Latest news with #LegislativeAssembly
Indian Express
17 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Maharashtra special public security bill
The Congress central leadership has sought a reply from the Maharashtra Legislative Party as to how it allowed the passing of the Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill without opposition. The Congress party came under criticism after it neither protested, nor submitted a dissenting note in the Legislative Assembly against the bill, despite its leadership voicing opposition to it. 'The All-India Congress Committee had time and again discussed the need to oppose (the bill), and the issue was discussed at the highest level. A clear message was conveyed in this regard to the Maharashtra Pradesh Committee,' said a letter sent by Maharashtra Congress chief Harshavardhan Sapkal. Two days ago, Sapkal, on the instructions of Maharashtra Congress in-charge Ramesh Chennithala, wrote to Congress Legislative Party leader Vijay Wadettiwar, group leader in the Legislative Council Satej Patil, and party chief whip Amin Patel. 'A detailed explanation be submitted (to the AICC) on the events (when the bill was passed),' it said, adding that an explanation of the party's stand taken within the legislature and the reasons behind it should be submitted at the earliest. Sources within the Congress told The Indian Express that the high command has taken the incident of the peaceful passage of the bill seriously and hence a detailed report is being sought. According to sources, the party high command was unhappy after the bill had a smooth passage and nobody except one MLA from the Communist Party of India (Marxist) registered opposition to it. Faced with backlash, the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) walked out of the Legislative Council the next day, registering protest. The bill was sent to the Joint Scrutiny Committee comprising 25 members from the Legislative Assembly and Council. As per the rules, the members of the committee cannot participate in the discussion unless they submit a dissent note. Vijay Wadettiwar, Nana Patole and Satej Patil were members of the committee from the Congress.
The Hindu
19 hours ago
- Entertainment
- The Hindu
Culture Minister launches logo for Kerala film policy conclave
The proposed policy for the Malayalam film industry, to be presented at the Kerala film policy conclave in August, will address all the long-time demands and pertinent issues, including women's safety, implementation of labour laws and the formal recognition as an industry, Minister for Cultural Affairs Saji Cherian has said. Addressing a press conference here on Wednesday to announce the conclave and launch its logo, he said that the film policy will be formulated based on the discussions at the conclave. Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan will inaugurate the two-day conclave at a function to be held at the Sankaranarayanan Thampi Hall inside the Legislative Assembly complex in Thiruvananthapuram on August 2. The conclave, which will comprehensively discuss various aspects of cinema, will be attended by representatives of the 17 States that have formulated the film policy, representatives of the National Film Development Corporation, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Union Ministry of Culture and Tourism, personalities from the Indian film industry as well as international experts, various film organisations and experts in the fields of labour and law. Mr. Cherian said that comprehensive discussions will be held on various issues related to the film sector. The conclave will have nine sessions over two days. After the inaugural session on the first day, five sessions will be conducted. All these sessions will be held simultaneously at five different venues. There will be a plenary session in the afternoon in which moderators from each discussion will present reports based on their discussions. This will be followed by an open forum at 4.30 p.m., in which representatives can raise questions related to the reports. Ideas emerging from the discussions will be codified and incorporated into the film policy. Wide-ranging process 'Such a wide-ranging, democratic process to formulate a policy for a film industry is unprecedented. The policy will be a comprehensive one in which every department of cinema will be considered and the concerns of every person will be addressed,' said Mr. Cherian. Cultural Affairs department Additional Chief Secretary Rajan N. Khobragade, Cultural Affairs department Director Divya S. Iyer, Kerala State Chalachitra Academy chairperson Premkumar, Kerala State Cultural Activists Welfare Fund Board chairperson K. Madhupal, Kerala State Film Development Corporation managing director P.S. Priyadarshan and Kerala State Chalachitra Academy secretary C. Ajoy were present.
