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IOL News
5 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Navigating Tensions: AFRICOM's Role in SADC's Security Landscape
ZAMBIAN President Hakainde Hichilema, Angola President João Lourenço , US President Joe Biden, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President Felix Tshisekedi, and Tanzania Vice-President Philip Isdor Mpango at the Lobito Corridor Trans-Africa Summit held in Benguela, Angola on December 4, 2024. Image: AFP Dr. Sizo Nkala The US Africa Command (AFRICOM) – the combatant command responsible for carrying out the US Department of Defence's military operations, exercises, and security cooperation in Africa – could sow divisions within the southern African region. The leadership of the AFRICOM, including the Deputy Commander Lieutenant General John Brennan and Ambassador Robert Scott, made what seemed to be successful visits to Angola and Namibia at the end of July. In both countries, the parties discussed mutual security interests, including promoting stability in southern Africa, tackling wildlife and timber trafficking, drug cartels and terrorism, which are a threat to regional peace and stability. The visits followed the Obangame Joint Military Exercise conducted in Cape Verde in May, in which both Namibia and Angola took part alongside 22 other African countries and the US. In Angola, it coincided with the Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) where Angolan and US troops were conducting live fire exercises aimed at improving combat readiness and the interoperability of allied forces. With the US-funded Lobito Corridor, a railway track which will connect Angola's Lobito port to more inland countries like Zambia and the DRC, Angola is central to US economic interests in southern Africa. The AFRICOM leaders emphasised that they seek to work with African countries in a manner that enhances their sovereignty and autonomy rather than their dependency. This dovetails with AFRICOM's doctrine of 'African Solutions to African Problems'. With its deeper knowledge and experience in maritime security, counterinsurgency activities, and peacekeeping operations, AFRICOM could be a valuable partner for states in the region dealing with violent conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Mozambique's Cabo Delgado province. In flaunting its credentials and values, the AFRICOM leaders could not miss an opportunity to throw shade at US geopolitical rivals – China and Russia – whom it accused of treating African militaries as their training aides. However, the mood was decidedly different for AFRICOM's relations with another southern African country. Early in August, the US Department of Defence decided to cancel the Shared Accord military exercises between the US and South Africa. This was because of a disagreement over allowing armed American soldiers to guard the US aircraft. It is reported that the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) preferred that its personnel protect the aircraft while the DoD insisted on having its soldiers take that responsibility. The DoD argued that the Status of Forces Agreement signed between Pretoria and Washington in 1999 allowed US security personnel to guard US assets. This marks yet another negative turn in the bilateral relations between the two countries, which have deteriorated rapidly since the beginning of Donald Trump's second presidency in January. The latest cancellation is the third time the US has withdrawn from planned security cooperation activities with South Africa since last year. In 2024, the US pulled out of the African Aerospace and Defence Expo and also decided against docking a US Navy ship in Cape Town. This was partly because of South Africa's refusal to sign the so-called 'Article 98', which enjoins countries to sign an agreement to protect the US security personnel from arrest by the International Criminal Court (ICC) when on their territory. The US is not a member of the ICC. South Africa and AFRICOM have always had a frosty relationship since its establishment in 2007. The former vociferously campaigned against the establishment of an American military base in Africa. Pretoria was of the view that AFRICOM was an imperialistic venture, and a keen association with it would be seen as being a lapdog of American imperialism in Africa. This stance was also in part an effort by the African National Congress (ANC) to differentiate itself from the Apartheid government, which had no issues protecting the interests of the US in the region - sometimes through destabilising neighbouring countries. AFRICOM's less-than-cordial relations with South Africa will undermine the effectiveness of its security cooperation with the region. South Africa is a regional powerhouse with the strongest and most well-equipped military in southern Africa. The country is an active participant in peacekeeping operations in southern Africa, having recently contributed the bulk of the troops in the Southern African Development Community (SADC)'s peacekeeping missions in Mozambique and the DRC. Without Pretoria's cooperation, AFRICOM's ventures will have a limited impact. The SADC region is an indivisible security considering the litany of transnational security threats it faces. As such, any engagement with a major external actor like AFRICOM would be more effective if done on a regional rather than a national and bilateral level. Just last year, on the sidelines of the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, the Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa expressed his worries to the Russian President Vladimir Putin over AFRICOM's close cooperation with AFRICOM. He asked that Russia intensify security cooperation with his country as a counterweight to the West's projection of power in neighbouring countries. If the regional leaders do not address this, the region could soon be divided into two security spheres of influence – one controlled by the US and the other controlled by China and Russia. * Dr. Sizo Nkala is a Research Fellow at the University of Johannesburg's Centre for Africa-China Studies. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
IOL News
08-08-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Litmus Test for SADC Unity in the Wake of US Military Overtures
Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, Angola President Joao Lourenco, US President Joe Biden, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President Felix Tshisekedi, and Tanzania Vice-President Philip Isdor Mpango at the Lobito Corridor Trans-Africa Summit December 4, 2024. ( Image: AFP Kim Heller The United States (U.S.) is romancing the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It is no whirlwind courtship. For months now, Washington has been actively engaged in the new peace process in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In July, senior leaders from the U.S. Africa Command visited Angola and Namibia. Last week, AFRICOM Deputy Commander Lieutenant General John W. Brennan and Ambassador Robert Scott held an online press briefing to provide some insight into the U.S. intentions. There is an unmistakable desire to deepen security links and avert the threat of terrorism and insurgency, which poses a risk beyond the Continent. The U.S. also hopes to elevate its economic presence in Africa. The G-7-backed Lobito Corridor, connecting Angola to the DRC and Zambia, is a flagship project. At the recent press conference, Brennan spoke of how the U.S. respects and honours the vision of "African-led, partner-led, and ally-enabled" projects. Brennan cited the Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) in Angola as such an example. However, behind the silky talk lies the grim fact that most foreign partner projects are owned and governed by foreign interests rather than driven by local needs or wishes. Despite all the overtures by the United States government, there is no true love affair in the offering. Stripped of all its seductive talk and promises, it is crystal clear that this newfound fondness for Africa is motivated by the United States' lust for mineral wealth, its excitement about the prospect of SADC as a security headquarters, and the thrill of winning strategic advantages over its key rivals, China and Russia. The U.S. does not love Africa. It loves to use Africa. For the U.S., the stability of Southern Africa, its enormous mineral wealth and its vital geo-strategic ports make it a highly attractive partner. Greater control over the Lobito Corridor is a significant win for the U.S., for it provides access to a critical sea route for both economic and military purposes. The charm offensive in the SADC must be viewed in the context of negative sentiments towards the U.S. in parts of Africa. There is little love left for the U.S. in parts of West Africa, the Sahel region, and most notably in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger. It is not surprising then that the U.S. is desperately seeking a friendly outpost on the Continent, and Southern Africa seems to be a willing partner. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has recently spoken of how the U.S. is moving away from a "charity-based foreign aid model" to partnerships with African countries that "demonstrate the ability and willingness to help themselves." Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ The US is a serial opportunist. Its roving eye is easily drawn to speedy, high-dividend transactions rather than long and steady associations. The U.S. expects that SADC will be up for sale, like much of Africa. Too often, the Continent is little more than a passing fancy in the rivalries of great nations. In the swoon of foreign advances, SADC must be cautious, and it is imperative that it resist becoming an easily discarded pawn in U.S. rivalries with China and Russia. The U.S. is unlikely to be a steady partner for SADC, especially under the Trump administration. A short-term fancy by the U.S. whose affections can be withdrawn in a wink, is not a sustainable partnership for SADC unless it is defined and dictated by SADC itself, rather than imposed by the United States. SADC must forget how U.S. Aid was stopped in an inhumanly hurried manner, jeopardising millions of impoverished Africans. What is concerning is that an overwhelming involvement of the U.S. in the Lobita Corridor, its military presence, and hold over mineral resources appears to emulate former exploitative colonial patterns. Equally worrying is the risk of U.S. interference with security priorities and protocols. The securitisation of SADC and the potential disorientation of its security plans, protocols and structures pose a direct threat to its sovereignty. Emotions can change; whims are not long-term commitments. SADC must be careful not to fall for a gambit that does not favour it in the medium to long term. The words of African Union Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat must be heeded, "We are not pawns," he declared at the 2024 AU summit. At this juncture, SADC unity cannot be compromised, especially given the ongoing crisis in the DRC. A unified rather than individual country strategy is likely to strengthen the hand of the SADC in dealing with the U.S.'s partnership invitation. The Trump administration holds no affection for Africa. It is about narcissistic intent and interest. A penchant for power, not peace, is its motivational force. The intent is simple. For now, the U.S. is salivating about minerals, strategic ports, valuable shipping corridors and military presence. In West Africa, AFRICOM has been marched out. Now, the U.S. is hoping to be welcomed in Southern Africa. With the relative stability SADC offers, it could be a real win for the U.S. Unless SADC ensures that the relationship is one of mutual collaboration, support, and development rather than dependency and control, it will be but a pawn in the play of foreign players. In the Washington Qatar brokered peace deal for the DRC, SADC and the African Union were sidelined. This should make SADC proceed with caution. SADC risks getting caught up in an exploitative relationship – where its strategic assets and infrastructure are used for U.S security benefits and where extraction rather than development ensues. SADC must act in a unified manner, especially given that member countries have different historical relationships with and attitudes towards the U.S. SADC will need to be highly vigilant to ensure that military training exercises are not more sinister military plans by the U.S. to fight the growing influence of China and Russia. If SADC acts submissively and with naivety, smiles will turn to tears in a classic betrayal by imperial agendas. Africa must protect its heart and its sovereignty. Southern Africa cannot be turned into the U.S.'s new battlefield. What is certain is that Africa will continue to be a playground for foreign wars. With this understanding, SADC must not lose its sovereignty in the easy frolic and charm of foreign suitors. * Kim Heller is a political analyst and author of No White Lies: Black Politics and White Power in South Africa. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
