Latest news with #MAHASAGAR
Mint
2 hours ago
- Business
- Mint
First visuals! PM Modi meets King Charles at Sandringham House hours after India-UK ink FTA
After holding wide-range discussions with his UK counterpart Keir Starmer and inking a landmark free trade agreement (FTA) between the UK and India, Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday met King Charles in Norfolk. King Charles received PM Modi at the Sandringham House in Norfolk, England. 'During their time together, His Majesty was given a tree to be planted this Autumn, inspired by the environmental initiative launched by the Prime Minister, 'Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam', which encourages people to plant a tree in tribute to their mothers,' the Royal Family said in a post on X. PM Narendra Modi kicked off his two-day visit to the UK on Wednesday (local time) to expand bilateral ties in defence, trade, and technology. PM Modi and his UK counterpart Keir Starmer on Thursday endorsed the new 'India-UK Vision 2035' which will steer the bilateral ties for the next 10 years with a focused and time-bound programme of action in key pillars such as economy and growth, technology and innovation, defence and security, climate action and education. India signed a free trade agreement, officially dubbed as the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), with the UK – its 16th trade pact so far – as the country aims to boost bilateral trade and investments. The deal was signed by Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal and his British counterpart Jonathan Reynold in the presence of PM Modi and Starmer. The FTA is expected to benefit 99 per cent Indian exports from tariff and will make it easier for British firms to export whisky, cars and other products to India, besides boosting the overall trade basket, according to Indian officials. The deal, firmed up after three years of negotiations, is expected to ensure comprehensive market access for Indian goods across all sectors and India will gain from tariff elimination on about 99 per cent of tariff lines (product categories) covering almost 100 per cent of the trade values, they said. From London, Modi will travel to the Maldives at the invitation of President Mohamed Muizzu in what is being seen as a breakthrough in the ties between the two countries following a spell of frostiness under Muizzu. During his July 25-26 trip to the Maldives, Modi will hold extensive talks with President Muizzu and inaugurate several India-assisted development projects in the island nation. The prime minister will also be the guest of honour at the Maldivian Independence Day celebrations on July 26. "The prime minister's state visit also happens to be the first state visit of a head of government that President Muizzu is hosting in his presidency since he assumed the office in November 2023," Vikram Misri, foreign secretary, said. 'The Maldives is a very close partner in our neighbourhood, a very important partner in India's Neighbourhood First policy, and as part of the MAHASAGAR vision of India, which is Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions,' he added. Misri also mentioned the India-Maldives joint vision for a 'Comprehensive Economic and Maritime Security Partnership' that was finalised last year. 'This joint vision, in a sense, has become the guiding framework for our ties,' he said.
Hindustan Times
6 hours ago
- Business
- Hindustan Times
India builds quiet momentum in Maldives
India and Maldives, though not connected by land, share a deep and strategically significant maritime relationship. One that places the Maldives at the heart of India's Neighbourhood First and MAHASAGAR vision. The upcoming State visit to the Maldives by Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi from July 25–26 on being invited by President, Dr. Mohamed Muizzu will be his third visit to the island nation since 2014 but the first visit since President Muizzu took office in November 2023. PM Modi will also be the guest of honour at the Maldives' Independence Day celebrations on July 26, which marks both 60 years of the country's independence and six decades of diplomatic relations between India and Maldives. The visit is slated to hold discussions on issues of mutual interest and take stock of the progress in the implementation of the India-Maldives Joint Vision for a Comprehensive Economic and Maritime Security Partnership. New Delhi, India - Oct. 7, 2024: Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Maldives President Mohamed Muizzu shake hands before their meeting at the Hyderabad House in New Delhi, India, on Monday, October 7, 2024. (Photo by RAJ K RAJ / Hindustan Times)(RAJ K RAJ /HT PHOTO) The visit comes at a time of gradual recovery in bilateral ties. In the initial months of his Presidency, Muizzu's decisions were clouded by anti-India rhetoric that marked his campaign. From his 'India Out campaign' to requesting Indian military personnel to withdraw from the Maldives to the diplomatic row, which was hyped by the media, the relations suffered a setback. And this is not the first time that anti-India sentiments were pushed. The first-time such sentiments surfaced was in 2013 and again in 2020. Yet, relations received attention with Muizzu visiting New Delhi twice in 2024 - first for PM Modi's swearing-in ceremony in June, and then again for a state visit in October, suggesting a degree of flexibility in foreign policy once in office. Throughout this period of diplomatic unease, India maintained a steady and measured response. It continued to disburse financial support, including $100 million through treasury bills and a $400 