The Hindu
a day ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
BJP Brings in ‘Security' Law That Could Silence Dissent in Maharashtra
Published : Jul 16, 2025 07:36 IST - 5 MINS READ Days after the ruling BJP at the Centre and in Maharashtra observed the 50th anniversary of the Emergency and the curtailment of freedoms it entailed, the Maha Yuti government, led by Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, passed the Maharashtra Special Public Security (MSPS) Bill, 2024, by voice vote in the Legislative Assembly on July 10. The irony is stark: the same party that declared June 25 as 'Constitution Murder Day' now wields a law that critics describe as the gravest threat to freedom of expression in Maharashtra. While tabling the Bill, Fadnavis warned of 'urban Maoist networks' brainwashing youth, professionals, and civil servants. 'Maoists were trying to brainwash the youth of the urban areas and make them stand up against the democratic system of the country,' he said. The statement of objects claims that 'the menace of Naxalism is not only limited to remote areas of the Naxal-affected States, but its presence is increasing in the urban areas also through the Naxal front organisations'. The MSPS Bill empowers the State government to declare any suspect 'organisation' as an 'unlawful organisation'. Four offences can trigger action: membership of such organisations, fundraising on their behalf, managing or assisting them, and committing unlawful activities. Also Read | Why Maharashtra withdrew its Hindi language mandate in schools Punishments range from two to seven years' imprisonment and fines from Rs 2 lakh to Rs 5 lakh. These offences are cognisable and non-bailable, allowing arrest without a warrant. The Bill defines 'unlawful activity' broadly as any act that 'constitutes a danger or menace to public order, peace and tranquillity' or interferes 'with the administration of law'. The definition potentially encompasses satyagraha, civil disobedience, and peaceful protests—constitutionally protected forms of democratic expression. The Bill's journey First introduced during the 2024 monsoon session by then Deputy Chief Minister Fadnavis, the Bill was revived after the Maha Yuti returned to power in November 2024. A joint select committee, headed by Revenue Minister Chandrashekhar Bawankule, held five meetings between March 4 and June 26 and received over 12,500 suggestions and objections. Civil society groups, including the Maharashtra chapter of the Bharat Jodo Abhiyan and the People's Union for Civil Liberties, urged that the Bill be withdrawn entirely. Others questioned its intent, calling it a precursor to authoritarianism. The committee recommended three amendments: changing the title to specify 'Left Wing Extremist organisations or similar organisations'; mandating an advisory board comprising three High Court judges or qualified persons; and raising the rank of the investigating officer from sub-inspector to Deputy Superintendent of Police. Pushback for the Bill In the Assembly, only CPI(M) MLA Vinod Nikole opposed the Bill outright, calling it 'draconian'. Rohit Pawar of the NCP (Sharad Pawar) expressed concern over its potential misuse. Fadnavis assured that political and social activists would not be targeted, and that the right to protest would remain protected. Congress leader Nitin Raut referred to the controversial Bhima Koregaon case of 2018, in which several people were arrested under the 'urban naxal' label. Despite this, the Opposition offered little resistance during the Assembly proceedings. The silence shocked civil society activists who had been protesting the Bill for over a year. Uddhav Thackeray and senior Congress leaders had attended a June 28 rally in Mumbai against the Bill. But it was only when the legislation reached the Legislative Council that Congress and Shiv Sena (Uddhav Thackeray) actively objected. Congress leaders Satej Patil and Abhijit Vanjari condemned the Bill as an assault on democratic rights. Shiv Sena (UBT) MLC Anil Parab gave a detailed speech highlighting its flaws. Vanjari questioned why only Left-wing extremism was targeted, while Right-wing extremism was ignored. Thackeray labelled it 'not Jan Suraksha but BJP Suraksha Bill'. Despite objections, the Bill was passed owing to the government's numerical strength in both Houses. Opposition members of the Council submitted an eight-page memorandum to the Governor urging him to withhold assent. The urban naxal propaganda machine The 'urban naxal' narrative has long been promoted by BJP sympathisers and Right-wing ideologues. Recent protests—against the CAA-NRC (Citizenship (Amendment) Act-National Register of Citizens), the farm laws, and others—were also branded 'Urban Naxal' conspiracies. The Bhima Koregaon case is the most cited example. Sixteen individuals, including political scientist Anand Teltumbde, activist Sudha Bharadwaj, and 84-year-old Father Stan Swamy, were arrested. Swamy died in custody on July 5, 2021, after being repeatedly denied bail despite suffering from Parkinson's disease. Another example is that of Professor G.N. Saibaba, a Delhi University academic