 370,000 Americans now participating in giving circles, donating about $3.1 billion. Write to Kim Clark at Kim_Clark@
Sky News AU
19-05-2025
- Business
- Sky News AU
Macquarie Bank waters down diversity, equity and inclusion language after Donald Trump implements anti-woke agenda
An Australian-based multinational bank has eased back on using language promoting its diversity, equity and inclusion practices as Donald Trump's crackdown forces major companies to ditch the policies. The US President swept into office and signed an executive order 'terminating radical DEI preferencing in federal contracting and directing federal agencies to relentlessly combat private sector discrimination'. Macquarie Bank, an ASX-listed investment banking group headquartered in Sydney with operations in the US, has since watered down its DEI language as some major companies back away from the practices. In its report for the year ended March 31 2025, Macquarie has consolidated its DEI objectives under its sustainability section and does not mention the phrase 'diversity, equity and inclusion' at any point. Macquarie's report for the 12 months up to March 31 2024, in comparison, has its own four-page DEI section. The 2025 report also omits specific references to some DEI efforts by the bank in the US that it had outlined in its 2024 report. 'In the US, we offered targeted leadership development programs for Black, Latinx and Asian talent to accelerate their careers and implement strategies to increase contribution and personal growth,' Macquarie said in its 2024 report. Macquarie also outlined 24 partnerships with non-profits it established to bolster its DEI efforts in this report, however, this is not present in the 2025 report. Despite this, there are references to Macquarie's 'Reconciliation Action Plan' and discussions of gender equity in terms of female pay and representation in both reports. Macquarie's 2024 report has a brief section noting the bank has 'been recognised by external community partners as a leading LGBTQ+ inclusive organisation' and referenced its 'perfect score' on the Human Rights Campaign's Corporate Equality Index in the US. However, the 2025 report fails to mention this or give any details regarding LGBTQ+ workers at Macquarie. While Macquarie has eased back on language associated with DEI, the bank's CEO Shemara Wikramanayake stressed the company aims to build diverse teams to reflect the communities it serves in the recent report. 'Our approach has always been, and we remain committed to, fostering an inclusive culture that welcomes a range of ideas and perspectives, values the contributions of all of our people, and which empowers individuals to deliver to their greatest potential,' Ms Wikramanayake wrote in her note to shareholders. It also mentioned the importance of diversity on its board and noted the company's 'Workforce Diversity Policy' which defines Macquarie's 'diversity commitment'. According to the 2025 report, the company's board remuneration committee receives reporting on the commitment annually and covers under-represented groups at Macquarie, including women across senior leadership levels. The softening of DEI language by Macquarie comes after some major companies began rolling back these practices after the US President's inauguration. Google scrapped plans for hiring targets it established in 2020 in the wake of the killing of George Floyd. Its parent company Alphabet removed any mentions of diversity in its annual report released in February and scrapped a commitment to DEI initiatives which have appeared in every report between 2021 and 2024. McDonald's US head office has backed down from its DEI initiatives, however its Australian branches did not follow suit. Trump's anti-DEI agenda and his 2024 election win was cited as a 'cultural tipping point' by Meta boss Mark Zuckerberg when he announced plans to abolish 'biased' fact-checking on his social media platforms.