million line of credit. Additionally, India extended a bilateral currency swap facility worth ₹3,000 crore to help the Maldives manage external payment obligations. These steps were framed as a part of a broader Comprehensive Economic and Maritime Security Partnership, which was launched during Muizzu's visit to India in October 2024, which is also expected to be part of the discussions during Modi's upcoming visit. PM Modi's visit is expected to build on this economic and maritime security partnership. According to officials involved in preparations, key areas of focus will include expanding the reach of India's Unified Payments Interface (UPI) in the Maldives, exploring direct digital connectivity for public services, and designing ways to boost bilateral tourism. India and Maldives have an existing Currency Swap Agreement which was signed in 2019 and the RuPay card services, which were launched with the signing of the agreement between National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) and the Bank of Maldives (BML). Additionally, India has been facilitating subscription of several such treasury bills by the SBI and rolling them over, annually, interest-free to the government of Maldives as emergency financial assistance since 2019. The most recent one being in May 2025 when India offered a Government Treasure Bill of $50 million to support the nation in its fiscal reform efforts towards economic stability. Even for this years' budgetary allocations, India increased allocations for Maldives to ₹600 crores from the previous ₹470 crore. In recent years, India has been one of the top source markets for Maldivian tourism. In 2018 and 2019, bilateral agreements were signed on the facilitation of visa arrangements. Following these agreements, both in 2021 and 2022, Indian tourists ranked first among international arrivals (2020 marked a decline due to Covid-19 restrictions). Also, in 2020, an air travel bubble was established under which over 45 flights were operating per week between the two countries. As a result, the government in Male has stated its intention to attract more Indian visitors, with discussions underway on easing visa policies and promoting joint tourism packages. Other likely topics for discussion include renewable energy, fisheries cooperation, and infrastructure development. India has been a major contributor to Maldivian infrastructure through both grants and concessional credit. The Greater Male Connectivity Project, for instance, is the largest infrastructure initiative India has ever supported in a neighbouring country. As of 2023, India had committed over $2 billion in development assistance to the Maldives through a combination of grants and credit lines. In the past years, two projects have received immediate attention - the water and sanitation project, which exists across 34 islands of the country, and roads and reclamation. While the contract for construction of roads in Addu has been finalised, India has also committed to expanding Hanimadhoo airport and developing the Gulifalhu Port. Security cooperation will be a more delicate topic, but it is unlikely to be left out of the conversation entirely. In the past, India has granted technical support, provided naval or maritime vessels and installed coastal surveillance systems and gifted a patrol vessel named KAAMIYAB to the Maldives in 2019. The advanced light helicopters and Dornier aircrafts were provided upon Maldivian government's request to facilitate the Maldivian army's capabilities. The Maldives remains a part of the Colombo Security Conclave, a trilateral grouping with India and Sri Lanka that focuses on maritime domain awareness and disaster response coordination. India is expected to push for making such platforms more operationally effective, particularly against the backdrop of growing concerns over trafficking, radicalisation, and the presence of external naval forces in the Indian Ocean. This visit also carries important symbolic value. The Maldivian President's Office has called the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations a moment of 'profound significance,' and PM Modi's presence at the independence day ceremony underscores the importance of the occasion. More importantly, because India was among the first to recognise Maldives independence in 1965 and established diplomatic relations. The upcoming visit seems designed to maintain diplomatic momentum during what has been a somewhat sensitive phase in bilateral relations. Over the past year, it has become increasingly clear that while political narratives may shift with electoral cycles, the structural dependencies between the two countries remain largely intact. India continues to be among the Maldives' largest development partners, while Maldives occupies a strategic location in the Indian Ocean that is central to India's maritime posture. The visit's real impact lies in the quieter, cumulative gains. The focus on digital infrastructure, economic recovery, and people-to-people linkages points to a pragmatic recalibration of the relationship. Most importantly, the two sides will take stock of the economic and maritime security partnership, and the latter is very important for the peace and stability in the Indian Ocean region. As both governments juggle evolving domestic and regional priorities, consistent leadership-level engagement could help avoid the kinds of misunderstandings that have surfaced in the recent past and enable the two sides work on mutual interest and benefits. This article is authored by Cchavi Vasisht, associate fellow and Nandini Bhatnagar, research analyst, Chintan Research Foundation, New Delhi.