and human rights activist, who was sentenced to life imprisonment by a sessions court. He was acquitted twice by the Nagpur Bench of the Bombay High Court—in October 2022 and March 2024—after spending nearly a decade in jail. Saibaba died on October 12, 2024, while undergoing treatment in Hyderabad. Politics over law Several existing laws already address unlawful activities. Congress MLC Abhijit Vanjari questioned the rationale behind the MSPS Bill: 'The Union Home Minister claims that the Naxal movement is nearly defeated, with only 28 per cent remaining. If true, under which law has this been achieved?' Also Read | As Maharashtra waits to be counted, politics is already doing the math Fadnavis, however, has pushed forward with legislation targeting alleged urban maoists. Sanjay M.G. of the National Alliance for People's Movements said, 'This law is to suppress future protests against the loot of India. The BJP's development model is being resisted—whether it is the redevelopment of Dharavi or mineral exploitation in Vidarbha. People will not stay silent, so this law is meant to silence them.' Vivek Korde, a senior social activist, cited a 2024 report by the Centre for the Study of Organised Hate, which showed that Maharashtra leads in hate speech cases, over 90 per cent of which involve Right-wing leaders. 'If Fadnavis truly cared about law and order, he would legislate against hate speech and violence,' he said. Civil society is planning large-scale protests. 'We are organising protest programmes across Maharashtra,' said Ulka Mahajan of Bharat Jodo Abhiyan. 'This is clearly an anti-people Bill aimed at stopping people from asserting their rights.' Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi leader Prakash Ambedkar announced plans to challenge the law in court. 'This law is draconian and unconstitutional. We are going to fight it legally,' he said. Maharashtra has recently been in the news for all the wrong reasons—rampant corruption, MLA hooliganism, violent language protests, and crumbling infrastructure. The passage of the law marks yet another step in the State's steady descent.
Scroll.in
2 days ago
- Politics
- Scroll.in
Former civil servant and RBI governor YV Reddy revisits his mistakes and interventions in a new book
When a political party sweeps to power, they sometimes abandon the unfinished projects started by the previous regime in order to start their own new projects, which are in alignment with their particular agendas. But abandoning projects close to completion, especially those that were 80 per cent or more complete, had been proving to be highly wasteful. As Secretary, Planning, Government of Andhra Pradesh, I went to Chief Minister NT Rama Rao with a proposal to earmark Rs 1 crore per district (it was a substantial amount in those days), purely on grounds of efficiency, for projects that were 80 per cent completed (last mile projects). This Rs 1 crore would be spent only to complete these last mile projects. These projects were to be identified by a technical committee headed by the district collector and would be outside the normal budgetary allocations to the department concerned. The district collector's office was not subject to short-term political changes and would, I reasoned, ensure a longer-term perspective. I argued that the funds should be sanctioned straightaway as 'crucial balancing investment'. It would, I argued, greatly improve efficiencies. The then Secretary to the Chief Minister and my dear friend, UB Raghavendra Rao, was not convinced. He warned me that it would undermine both the process of expenditure authorisation by the government and the parliamentary system. I disagreed and persisted. NTR approved the crucial balancing investment scheme for each district. For a while, it was a success. After about five years, a weak Collector gave in to pressure from local politicians. The Rs 1 crore was distributed equally among Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) without the need to follow the 80 per cent completion guideline. Over time, this malpractice spread to other districts. Later, even the guideline of 80 per cent completion was officially diluted. Exactly the opposite of what was intended had taken place, and the original problem had worsened. Raghavendra Rao was proved right. Later, a similar scheme called the Members of Parliament (MP) Local Area Development Scheme was adopted by the Government of India with an even greater dilution of guidelines. What seemed at first an obvious solution using a pragmatic, dynamic plan to improve efficiency had had unintended consequences. This happened because I did not pay attention to possible second-order and third-order effects. A costly mistake, indeed. Although it is impossible to accurately envision all possible second and third-order effects, I have found that it is important to at least contemplate them. Over time, one's skill and judgement pertaining to next-order effects get honed, providing a very useful framework. As a government officer, my father would visit the villages in his jurisdiction. Despite his stature, he would sit with farmers and talk about their problems