Latest news with #LebanonWar
Yahoo
4 days ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Analysis: Lebanon's decision on weapons corners Hezbollah
BEIRUT, Lebanon, Aug. 6 (UPI) -- Lebanon, caught between mounting international pressure and the risk of another devastating war with Israel, made a game-changing decision by tasking the Army with preparing a plan to enforce a state monopoly on weapons by the end of the year. The move poses a new challenge to the once-powerful Hezbollah, which has been left with almost no options after being significantly weakened during last year's war with Israel. The decision, adopted during a Cabinet session chaired by President Joseph Aoun on Tuesday, not only ends the political cover Hezbollah has enjoyed for decades, but also undermines its legitimacy as a "resistance organization," according to military and political analysts. Addressing Hezbollah's weapons had long been a taboo topic; until September, when Israel escalated its attacks on the group, killing its longtime leader, Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah, along with many of its top military commanders. In addition, the Iran-backed Shiite group reportedly lost the bulk of its military capabilities in ongoing Israeli airstrikes targeting its positions in southern and eastern Lebanon. Hezbollah had no alternative but to accept the Nov. 27 ceasefire agreement, brokered by the United States and France, to end the 14-month war with Israel that killed or wounded more than 20,000 people and left border villages in southern Lebanon in ruins. However, the agreement marked an opportunity for Lebanon to reclaim its long-lost sovereignty after decades of lawlessness, military occupation and the dominance of armed non-state actors. Tuesday's decision was "certainly a historic" one, according to Riad Kahwaji, who heads the Dubai-based Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis. "Hezbollah has lost the political cover that has given it legitimacy as a resistance organization," Kahwaji told UPI. He maintained that the militant group is now viewed as an armed militia that must comply with the 1989 Taif Accords -- which ended the 1975-1990 civil war -- and U.N. Resolution 1701, both of which call for the disarmament of all armed groups and affirm that only the Lebanese Armed Forces should hold a monopoly on weapons in the country. While Hezbollah implicitly agreed to discuss its weapons as part of a national defense strategy, it resisted government efforts to set a timetable for disarming -- a key U.S. condition for unlocking much-needed international and Gulf Arab funding to support Lebanon's reconstruction and economic recovery. In line with the government decision, the Army was to submit its implementation plan on disarming Hezbollah and other Palestinian armed factions to the cabinet by the end of August for discussion and approval, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam said after the Cabinet meeting. Hezbollah and its main ally, the Shiite Amal Movement led by Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri, rejected in separate statements Wednesday the Cabinet's decision as a "grave sin" that offers "free concessions to the Israeli enemy" and weakens Lebanon, rather than ending Israel's ongoing attacks, its occupation of Lebanese territory and securing the release of Lebanese prisoners. Hezbollah has maintained that it is unwilling to lay down its arms as long as Israel continues to occupy parts of Lebanese territory -- an argument that was considered legitimate until the recent Cabinet decision. "Its weapons will become illegitimate by the end of the year, in accordance with Lebanese law," said Abdul Rahman Chehaitli, a retired major general and author of The Lebanese Land and Maritime Borders: A Historical, Geographical, and Political Study. "But it still enjoys popular legitimacy." Chehaitli noted that Lebanon still faces "external threats" from Israel and from armed groups operating outside the control of the new Syrian leadership and that are deployed along the eastern border. He explained that Lebanon would need an agreement similar to the 1949 Armistice Accord to guarantee Israel's withdrawal and to demarcate the border, as well as a separate border agreement with Syria to enable the Lebanese Army to carry out its mission. "The government is serious, but no one can say what will happen the next day or what additional demands the U.S. and Israel might push forward," he told UPI, referring to concerns among Lebanon's Shiite community about their future and political role in the country. The question remains whether Hezbollah is still capable of fighting Israel after losing much of its power. Kahwaji said the group was "trying to put on a strong face," but clearly, "the Hezbollah we knew is no longer there. ... It's much weaker." He argued that Hezbollah's "calculations have continuously and miserably failed" since Oct. 7, 2023, which is why the group was "badly defeated and degraded." "It has lost the halo it carried for years. All its attempts to recreate the illusion of deterrence and to intimidate the state have also failed," he said. While Israel claimed to have destroyed 70 percent of Hezbollah's arsenal, Chehaitli said, "no one really knows. ... It remains a mystery." "It could still have military capabilities it hasn't used -- or it could have