News18
2 days ago
- Business
- News18
UPI, FTA, Rs 30-Billion Swap Line: India's Big Plans For PM Modi's Maldives Trip As Ties Reset
Last Updated: Describing the turnaround in ties, foreign secretary Vikram Misri on Tuesday termed it 'a question of working hard at a relationship' 'It's a question of working hard at a relationship," said foreign secretary Vikram Misri on Tuesday, describing the turnaround in relations with the Maldives since 2024, ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's two-day trip to the archipelagic country this week. New Delhi outlined several initiatives for the PM's trip, including an attempt to introduce UPI in the Maldives to boost tourism from India, a Rs 30-billion Indian swap line in progress, a free trade agreement under discussion, and a possible announcement regarding the MNDF (Maldives National Defence Force) building. This marks a significant change from 2024, when diplomatic relations had hit rock bottom. 'There will always be events that impact or try to intrude on the relationship. But this is testimony to the kind of attention paid to the relationship, including at the highest levels. We've continued to work at it, and the results are visible. We've also had close discussions with our partners in the Maldives to provide clarity and assurances about our bilateral intentions, and the results are evident," Misri said. The Maldives has been facing a stressful financial environment, and India is assisting it. 'Our recent assistance has improved the foreign exchange position of the Maldives, which has been cited by international financial organisations, including the IMF, as a positive factor that has helped the Maldives avoid difficult outcomes. My understanding is that the $400 million swap line has been almost completely utilised, and now the 30 billion rupee Indian swap line might also be drawn upon," Misri added. The foreign secretary mentioned that significant work has been done on the MNDF building project, and an announcement could be made soon. The Prime Minister's visit to the Maldives will be on July 25-26 at the invitation of President Mohamed Muizzu. Muizzu was on a state visit to India in October 2024 and had previously attended the swearing-in ceremony of the new Modi government. PM Modi will hold bilateral meetings with the Maldives President and inaugurate some infrastructure projects. The Prime Minister will be the guest of honour at the celebrations commemorating the 60th anniversary of the Maldives' independence on July 26, 2025. Coincidentally, 2025 also marks the 60th anniversary of India-Maldives diplomatic relations. This is Modi's first state visit hosted by President Muizzu since he took office in November 2023. The PM has visited the Maldives in 2018 and 2019. The Maldives is a crucial partner in India's Neighbourhood First policy and MAHASAGAR vision. Misri highlighted how India has always responded promptly to the Maldives' needs in times of crisis, whether natural or manmade. Last year, Modi and Muizzu adopted a joint vision for an India-Maldives comprehensive economic and maritime security partnership. 'This joint vision guides our relations, and this year, in just the first six months, we've seen nearly half a dozen ministerial-level visits from the Maldives," Misri said. India is one of the Maldives' largest trading partners, with bilateral trade nearing $500 million. 'Both countries are negotiating a free trade agreement and an investment treaty. New areas of cooperation, including renewable energy and fisheries, are also being explored," Misri said. The flagship project currently underway is the Greater Malé Connectivity Project, which could be a game changer for infrastructure in the Greater Malé region, connecting four islands. 'Other ongoing projects include roads, airports, and fisheries processing units. We are also alleviating pressure by helping with social housing based on the Maldives' needs and priorities," said the foreign secretary. Twin currency swap arrangements were made when President Muizzu visited India in 2024, amounting to 400 million US dollars and 30 billion Indian rupees. 'Additionally, the State Bank of India has continued to re-subscribe to Maldives treasury bills," Misri said. First Published: July 23, 2025, 07:33 IST Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Indian Express
3 days ago
- Business
- Indian Express
For India-South Africa maritime partnership to work, it needs to go beyond symbolism
Written by Graham Sherbut and Rajeev Ranjan Chaturvedy Late last month, India and South Africa signed two agreements on submarine cooperation during the 9th Joint Defence Committee meeting in Johannesburg. While the specifics of these deals have yet to be fully detailed, their symbolic weight is clear: They signal a potential deepening of maritime ties between influential Indian Ocean powers. Yet beneath the surface, the agreements also highlight striking asymmetries – in economic strength, strategic coherence, and political stability – that may shape, and potentially constrain, this budding 'Southern maritime partnership'. India and South Africa have long shared warm relations, rooted in anti-Apartheid solidarity and broader Global South cooperation. New Delhi and Pretoria have stood side-by-side in multilateral platforms like BRICS and the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), calling for more equitable global governance and a greater role for the Global South in shaping international priorities. However, translating this solidarity into concrete security partnerships has remained elusive. The submarine cooperation agreements mark a bold shift, at least on paper, from rhetorical alignment to operational cooperation. Yet the underlying power dynamics between the two countries have become more pronounced over the past decade. India's economic and strategic ascent under Narendra Modi's BJP government contrasts sharply with South Africa's stagnation under the often cautious and fragmented leadership of Cyril Ramaphosa's African National Congress (ANC). Given these disparities, India is far better positioned to lead and shape this emerging bilateral partnership. India has emerged as a confident regional power with growing economic clout, a robust defence manufacturing sector, and a clear maritime strategy articulated through its 'MAHASAGAR' (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions) vision. Its investments in indigenous naval production – including the locally-built aircraft carrier INS Vikrant and advanced destroyers like the