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How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous
How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous

The Age

time24-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Age

How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous

So the Liberals and Nationals were going to break up, but now maybe they won't. Maybe their differences are irreconcilable, maybe they've got too much history, or maybe they're just too co-dependent to go it alone. So much for the rumour that the Liberal-National Coalition isn't suited to the modern era. This relationship drama is so today it deserves its own TikTok to keep us abreast of the latest while we sip our adaptogenic tea. If only they realised it. The Liberals and Nationals are carrying on like they've missed a key message of the election and are therefore at risk of missing their moment to get with the times. Granted, the message was concealed by Labor's thumping final quota of seats in the House of Representatives. But recall the campaign polls, and it's plain to see: voters are becoming more politically polyamorous. Right up to election day, a large number of voters remained soft and swinging. That's not the behaviour of an electorate looking for a long-term marriage to one political party. In fact, for a canny team, it could be the perfect moment to offer a political throuple. We're used to talking about the intersectionality of Australian identities in relation to ethnic background and sexual identification. Having multiple ethnicities is not uncommon in Australia – about a third of all marriages registered in Australia were between people born in different countries. That has increased the number of mixed-religion couples as well. And diversity extends to sexuality, nearly 10 per cent of people between the ages of 16 and 24 are LGBTI+, according to an Australian Bureau of Statistics estimate – more than any generation before them. It would be short-sighted to ignore the fact that these intersections extend to politics. Just to use myself as a case study, my great-grandfather was an organiser in the Victorian Farmers' Union, which later became the Victorian National Party. My grandfather scored his first reporting job at the union's print organ, The Farmer's Advocate. My father worked for the Labor Party. My mother fled East Germany, in a pretty final statement on what she thought of the communist creed. Each of them left an imprint on my understanding of politics. And that's before we even touch on my personal political flirtations. You could say my family was 'National/ALP/Classical Liberal+'. And voting trends show that there are a lot of other pan-political people out there. That creates a solid base for a coalition which aspires to represent the individualist aspirations of urban populations, along with the more collective and community-driven values of the country. People are rarely just one thing or another. Only ideologues and the unimaginative fail to grasp the intricate dance between the two. It's common to travel through political needs and sometimes affiliations in the course of a lifetime as our experiences compound. Women tend to be more drawn to the idea of community, reflecting the demands of child-bearing and rearing. Men are often more attracted to individualism, even libertarianism. Young people traditionally start off on the left and move to the right over time (though this trajectory has stalled, as it seems to be coupled to homeownership). Reality mugs all of us eventually, in one form or another.

How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous
How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous

Sydney Morning Herald

time24-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Sydney Morning Herald

How an oversharing Coalition drama could make voters polyamorous

So the Liberals and Nationals were going to break up, but now maybe they won't. Maybe their differences are irreconcilable, maybe they've got too much history, or maybe they're just too co-dependent to go it alone. So much for the rumour that the Liberal-National Coalition isn't suited to the modern era. This relationship drama is so today it deserves its own TikTok to keep us abreast of the latest while we sip our adaptogenic tea. If only they realised it. The Liberals and Nationals are carrying on like they've missed a key message of the election and are therefore at risk of missing their moment to get with the times. Granted, the message was concealed by Labor's thumping final quota of seats in the House of Representatives. But recall the campaign polls, and it's plain to see: voters are becoming more politically polyamorous. Right up to election day, a large number of voters remained soft and swinging. That's not the behaviour of an electorate looking for a long-term marriage to one political party. In fact, for a canny team, it could be the perfect moment to offer a political throuple. We're used to talking about the intersectionality of Australian identities in relation to ethnic background and sexual identification. Having multiple ethnicities is not uncommon in Australia – about a third of all marriages registered in Australia were between people born in different countries. That has increased the number of mixed-religion couples as well. And diversity extends to sexuality, nearly 10 per cent of people between the ages of 16 and 24 are LGBTI+, according to an Australian Bureau of Statistics estimate – more than any generation before them. It would be short-sighted to ignore the fact that these intersections extend to politics. Just to use myself as a case study, my great-grandfather was an organiser in the Victorian Farmers' Union, which later became the Victorian National Party. My grandfather scored his first reporting job at the union's print organ, The Farmer's Advocate. My father worked for the Labor Party. My mother fled East Germany, in a pretty final statement on what she thought of the communist creed. Each of them left an imprint on my understanding of politics. And that's before we even touch on my personal political flirtations. You could say my family was 'National/ALP/Classical Liberal+'. And voting trends show that there are a lot of other pan-political people out there. That creates a solid base for a coalition which aspires to represent the individualist aspirations of urban populations, along with the more collective and community-driven values of the country. People are rarely just one thing or another. Only ideologues and the unimaginative fail to grasp the intricate dance between the two. It's common to travel through political needs and sometimes affiliations in the course of a lifetime as our experiences compound. Women tend to be more drawn to the idea of community, reflecting the demands of child-bearing and rearing. Men are often more attracted to individualism, even libertarianism. Young people traditionally start off on the left and move to the right over time (though this trajectory has stalled, as it seems to be coupled to homeownership). Reality mugs all of us eventually, in one form or another.

