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How do you decarbonise an economy? Line by line, says Matt Kean
How do you decarbonise an economy? Line by line, says Matt Kean

Sydney Morning Herald

timea day ago

  • Business
  • Sydney Morning Herald

How do you decarbonise an economy? Line by line, says Matt Kean

Kean's view is that the authority's recommendation should be based on a conservative analysis of new technologies. 'If some of those technologies come off, great, but we have tried to anchor this in tangible, deliverable technologies and outcomes,' he says. Kean had to consider the impact of the Trump administration dumping most of the Biden-era climate policies, but he also considered how the transformation of China's manufacturing of green technology was dramatically changing the economics for the better. The government will not be beholden to any recommendation that the authority finally makes, but given how much political capital it has spent developing its climate policy, it appears unlikely that Kean will be ignored. Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen has been campaigning to secure the right to host the COP climate talks in November next year, an effort Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has endorsed. Embarrassingly for the government, it has so far failed to knock out a rival bid by Turkey. Australia's 2035 target must be credible to advance that bid. Before the authority's recommendation comes up, the government is expected to publish its National Climate Risk Assessment – a report on the effects of climate change that Australians can expect to face this century under low- and high-emissions scenarios. It is expected to be grim reading. Kean claims not to be fazed by the competing demands placed on him, and says he has lost no political friendships by working on a project still contested by parts of the Liberal-National Coalition he once served. 'My friends are still my friends and my detractors are still my detractors,' he says. 'Clearly, Labor haven't chosen me because of my political learnings. They've chosen me because of what I've delivered and in terms of what I tried to focus on when I was in government … tackling this problem in a way that tries to build consensus and bring communities together in the state's interest or the national interest ... This is not a red team/blue team challenge.' Kean is referring to his time as energy and environment minister in the former NSW Coalition government, which legislated a 50 per cent reduction in emissions by 2030, 70 per cent by 2035 and net zero by 2050. To win the politics, Kean first enacted the policies that would get the state on track to net zero, then urged his colleagues in the Liberal-National Party room to bank the win. The sector-by-sector approach for the Climate Authority is quite different – more akin, Kean says, to his subsequent role as NSW treasurer. Loading Either way, his work is drawing him deeper into the political and economic fray. He notes that the Productivity Commission has recommended that the authority expand its remit, a position he welcomes. 'My vision for the Climate Change Authority is for us to be the RBA equivalent when it comes to climate policy: independent, frank and fearless advice provided to the government and the public that people can have confidence in,' Kean says. 'That's what I want to build the institution to. I want [it] to be a fixture in the Australian political and policy landscape that is trusted and respected.' Outside observers are broadly complimentary about the Climate Change Authority's work. One analyst with a business group notes that the authority could have submitted politically safe set of numbers months ago and the delay suggests the work is rigorous. Climate Council chief executive Amanda McKenzie says that under Kean, the authority has engaged deeply across the sector. Loading Leading economist Ross Garnaut says he has great confidence in the Climate Change Authority to come up with an appropriate target. 'They are doing the detailed work that I haven't, and I am very confident that they will make recommendations that are in our national interest,' Garnaut says. Kean has also been appointed to the board of The Nature Conservancy Australia and plans to advocate on the biodiversity crisis. 'Since 1788, we have had 34 mammal species go extinct, or almost one in 10,' he says. 'That's a world-leading tally we should all be ashamed of.' Reforms to the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Act are needed, Kean says, and should possibly include a climate trigger 'given the climate change impacts are many and accelerating in their intensity and impact'. Loading Kean says decarbonising the economy is in the overriding national and environmental interest. It's also in the interest of future generations, something Kean feels keenly as a young father to two stepchildren and two biological children. His newest child, Zoe, is just eight weeks old, and he worries that she will never see the Great Barrier Reef. 'What motivates me is the idea that we can hand our planet to our kids better than we found it, and we can hand them an economy stronger and more prosperous than we found it,' Kean says. 'I would have thought that's something that can unite all Australians.'