Visakhapatnam class – and its expanding naval footprint across Africa's Indian Ocean rim reflect an ambition to become the principal security provider in the region. By contrast, South Africa has struggled to convert its diplomatic prestige into strategic muscle. Years of economic stagnation, underinvestment in defence, and a declining shipbuilding sector have weakened its maritime capabilities. While South Africa's geostrategic location — straddling the Indian and Atlantic Oceans — offers natural advantages, particularly as security concerns in the Suez Canal again elevate the importance of the Cape of Good Hope as a global shipping hub, its ability to act decisively on maritime security has been undermined by chronic budget constraints and domestic political distractions. For any ambitious defence partnership to succeed, sustained political will is essential. In India, PM Modi's administration has consistently prioritised defence modernisation and strategic partnerships as pillars of its rise as a global power. This has allowed India to allocate resources and maintain focus even amid electoral cycles. South Africa, however, faces a far more fragile political landscape. The ANC, long the dominant party, is now navigating an uncomfortable coalition with its long-time opponent, the Democratic Alliance, forcing leaders to focus inward on domestic stability rather than outward on strategic initiatives. At the same time, South Africa's foreign policy has often prioritised ideological solidarity and support for liberation movements over concrete security interests. Maintaining consistent attention and investment in submarine cooperation, or broader maritime security initiatives with India, will thus be an uphill battle. The temptation to retreat to symbolic gestures rather than substantive commitments may prove hard to resist in Pretoria. Domestic priorities such as economic recovery, addressing inequality, and stabilising coalition politics are likely to overshadow external security partnerships. In this environment, defence cooperation risks becoming a lower priority, easily sidelined in favour of more immediate social and political concerns. Unless Pretoria can reconcile its ideological commitments with practical security needs and sustain a long-term vision for its navy, it may find itself unable to match India's ambition, relegating South Africa to the role of a junior, more passive partner in this emerging maritime relationship. Beyond domestic constraints, India and South Africa fundamentally differ in how they perceive their maritime roles. India views the Indian Ocean as central to its economic and strategic future, an arena where it aspires to offer more equitable partnership choices and is increasingly seen as both a net security provider and a development partner to regional states. For South Africa, maritime security is important but not existential. While it recognises the need to secure the southern sea lanes and combat threats like illegal fishing and trafficking, its primary foreign policy energy remains focused on continental African issues and domestic socio-economic challenges. This divergence means that while India is likely to push for operational depth in this partnership, including joint exercises, coordinated patrols, and technology transfers, South Africa may struggle to match the ambition, both politically and materially. There is no doubt that the submarine agreements represent a promising new chapter in India–South Africa relations. Submarine cooperation is among the most sensitive areas of military engagement, demanding high levels of trust and interoperability. On paper, these deals hold the promise of jointly strengthening Indian Ocean security, boosting anti-piracy capabilities, and providing a partial counterweight to China's expanding naval reach. Yet for this potential to materialise, both countries must move beyond symbolic gestures. South Africa, in particular, will need to address its economic constraints and overcome internal political distractions to sustain meaningful participation. For India, the challenge lies in ensuring that its growing network of African partnerships translates into tangible outcomes rather than stalling at the level of declarations and high-profile visits. Without careful follow-through, this 'Southern maritime partnership' risks becoming more of an aspirational slogan rather than a true strategic reality. Sherbut is founder, Tantara Development Insights, and Chaturvedy is associate professor and head School of International Relations and Peace Studies, and founding coordinator of the Centre for Bay of Bengal Studies, Nalanda University
Hans India
4 days ago
- Science
- Hans India
INS Sandhayak makes maiden port call at Port Klang
Visakhapatnam: Indian Navy's indigenously-designed and built survey vessel large (SVL) INS Sandhayak made her maiden port call at Port Klang, Malaysia. The four-day-long maiden visit that continued till July 19 aimed at facilitating technical exchanges and strengthening institutional ties via concerted cooperation like sharing of survey technologies and sustained hydrographic support engagements. The key activities during the visit included knowledge exchange sessions, official receptions and events designed to foster international goodwill and elevate awareness of the MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth across Regions) vision. The visit reaffirmed India's commitment to regional maritime cooperation made for hydrographic cooperation and demonstrated the country's growing role in regional hydrographic capacity building under the Indian Naval Hydrographic Department (INHD) and the National Hydrographic Office framework. INS Sandhayak, the first Sandhayak-class hydrographic survey ship with 80 percent of indigenous content, was commissioned last February. The ship has full‐scale coastal and deep‐water surveying capacity, oceanographic data collection and is capable of Search and Rescue (SAR) humanitarian operations with onboard helicopter and hospital functions. The primary role of the ship is to carry out full-scale hydrographic surveys of ports, harbours, coastal areas, deep seas and navigational channels. Enabling safe and secure maritime navigation, the ship is capable of undertaking a range of naval operations. Empowered with state-of-the-art hydrographic equipment, including deep and shallow water multibeam echo sounders, autonomous underwater vehicle, side scan sonars and satellite-based positioning systems, INS Sandhayak is propelled by two diesel engines.