Donald Trump Has Won Another Election
Donald Trump Has Won Another Election

NDTV

time08-05-2025

  • Politics
  • NDTV

Donald Trump Has Won Another Election

Donald Trump has won another election ... for the centre-left. First came Canada, where Prime Minister Mark Carney's centre-left Liberal Party secured victory, and now Australia has returned Anthony Albanese's Labor government with a commanding second-term majority, sweeping across the country from coast to coast, from Darwin to the southern tip of Tasmania. Remarkably, both the Canadian Liberals and Australian Labor were, just a year ago, staring down the barrel of electoral defeat. In Canada, fortunes were reversed by switching leaders from Justin Trudeau to Mark Carney. In Australia, Labor simply slogged it out. But the re-election of Donald Trump in the US and his revived trade war gave both Carney and Albanese the opportunity to present themselves as providers of stable leadership in an increasingly volatile global environment. Carney leveraged Canadian patriotism, presenting himself as a level-headed economist and former central banker. Albanese campaigned on core Australian values: openness to the world, national security, and the preservation of Medicare and strong labour protections. In both countries, conservative opposition parties had led comfortably in the polls - by more than 20 points in Canada. But the Trump factor unsettled them. Unsure whether to embrace MAGA-style tactics or distance themselves from Trump's unpredictability, they floundered. Trump's controversial treatment of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy - alongside Vice President JD Vance - shocked even conservative voters. Canadian Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre, once riding high against the unpopular Trudeau, tried to brand Carney as a remote "globalist", but the Liberal campaign - with help from Mike Myers and other celebrities - turned patriotic and punchy. In Australia, Peter Dutton was also gaining ground, but faltered badly after the election was called. His campaign was hampered by news that Trump operatives were advising the Liberal-National Coalition. In a historic blow, Dutton even lost his own seat and will exit politics. While Carney secured only a minority, Albanese achieved a significantly increased majority - an historic feat, considering Labor only narrowly defeated Scott Morrison in 2022. Albanese's win is significant for several reasons: First Labor PM in Decades to Win a Second Term: Albanese becomes the first Labor Prime Minister to win a second term since Bob Hawke in 1984. First to Increase a Majority After First Election: He is the first Labor PM to increase his majority after winning government-John Curtin achieved a similar result in 1946, but was initially appointed PM by Parliament, not elected. Decimation of the LNP in Urban Areas: The Liberal-National Coalition was nearly wiped out in metropolitan Australia, now clinging mainly to rural seats. They failed to reclaim any urban strongholds from the 'Teals'-wealthy, climate-focused independents funded by Simon Holmes à Court. Collapse of the Greens: The Greens saw a sharp decline after framing the election around Gaza rather than environmental policy. Their stance alienated Jewish voters in Sydney and Melbourne. Party leader Adam Bandt may even lose his long-held seat of Melbourne to Labor. A Surge in Female, Community-Driven Candidates: Labor had success with grassroots female candidates, particularly in Queensland, resonating strongly with younger voters. What's Next for the Albanese Government? There's reason for optimism: Trade Policy Clarity: The end of Trump's and Xi Jinping's failed tariff wars frees Labor to focus on innovation and skills, without being boxed in by populist demands. Global Partnerships: Australia can deepen ties with ASEAN, India, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and the EU-plus its close allies in the UK, New Zealand, Canada, and the Pacific. Productivity with a Human Touch: Re-elected Treasurer Dr Jim "Sunny Jim" Chalmers emphasised improving productivity through investment in skills, exports, and innovation-rejecting the harsh rhetoric of past reformers. Dutton's attacks on working from home backfired, with flexible work now seen as potentially boosting both productivity and quality of life. Independence from Greens: Labor can now legislate on housing, climate innovation, and immigration without needing Green support, enabling more pragmatic policymaking. As for the LNP, an internal review is already underway. With Dutton out, leadership contenders include Andrew Hastie, Angus Taylor, Dan Tehan, Jane Hume, and Sussan Ley. But they'll need to move quickly - Australia votes again in 2028. In the meantime, Anthony Albanese joins the pantheon of Labor greats - Curtin, Chifley, Whitlam, Hawke, Keating. He now has a rare opportunity to drive sustained economic prosperity and fairness in Australia. And perhaps he owes a thank-you card to the White House - right next to Mark Carney's.

