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IOL News
7 days ago
- Entertainment
- IOL News
Witnessing Madiba's 90th birthday in Qunu and finding the soul of a nation
(File image) Nelson Mandela IOL Deputy Editor, Lee Rondganger recalls covering Nelson Mandela's 90th birthday at global icon's home in Qunu in the Eastern Cape in 2008. Image: File Image Independent Newspapers Seventeen years ago, I was a young reporter at The Star when I was assigned one of the most memorable stories of my career: covering Nelson Mandela's 90th birthday in his home village of Qunu. Photographer Shayne Robinson and I made the trip from Joburg in a hired camper van. It wasn't just because we wanted a cool road trip. The idea was practical, the camper van doubled as a mobile newsroom – a space where we could write, file, edit photos and work long hours comfortably. It also allowed us to be close to the action in a remote area without worrying about accommodation. Quietly, we were also testing the idea to see if it would work when the inevitable day came that we'd have to return to Qunu to cover Madiba's funeral. What I remember most from that assignment wasn't the formal programme or the celebrities and dignitaries expected to show up. It was the people of Qunu. There was a kind of easy hospitality in the way they welcomed us. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ There were no fences to keep us out, no suspicion, no 'who are you with?' kind of questions. We were reporters, yes, but we were also just people – and they treated us like neighbours. The villagers taught me something simple but deeply moving. If you wanted to know whether Mandela was home, you just had to look to see if the South African flag was flying outside his house. If it was raised, he was there. No blue-light motorcade, no announcement. Just the quiet signal of a flag flapping in the wind. On the day of his birthday, I followed his grandson, Inkosi Mandla Mandela, who walked for hours from Mvezo to Qunu, herding cattle as a traditional gift for his grandfather. It was a symbolic walk along the same footpath their ancestors had used for generations, through rocky hills and snaking dirt roads. It began just after sunrise and took hours. Along the way, Mandla's councilmen herded the cattle while villagers greeted them with ululations and cheers. We watched as Mandla, draped in a royal Xhosa blanket and holding his knobkerrie, roared in celebration when his grandfather's home came into view. It felt like witnessing a piece of living history. We never made it past the gates of Mandela's home that day – the official guest list was tight – but being outside, among the people who knew him as 'Tata,' was more than enough. I remember the way the villagers dressed in their best. I remember the joy in the air. I remember how they spoke of him – not as a distant global icon, but as a neighbour, a grandfather, a man whose life was still part of theirs. Being in Qunu that week gave me a front-row seat to how deeply Mandela was loved by the people who knew him first and best. And it's a memory I carry with me – not just of a great leader, but of a warm village that opened its arms to two journalists in a camper van. Lee Rondganger is the Deputy Editor of IOL IOL Opinion Lee Rondganger. Image: IOL Graphic
IOL News
18-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
One Year of the GNU — A Mirage Sold as a Miracle
When the Government of National Unity (GNU) was cobbled together after the 2024 elections, it was sold to South Africans as a bold reset, an answer to years of stagnation, corruption, and deepening inequality. But it has failed in its task, argues Lee Rondganger. When the Government of National Unity (GNU) was cobbled together after the 2024 elections, it was sold to South Africans as a bold reset, an answer to years of stagnation, corruption, and deepening inequality. A "miracle of democracy," some called it, but one year in, the miracle has started to look like a managed illusion. Yes, there have been bright spots. The GNU avoided a fiscal cliff by backing down from a VAT increase. It brought long overdue scrutiny to government departments, especially those now under DA leadership. It even gave markets something to cheer about albeit briefly. But for millions of South Africans, especially outside Gauteng and the Western Cape, daily life remains as precarious as ever. In provinces like the Eastern Cape and Limpopo, you wouldn't know a new government was in charge. The GNU - some call it a grand coalition between the ANC and DA - was supposed to deliver stability but instead, it delivered strain. The DA and ANC, the two biggest coalition partners, can't agree on core policy questions from tax to land to education. Budget battles have exposed just how fragile this marriage of convenience is. Smaller parties like UAT have already walked away, fed up with being sidelined. There is still no formal coalition agreement. No roadmap and no accountability framework. We are watching a national experiment unfold in real time and there is no safety net. And while the ministers argue in Parliament, the people continue to wait for electricity, for jobs and for water that doesn't come out brown. Take the Eastern Cape. According to Stats SA, nearly 90% of schoolchildren there rely on government-provided nutrition. About two-thirds of households receive social grants. That's not a social safety net, that's survival. In KZN, where the MK Party upended the ANC's grip on power, which has seen the provincial leadership hop into bed with the IFP, NFP and DA to run a minority government in the province, service delivery has flatlined. Municipalities are paralysed. Political infighting has spilled into the streets in the form of protests, with residents still waiting for basic infrastructure that was promised long before the GNU came to power. This coalition government has been good at talking about 'working together.' But it has failed at the one thing voters truly care about - getting things done. A Coalition of the Elite? There's a hard question we need to ask, has the GNU become an alliance of elites, managing perception more than performance? For investors, things have improved. The rand held. Business confidence ticked up. Cyril Ramaphosa got his photo op in Washington, even if Donald Trump hijacked it with white genocide conspiracy theories. But what about the unemployed youth in Mthatha or the underpaid domestic worker in Umlazi? Has the GNU seen their lives improve? The numbers say no. Unemployment remains high at 32%. Growth is sluggish and load shedding may be less severe, but it's still a fact of life. And inequality? Still obscene. Right now, the GNU is coasting on political novelty. But that won't last. Without delivery, unity becomes irrelevant. And the longer the coalition fails to show tangible results, the more frustrated voters grow. One year into the GNU, the verdict is sobering. The GNU has been grossly ineffective in changing the lives of South Africans. In a country where every day without progress deepens mistrust, indecision becomes its own kind of betrayal. With untapped human resources potential coupled with the wealth under our feet and in our oceans, South Africa does not need a miracle. It needs a government that works for them. And right now, the GNU is not delivering. Lee Rondganger is the deputy editor of IOL IOL Opinion