none," he added, emphasizing that Hezbollah, in any case, would not initiate a war but could fight back if one is imposed. The devastating blows Hezbollah suffered during the war with Israel have reportedly prompted the group -which has been fighting Israel since its establishment after the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982- to engage in a comprehensive internal review. The situation has shifted significantly due to the accelerated developments in the region following the Gaza war. Hezbollah, which was the principal component of Iran's "Axis of Resistance" carrying out missions outside Lebanon, has been forced to shift its focus. Kassem Kassir, a political analyst who specializes in Islamic movements and is close to Hezbollah, explained that the group is engaged in internal discussions, as well as talks with other political forces in the country, to develop "a new vision." "But so far, it hasn't produced a comprehensive or complete one," Kassir told UPI. What is clear, however, is that Hezbollah is now focusing on Lebanon and its future role as part of the state. Solve the daily Crossword
Indian Express
14-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Israel-Iran conflict explained: 7 books you need to read now
Israel's strikes on Iran's nuclear facilities on June 13, 2025—codenamed Operation Rising Lion—have pushed the Middle East to the edge of all-out conflict. The attack, which killed two senior Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commanders and targeted uranium enrichment sites, triggered an immediate Iranian retaliation with over 100 drones. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei vowed Israel would face a 'bitter fate,' while Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared the strikes necessary to counter an 'existential threat.' This escalation didn't happen overnight. For decades, Israel and Iran have waged a shadow war—cyberattacks, assassinations, proxy battles—while Tehran inched closer to nuclear capability. Now, with US-Iran nuclear talks hanging by a thread and the IAEA accusing Iran of secret nuclear activities, the region stands at a crossroads. To understand how we got here—and where this dangerous confrontation might lead—these seven books provide critical insight into the history, strategy, and hidden battles behind one of the world's most volatile rivalries. This meticulously researched book unveils the clandestine warfare between Israel and Iran since the 2006 Lebanon War. Katz (a veteran journalist) and Hendel (a former Israeli official) detail covert operations—from cyberattacks on Iran's nuclear facilities to assassinations of scientists—and analyze Israel's strategy to counter Iran's regional proxies like Hezbollah. The authors draw on exclusive interviews with intelligence and military leaders, offering a gripping account of how this 'shadow war' remains largely unseen yet profoundly consequential. A must-read for understanding modern asymmetric conflict. Ronen Bergman, Israel's foremost investigative journalist, compiles over 1,000 interviews with spies, politicians, and militants to expose the 30-year covert struggle between Iran, Israel, and the U.S. From Hezbollah's rise to Israel's assassination campaigns, Bergman reveals shocking operations, including the Stuxnet cyberattack and the 1992 Buenos Aires bombing. The book's granular detail and narrative flair make it both an authoritative history and a thriller-like exposé of espionage and counterterrorism. Focused on Israel's efforts to thwart Iran's nuclear ambitions, this book leverages leaked Mossad documents and insider accounts to dissect Israel's multi-pronged campaign: sabotage, diplomacy, and targeted killings. Bob and Evyatar explore dilemmas like the risks of a preemptive strike and U.S.-Israel tensions over strategy. Timely and incisive, Target Tehran is a playbook for understanding Israel's national security calculus. To grasp Iran's adversarial stance toward Israel, Menashri's scholarly work traces the ideological shifts after the 1979 Islamic Revolution. The book examines how clerical rule transformed Iran's domestic and foreign policies, emphasizing anti-Zionism as a pillar of its identity. Menashri analyzes factional rivalries, economic pressures, and the regime's use of proxy wars to export its revolution—a vital primer on Iran's motivations. This biography recounts the life of Habib Elghanayan, a Jewish industrialist executed in post-revolutionary Iran. Through his story, the book illuminates the rise and fall of Iran's Jewish community, once thriving under the Shah but persecuted after 1979. Elghanayan's tragic fate mirrors the rupture in Israel-Iran relations, offering a human lens on historical upheaval. Yeroushalmi's anthology traces 2,700 years of Jewish life in Persia, highlighting coexistence and persecution under Islamic rule. It explores how Iran's Jews navigated loyalty to their homeland and ties to Israel, especially after 1979. This cultural history underscores the community's resilience and its symbolic role in the Israel-Iran divide. While fictional, Silva's spy thriller featuring Israeli operative Gabriel Allon mirrors real-world tensions. The plot—centered on art theft and illicit nuclear deals—echoes Iran's smuggling networks and Israel's counteroperations. A page-turning supplement to the heavier nonfiction works.