How do you decarbonise an economy? Line by line, says Matt Kean
How do you decarbonise an economy? Line by line, says Matt Kean

The Age

timea day ago

  • Business
  • The Age

How do you decarbonise an economy? Line by line, says Matt Kean

Kean's view is that the authority's recommendation should be based on a conservative analysis of new technologies. 'If some of those technologies come off, great, but we have tried to anchor this in tangible, deliverable technologies and outcomes,' he says. Kean had to consider the impact of the Trump administration dumping most of the Biden-era climate policies, but he also considered how the transformation of China's manufacturing of green technology was dramatically changing the economics for the better. The government will not be beholden to any recommendation that the authority finally makes, but given how much political capital it has spent developing its climate policy, it appears unlikely that Kean will be ignored. Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen has been campaigning to secure the right to host the COP climate talks in November next year, an effort Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has endorsed. Embarrassingly for the government, it has so far failed to knock out a rival bid by Turkey. Australia's 2035 target must be credible to advance that bid. Before the authority's recommendation comes up, the government is expected to publish its National Climate Risk Assessment – a report on the effects of climate change that Australians can expect to face this century under low- and high-emissions scenarios. It is expected to be grim reading. Kean claims not to be fazed by the competing demands placed on him, and says he has lost no political friendships by working on a project still contested by parts of the Liberal-National Coalition he once served. 'My friends are still my friends and my detractors are still my detractors,' he says. 'Clearly, Labor haven't chosen me because of my political learnings. They've chosen me because of what I've delivered and in terms of what I tried to focus on when I was in government … tackling this problem in a way that tries to build consensus and bring communities together in the state's interest or the national interest ... This is not a red team/blue team challenge.' Kean is referring to his time as energy and environment minister in the former NSW Coalition government, which legislated a 50 per cent reduction in emissions by 2030, 70 per cent by 2035 and net zero by 2050. To win the politics, Kean first enacted the policies that would get the state on track to net zero, then urged his colleagues in the Liberal-National Party room to bank the win. The sector-by-sector approach for the Climate Authority is quite different – more akin, Kean says, to his subsequent role as NSW treasurer. Loading Either way, his work is drawing him deeper into the political and economic fray. He notes that the Productivity Commission has recommended that the authority expand its remit, a position he welcomes. 'My vision for the Climate Change Authority is for us to be the RBA equivalent when it comes to climate policy: independent, frank and fearless advice provided to the government and the public that people can have confidence in,' Kean says. 'That's what I want to build the institution to. I want [it] to be a fixture in the Australian political and policy landscape that is trusted and respected.' Outside observers are broadly complimentary about the Climate Change Authority's work. One analyst with a business group notes that the authority could have submitted politically safe set of numbers months ago and the delay suggests the work is rigorous. Climate Council chief executive Amanda McKenzie says that under Kean, the authority has engaged deeply across the sector. Loading Leading economist Ross Garnaut says he has great confidence in the Climate Change Authority to come up with an appropriate target. 'They are doing the detailed work that I haven't, and I am very confident that they will make recommendations that are in our national interest,' Garnaut says. Kean has also been appointed to the board of The Nature Conservancy Australia and plans to advocate on the biodiversity crisis. 'Since 1788, we have had 34 mammal species go extinct, or almost one in 10,' he says. 'That's a world-leading tally we should all be ashamed of.' Reforms to the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Act are needed, Kean says, and should possibly include a climate trigger 'given the climate change impacts are many and accelerating in their intensity and impact'. Loading Kean says decarbonising the economy is in the overriding national and environmental interest. It's also in the interest of future generations, something Kean feels keenly as a young father to two stepchildren and two biological children. His newest child, Zoe, is just eight weeks old, and he worries that she will never see the Great Barrier Reef. 'What motivates me is the idea that we can hand our planet to our kids better than we found it, and we can hand them an economy stronger and more prosperous than we found it,' Kean says. 'I would have thought that's something that can unite all Australians.'

How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous
How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous

The Age

time24-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Age

How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous

So the Liberals and Nationals were going to break up, but now maybe they won't. Maybe their differences are irreconcilable, maybe they've got too much history, or maybe they're just too co-dependent to go it alone. So much for the rumour that the Liberal-National Coalition isn't suited to the modern era. This relationship drama is so today it deserves its own TikTok to keep us abreast of the latest while we sip our adaptogenic tea. If only they realised it. The Liberals and Nationals are carrying on like they've missed a key message of the election and are therefore at risk of missing their moment to get with the times. Granted, the message was concealed by Labor's thumping final quota of seats in the House of Representatives. But recall the campaign polls, and it's plain to see: voters are becoming more politically polyamorous. Right up to election day, a large number of voters remained soft and swinging. That's not the behaviour of an electorate looking for a long-term marriage to one political party. In fact, for a canny team, it could be the perfect moment to offer a political throuple. We're used to talking about the intersectionality of Australian identities in relation to ethnic background and sexual identification. Having multiple ethnicities is not uncommon in Australia – about a third of all marriages registered in Australia were between people born in different countries. That has increased the number of mixed-religion couples as well. And diversity extends to sexuality, nearly 10 per cent of people between the ages of 16 and 24 are LGBTI+, according to an Australian Bureau of Statistics estimate – more than any generation before them. It would be short-sighted to ignore the fact that these intersections extend to politics. Just to use myself as a case study, my great-grandfather was an organiser in the Victorian Farmers' Union, which later became the Victorian National Party. My grandfather scored his first reporting job at the union's print organ, The Farmer's Advocate. My father worked for the Labor Party. My mother fled East Germany, in a pretty final statement on what she thought of the communist creed. Each of them left an imprint on my understanding of politics. And that's before we even touch on my personal political flirtations. You could say my family was 'National/ALP/Classical Liberal+'. And voting trends show that there are a lot of other pan-political people out there. That creates a solid base for a coalition which aspires to represent the individualist aspirations of urban populations, along with the more collective and community-driven values of the country. People are rarely just one thing or another. Only ideologues and the unimaginative fail to grasp the intricate dance between the two. It's common to travel through political needs and sometimes affiliations in the course of a lifetime as our experiences compound. Women tend to be more drawn to the idea of community, reflecting the demands of child-bearing and rearing. Men are often more attracted to individualism, even libertarianism. Young people traditionally start off on the left and move to the right over time (though this trajectory has stalled, as it seems to be coupled to homeownership). Reality mugs all of us eventually, in one form or another.

How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous
How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous

Sydney Morning Herald

time24-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Sydney Morning Herald

How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous

So the Liberals and Nationals were going to break up, but now maybe they won't. Maybe their differences are irreconcilable, maybe they've got too much history, or maybe they're just too co-dependent to go it alone. So much for the rumour that the Liberal-National Coalition isn't suited to the modern era. This relationship drama is so today it deserves its own TikTok to keep us abreast of the latest while we sip our adaptogenic tea. If only they realised it. The Liberals and Nationals are carrying on like they've missed a key message of the election and are therefore at risk of missing their moment to get with the times. Granted, the message was concealed by Labor's thumping final quota of seats in the House of Representatives. But recall the campaign polls, and it's plain to see: voters are becoming more politically polyamorous. Right up to election day, a large number of voters remained soft and swinging. That's not the behaviour of an electorate looking for a long-term marriage to one political party. In fact, for a canny team, it could be the perfect moment to offer a political throuple. We're used to talking about the intersectionality of Australian identities in relation to ethnic background and sexual identification. Having multiple ethnicities is not uncommon in Australia – about a third of all marriages registered in Australia were between people born in different countries. That has increased the number of mixed-religion couples as well. And diversity extends to sexuality, nearly 10 per cent of people between the ages of 16 and 24 are LGBTI+, according to an Australian Bureau of Statistics estimate – more than any generation before them. It would be short-sighted to ignore the fact that these intersections extend to politics. Just to use myself as a case study, my great-grandfather was an organiser in the Victorian Farmers' Union, which later became the Victorian National Party. My grandfather scored his first reporting job at the union's print organ, The Farmer's Advocate. My father worked for the Labor Party. My mother fled East Germany, in a pretty final statement on what she thought of the communist creed. Each of them left an imprint on my understanding of politics. And that's before we even touch on my personal political flirtations. You could say my family was 'National/ALP/Classical Liberal+'. And voting trends show that there are a lot of other pan-political people out there. That creates a solid base for a coalition which aspires to represent the individualist aspirations of urban populations, along with the more collective and community-driven values of the country. People are rarely just one thing or another. Only ideologues and the unimaginative fail to grasp the intricate dance between the two. It's common to travel through political needs and sometimes affiliations in the course of a lifetime as our experiences compound. Women tend to be more drawn to the idea of community, reflecting the demands of child-bearing and rearing. Men are often more attracted to individualism, even libertarianism. Young people traditionally start off on the left and move to the right over time (though this trajectory has stalled, as it seems to be coupled to homeownership). Reality mugs all of us eventually, in one form or another.

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