in local gathering places. He showed his deep empathy for the poor. During my vacations, I would accompany him. My father's concern for the common man influenced me greatly. As a student in Anantapur, I shared a hostel with young men from poor families, and this close experience also had a deep influence on me. The Telugu phrase 'samayam, sandarbham' translates to time and context. Samayam, sandarbham are always predominant in my decision-making. Nearly all actions and situations are meaningless when stripped of their time and context. What are considered pillars of virtue in one society (for example, the quality of harmony and collectivism in certain Asian cultures) might be less important in another, or might even be considered inferior (for example, in certain Western cultures, disruption and individualism are valued over harmony and the collective good). Also, developed markets with robust legal systems can support certain policies. These same measures will not work in less developed markets that lack strong and swift legal systems to which citizens can turn in the case of fraud or failure. Formulaic prescriptions should be viewed in context. There is a standard formula for measuring the optimum level of foreign exchange reserves of a country. In India (and elsewhere), forex reserves are the reserves of foreign convertible currencies (mainly US dollars) and gold held by the monetary authority for various reasons, including to provide stability to the system. (The International Monetary Fund's [IMF] Special Drawing Rights form much smaller components of the forex reserves.) The optimal level of forex reserves is calculated in economic terms and exposures. But what of geo-political factors? I maintained that we needed to also take geopolitical risks and security into account. President Bill Clinton was once quoted as saying that the US should help bail out Mexico in a time of need, but not some other country, such as India. (He specifically mentioned India as a country that the US would not help bail out.) In such a situation, Mexico can afford to have fewer reserves than India, which must have more because it does not belong to any bloc and cannot expect a bailout from anyone. India has to take care of at least three potential shocks from the external sector – food, fuel, and finance (external finance). I have also learnt from the sound counsel of Bimal Jalan. The RBI manages the public debt of the Government of India through the Public Debt Office. In 1997, as Deputy Governor, I argued for creating an independent debt office, separate from the RBI. This separation of powers seemed logical, efficient, and consistent with international practice. I made a presentation to Governor Jalan. He listened attentively and complimented me. Then, to my surprise, he asked me to write a note opposing my own recommendation (I later realised this was to help me think through the opposing view). On reflection, I understood his viewpoint. Our context was unique. When the RBI is the public debt manager for the government, it keeps in mind the government's interests. Once that function is taken out of the RBI's purview, the government is exposed to market risk and possible vested interests. Jalan felt we should hold off till our markets were sufficiently well-developed and the government was able to raise money without the RBI's help as a public debt manager. My initial view, while attractive at first, did not give sufficient weight to these realities. The experience of Greece (and several other countries) during the financial crisis of 2008 supported Jalan's wisdom. In summary, it is wise to look at formulae, theory, standard practice, and the experience of others while crafting policy or making decisions. To then evaluate their relevance in the particular samayam and sandarbham of the practitioner's system is even wiser. The RBI viewed certain financial innovations as healthy, but only in small quantities. A proliferation of these innovations often presented systemic risks that could be difficult to undo. Also, unlike Food and Drug Regulation authorities, which can first carry out controlled experiments with a drug before releasing it into the larger population, financial systems do not first test the safety of financial innovations before injecting them into markets. Timing can be crucial. In the 2004 elections, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led coalition government, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), was defeated and the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government, under the Congress's Sonia Gandhi, was elected. Although eventually Manmohan Singh was declared the prime minister, there was, for one day, great uncertainty about who would lead the country. During this time, there was an attack on the stock exchange. This resulted in a huge dollar outflow due to demand for the currency. The rupee began falling dramatically. The market sentiment was totally against us and acting in such an environment posed risks and costs. In addition, as RBI Governor, I had to keep the political leadership informed of my actions in a situation where we were