Trump electoral ‘kiss of death' is just more Democrat wishful thinking
Trump electoral ‘kiss of death' is just more Democrat wishful thinking

New York Post

time07-05-2025

  • Politics
  • New York Post

Trump electoral ‘kiss of death' is just more Democrat wishful thinking

It didn't take long for a gleeful new anti-Trump narrative to grip the global media after elections in Canada and Australia delivered upset defeats to conservative parties. 'Trump Effect' headlines blared all over the world, blaming the American president for failures far from home. Donald Trump as the kiss of death for conservative parties was the claim in most election post-mortem analysis. Advertisement It is a convenient excuse for the lackluster right of center Liberal-National Coalition in Australia rather than facing the reason for their historic wipeout at the hands of voters last week. And it's a comforting theory that gives Democrats hope that Trumpism will collapse in on itself at home, relieving them from any need to reform their policies or find electable leaders who aren't weird or senile or corrupt. But there is little about the Toxic Trump narrative that withstands scrutiny — and it overlooks the global strength of similarly populist anti-establishment movements running on issues of national sovereignty, immigration, and cultural identity. Advertisement Take the stunning success last week of British populist politician, Nigel Farage, the architect of Brexit and the foreign political leader most closely associated with Trump. His Reform UK party scored a thumping victory in regional and other elections across the country, especially in working-class areas. In Europe, right-wing populist parties that share Trump's worldview have been surging. Giorgia Meloni in Italy is now the most stable European leader. In Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) is now the second largest party, alarming the Bundestag political establishment and leading to European threats of canceling elections. Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese speaking at an election night event in Sydney after his Labor party's victory on May 3, 2025. REUTERS Advertisement Meanwhile, in Australia, the charmless opposition leader Peter Dutton, nicknamed 'Mr Potato Head,' ran a million miles from the Trumpian label his left-wing opponents tried to slap on him. The likable, if unprepossessing, prime minister, Anthony Albanese, leader of the leftist Labor Party, ran on a big spending platform promising all sorts of extravagant social welfare handouts, matched speedily by Dutton's putatively conservative Liberal party, whose campaign seems to have been run by a me-too bot. Labor plans to pay for its largesse with the sort of socialist disasters Americans rejected in November, such as a tax on the unrealized gains of Australian workers' superannuation accounts, their captive government-mandated retirement savings. Advertisement There was no discernible opposition from the Opposition to the policy, so Albanese was returned with a historic majority and a mandate to plunder middle class savings. Dutton was rewarded for his gormlessness by losing the parliamentary seat he had held for 24 years. Unlike his Canadian counterpart, Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre, who also lost his seat, Dutton's party was not interested in providing him with another one, or keeping him on as leader. Trump he was not. The closest Dutton came to Trumpism was to promise a milquetoast sort of Australian DOGE and a policy to abolish the work-from-home habit Australians have come to enjoy post-COVID, especially on Mondays and Fridays. In the laid-back land of the long weekend, a government ban on WFH was never going to fly. The outcry forced Dutton into a cowardly backflip, thus sealing his fate. While it's true that Australians are alarmed by Trump's tariff instability, that is not what caused Dutton's collapse. The rise of alternative conservative parties in Australia, including Trumpet of Patriots (a new Trump tribute party founded by an opportunistic mining billionaire), is a sign of dissatisfaction with a uniparty ruling elite that has fostered a growing class of welfare dependents with an economy propped up by massive immigration and selling off resources to China. Advertisement If all the parties on the right and center right coalesced they would have thrashed Labor. But even if Dutton had donned a blonde wig and a MAGA hat nothing would have altered his fate, since his campaign lacked the discipline, policy sophistication, savagery, or pizazz of Trump's. If Dutton did try to imitate the US president it didn't register with Trump who didn't even know who he was, while gushing about Albanese. Advertisement 'We have had a very good relationship,' Trump told the Sydney Morning Herald when asked about the re-elected Australian prime minister. 'He's a friend of mine . . . I have no idea who the other person is that ran against him.' In Canada, the Toxic Trump narrative was more plausible since apple-munching, media-punching Poilievre had been riding high in the polls against the loathsome Trudeau before Trump launched his perplexing attacks on the maple leaf nation, and teased Canadians about becoming the 51st state. However, as political consultant and podcaster Ryan Girdursky points out, Poilievre's Conservative Party actually did exceedingly well, pulling out its highest vote share since 1988. Canadians' thirst for change had been sated when Trudeau handed over the left wing Liberal Party's leadership to the urbane technocrat Mark Carney. Advertisement Girdursky, who describes Canada as a 'whole nation of Rachel Maddow viewers' also attributes Carney's victory to the collapse in support for smaller left wing parties, thus consolidating votes for the Liberals, rather than to Poilievre's affinity for Trump. The motto of the story is that imported Trump lite never works, and Democrats should not trust comforting narratives.

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