IOL News
18-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
GNU Ministers Rated: Who excelled and who failed in year one of the GNU
The GNU's first year has revealed sharp contrasts,some ministers rose to the occasion, others faltered, as transparency, accountability, and coalition tensions defined the evolving political landscape. Image: Lee Rondganger/ IOL As South Africa's Government of National Unity (GNU) marks its first year in office, opinions remain sharply divided on its performance. Some ministers have emerged as coalition-era stars, while others have floundered, raising questions about leadership, accountability, and the country's economic prospects. Drawing from interviews, policy trackers, and expert analysis, IOL assess who has delivered, and who has been missing in action. The GNU expanded its cabinet from 30 to 32 members, alongside an increase in deputy ministers from 36 to 43. 'By global standards, this represents a large executive,' said political analyst Theo Neethling of the University of the Free State. However, Neethling highlighted that the coalition structure of the GNU is generally more acceptable to South Africans than a single-party government, formed in direct response to calls for greater cooperation to address pressing national challenges. 'The GNU,with its broader representation and diversity of voices, is more responsive and accountable to the public than previous cabinets, particularly compared to the era when state capture became a defining feature of governance,' Neethling said. According to Neethling, certain ministers have distinguished themselves through effective leadership and policy direction. He viewed Parks Tau as an 'inspired choice' in the Trade, Industry and Competition portfolio, noting that this critical ministry benefits significantly from Tau's leadership. Ronald Lamola, though initially seen as inexperienced in foreign affairs, has nonetheless 'performed commendably' in his role as Minister of International Affairs. Senzo Mchunu, previously recognised for his effectiveness in the Water and Sanitation portfolio, is regarded as a 'considerable improvement' in his new role as Police Minister. Enoch Godongwana is credited with showing 'a steady hand at Treasury,' and Kgosientsho Ramokgopa has competently managed the demanding Electricity and Energy portfolio. Neethling added, 'These are some of the most capable ANC ministers, who collectively hold over 60% of Cabinet positions.' Neethling also identifies strong contributions from opposition figures. IFP leader Velenkosini Hlabisa has brought 'a calm and measured approach' to Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, with a focus on stabilising local government and modernising traditional leadership structures. The DA's ministers are generally viewed as having performed well across their six portfolios. Neethling singled out Leon Schreiber as particularly effective in the Home Affairs department, a space that has long required reform. 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Next Stay Close ✕ DA leader John Steenhuisen is commended for his dual role in the Cabinet and in navigating his party's participation in the coalition. Meanwhile, Gayton McKenzie, the PA leader, has made waves with what Neethling described as an 'energetic and larger-than-life persona,' although public opinion about his impact remains divided. But not all ministers have met was critical of some ministers who continue to underperform, notably Mineral and Petroleum Resources Minister Gwede Mantashe, who remains politically shielded despite poor performance. Deputy President Paul Mashatile's legacy of enabling patronage networks raises serious concerns, and Angie Motshekga's tenure as minister of defence and military veterans has been 'utterly disappointing,' especially given the portfolio's importance to South Africa's international image. Concerns about transparency and accountability are echoed by Letlhogonolo Letshele, a campaigner at Open Secrets. On financial transparency and procurement, Letshele noted, 'No, not really,' pointing out that despite the Public Procurement Act signing in 2024, it has yet to come into force due to missing regulations. This leaves procurement vulnerable to corruption as contracts are still awarded to politically connected individuals through fraudulent tenders, she said. Regarding public accountability, Letshele stated bluntly: 'I do not think there is [leadership on accountability].' The finance minister and department failed to explain the opaque 2025 budget impasse, and the Presidency has struggled to report on progress implementing the Zondo Commission's recommendations, she said. Despite this, there is a slight positive: 'In January 2025, the committee was established [to oversee the President and Presidency]. This makes the president more accountable.' Open Secrets maintains a detailed tracker monitoring the implementation of the Zondo recommendations and ongoing accountability efforts, said Letshele. Lecturer and political analyst Zakhele Ndlovu from UKZN reflected on the GNU's economic challenges and prospects: 'We find ourselves at a crossroads, where political parties have the chance to set aside divisive identity politics and address the country's deeply ingrained challenges.' Yet, eight months on, fundamental disagreements between the ANC and DA remain, illustrated by failed compromises on the Bela Bill, NHI Bill, expropriation, and the budget impasse. Ndlovu pointed out, 'While all these bills were passed without the DA's support, it nevertheless remained in the GNU.' This has caused tension, culminating in the DA turning to the courts over the budget dispute, casting doubt on the coalition's future cohesion. On economic challenges, Ndlovu identified collapsing infrastructure and dysfunctional state-owned enterprises (SOEs) as the most urgent concerns. He noted regular water and electricity interruptions and failing rail infrastructure, which impede business operations and disproportionately harm the working class.