LBCI
05-06-2025
- Business
- LBCI
Urgent draft law referred to Lebanese Parliament granting tax relief to war-affected citizens
An urgent draft law has been referred to Parliament aiming to provide tax and fee exemptions for individuals affected by the Israeli war on Lebanon. The proposed legislation includes measures to suspend deadlines related to tax obligations and rights, offering relief to those who sustained damage during the conflict.
Ammon
03-06-2025
- Politics
- Ammon
The thin line between explosion and détente in Gaza
The Witkoff Plan is one of the most prominent international initiatives proposed to halt the devastating war on the Gaza Strip, which has entered its final months amid profound political, military, and humanitarian complications. While the plan came in response to mounting international pressure, particularly from the Trump administration, the positions of both Israel and Hamas have ranged from conditional acceptance to cautious rejection. This makes the future of this plan contingent on a set of complex internal, regional, and international equations, and makes studying possible scenarios a matter of strategic importance. The Witkoff Plan, proposed under US sponsorship and led by President Donald Trump and his special envoy, Steve Witkoff, aims for a temporary ceasefire in Gaza for 60 days, with US guarantees, as a prelude to reaching a permanent agreement. It stipulates the release of 10 living Israeli hostages and 18 bodies from a list of hostages, in exchange for the release of 125 Palestinian prisoners serving life sentences and 1,111 detainees from Gaza, in addition to the handover of 180 Palestinian bodies. The plan includes a cessation of Israeli military operations, a restriction of military air traffic, and the redeployment of Israeli forces northward and then southward, according to agreed-upon maps. It also stipulates the entry of humanitarian aid under the supervision of the United Nations and the Red Crescent. Negotiations on a permanent ceasefire will begin on the first day of the truce, and will address the exchange of the remaining hostages, redeployment, security arrangements, and the "day after" for Gaza. If an agreement is not reached within the deadline, the truce can be extended under agreed-upon terms. The plan includes mediation and guarantees from the United States, Qatar, and Egypt, with direct oversight from President Trump, who will officially announce the agreement. The Israeli scene is suffering from a sharp internal division between a security faction that favors accepting the plan as a political solution that saves Israel's face, and a hard-line right-wing faction that rejects any truce before the complete elimination of the "military threat from Hamas." Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu finds himself between a rock and a hard place. On the one hand, he fears that accepting the plan will lead to the collapse of his government under pressure from the extreme right, which threatens to withdraw. On the other hand, he faces increasing American pressure, in addition to internal demonstrations by the families of the hostages, who accuse his government of stalling and sacrificing their sons for narrow political calculations. Israel, in its strategic depth, fears that accepting the plan will be perceived as a political and military defeat against a beleaguered resistance movement, and that the scenario following the 2006 Lebanon War will be repeated, when Hezbollah emerged with increasing political and popular influence despite human and material losses. In contrast, Hamas, despite the severe blows it has suffered, retains a negotiating position based on its remaining Israeli hostages and its ability to withstand the war machine. Hamas expressed initial acceptance of the plan, but stipulated that it include a permanent ceasefire, a complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip, the release of all Palestinian prisoners, and a rejection of any Israeli military or security presence inside the Strip. It also stipulated the need for Gaza's reconstruction under Arab and international supervision. These demands reflect the movement's desire to transform the results of the war into political gains that will enable it to maintain its role in the Palestinian arena, especially in light of talk of future arrangements that may include the return of the Palestinian Authority to Gaza or the formation of a new administration for the Strip with regional participation. In light of these facts, three main scenarios for the future of the Witkoff plan can be envisioned. The first scenario involves conditional mutual acceptance of the plan, whereby some of its provisions are modified to bring the positions closer together, and a gradual implementation