politically rudderless. I called the outgoing finance minister, Jaswant Singh. I explained that I was not intervening immediately but would act at the appropriate time. Jaswant Singh was puzzled. He pointed out that he was not the finance minister anymore. I told him that, legally, until the next Cabinet was formed, he still was. Therefore, I reported to him. I assured him that he could convey this information to anyone he wanted if he felt it was appropriate. The rupee continued to fall, but we at the RBI did not act. By late morning, several people were asking the RBI to intervene. The clamour grew louder, as did the support for intervention. A little after lunchtime, we acted. The RBI intervened in a massive way – spending huge amounts to buy dollars, showing our strong determination, and stemming the slide. The markets stabilised. If the timing was wrong, the costs of intervention would have proved prohibitive in an environment of adverse market sentiment. We waited till such time as there was a critical minimum level at which at least some people in the markets started thinking that enough was enough and demanded that the RBI intervene. That was when we considered it appropriate to hit hard and decisively— we turned the anti-rupee sentiment into a pro-rupee sentiment. In all this, timing was key. At the RBI, one of the highlights was the chance to meet and interact with distinguished people. I served under Manmohan Singh and worked with P Chidambaram, Yashwant Sinha, and Jaswant Singh. The RBI board meetings were a delight. The Board of Directors included many eminent people – scientists such as APJ Abdul Kalam and UR Rao; industrialists such as Ashok Ganguly, Ratan Tata, and Narayana Murthy; economists such as A Vaidyanathan and Mihir Rakshit; and social workers such as Amrita Patel and Sashi Rajagopalan. The insights and perspectives gained during our regular meetings, as well as relationships formed during those sessions, still stay with me. I hosted many central bankers from other countries and a G20 summit (which at that time came and went without much fanfare). I also greatly enjoyed my interactions with journalists and looked forward to the friendly banter and repartee I shared with them. My job as RBI Governor was the ultimate in satisfaction, and in many respects, the highlight of my entire working life. Professionally, I had had a dream run and my working life had been intense, eventful, and consequential. In addition, I was immensely fortunate to be recognised for my work internationally and nationally, including with a Padma Vibhushan. YV Reddy was born on August 17, 1941. He is an Indian economist and a former IAS officer of the 1964 batch belonging to the Andhra Pradesh cadre. Reddy served as Governor of the Reserve Bank of India from September 2003 to September 2008.
India Gazette
3 days ago
- Politics
- India Gazette
Chhattisgarh CM Vishnu Deo Sai, Assembly Speaker Raman Singh join 'Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam 2.0' plantation drive
Nava Raipur (Chhattisgarh) [India], July 14 (ANI): Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai and Assembly Speaker Raman Singh on Monday took part in a tree plantation drive under the 'Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam 2.0' campaign, held at the premises of the new state Legislative Assembly building in Atal Nagar-Nava Raipur. Speaking at the event, Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai extended warm greetings to the people of Chhattisgarh for the Shravan month. 'Heartfelt congratulations to everyone for the Shraavan month. May Lord Shiva's blessings continue to shower upon Chhattisgarh, and may there be prosperity in Chhattisgarh... Today, we have all come to the new Legislative Assembly premises... Everyone has planted trees here,' Deo told reporters. Reacting on the same event, Assembly Speaker Raman Singh said the plantation drive symbolized a collective commitment to environmental responsibility. Assembly speaker said to reporters, 'Today is the first Monday of Shravan month and on this auspicious occasion, the Chief Minister has expressed his wish that under the 'Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam' campaign launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, trees should be planted in the Assembly premises in the presence of all the MLAs, all the ministers and our colleagues. Today, in the presence of everyone, a massive tree plantation campaign has taken place, and this is going to become our green campus.' Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched the 'Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam' campaign, an unique initiative combining environmental responsibility with a heartfelt tribute to mothers. This campaign was inaugurated on June 5, 2024. He urged citizens across the country to participate in the 'Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam' campaign by planting at least one tree in their mother's name. Under the leadership of Chief Minister Bhupendra Patel, Gujarat ranked second nationwide, with the successful plantation of 17.48 crore saplings as part of this initiative. (ANI)