phase begins under international supervision, with American and regional guarantees. This scenario is possible, but it requires internal consensus within Israel and effective pressure from Washington on the Netanyahu government. It also requires Hamas's tacit acceptance of the phased solution without compromising its basic conditions. The second scenario is that Israel refuses to implement the second phase of the plan after the release of some hostages, leading to the collapse of the agreement and the resumption of fighting. This scenario reflects the nature of the divisions within the Israeli government and could lead to a domestic political crisis and increased public pressure. However, it could also serve Netanyahu in gaining more time and avoiding the collapse of his coalition. The third, and most bleak, scenario is the complete failure of the plan, either due to the refusal of one party or the collapse of international understandings, leading to the continuation of the war and its transformation into a protracted war of attrition. In this scenario, the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza would worsen, and Arab and international popular anger against Israel would expand. Other regional parties might also become more involved, threatening to escalate the situation on other fronts, such as southern Lebanon or the West Bank. In this scenario, the United States would find itself in an extremely difficult position before the world. The Witkoff Plan, despite its political ambition and humanitarian dimensions, collides with an extremely complex reality, rendering its chances of success limited without comprehensive agreements and painful concessions from both sides. This seems unlikely given each side's adherence to its own narrative and objectives. At the same time, however, the plan could constitute a preliminary framework upon which to build to reduce the intensity of the conflict and open a window for negotiations, should genuine international support and political will transcend narrow calculations be available. Between rejection and acceptance, Gaza's future remains suspended on a thin line between explosion and détente.
National Post
11-05-2025
- Politics
- National Post
Remains of Israeli soldier missing since 1982 recovered in Syria
Article content Israeli President Isaac Herzog called the return of Feldman's body 'an immensely emotional moment and the closing of a circle after more than four decades.' Article content 'I spoke this morning with the Feldman family, who shared with me their feelings of emotion, relief and pain after so many years of grief and uncertainty,' Herzog said. Article content 'Tzvi was declared missing since falling in the battle of Sultan Yacoub in June 1982, during the First Lebanon War. I thank everyone involved in this important operation—a principled and determined effort that enabled his return for burial in the Land of Israel and ensured he received final honours.' Article content Herzog emphasized that 'Israel will always continue to act to bring back Staff Sgt. First Class Yehuda Katz, who remains missing from the same battle. Article content 'The sacred mission of returning all of our captives and missing—living and fallen alike, until the very last one—must always remain at the top of our priorities,' the president said. Article content Israel must always bring home its sons and daughters. The body of IDF soldier Tzvi Feldman, who had been declared missing after a battle in Lebanon in 1982, was recovered from Syria in a special mission by the Mossad and the Israel Defense Forces. — Aviva Klompas (@AvivaKlompas) May 11, 2025 Article content The operation marked the culmination of more than four decades of intelligence and field efforts, conducted in close coordination among the Prime Minister's Office's hostage and missing persons coordinators, the Mossad, the IDF Intelligence Directorate, the Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) and the IDF Personnel Directorate. Article content The family of Katz was also updated on the recovery of Feldman's remains and the continued efforts to locate their missing loved one. Article content Netanyahu expressed his deep appreciation to all agencies involved, including the Mossad, IDF and Shin Bet, and Hostage and Missing Coordinator Brig.-Gen. (res.) Gal Hirsch, praising their 'principled, determined and courageous' work. Article content Quoting the Prophet Jeremiah, Netanyahu concluded: 'There is hope for your future, declares the Lord, and your children shall return to their own border.' Article content The Israeli defence establishment reaffirmed its commitment to bring back all Israeli captives and MIAs—whether living, slain, missing or abducted—through unwavering effort, day and night. Article content
