Latest news with #Malay-majority
Online Citizen
09-08-2025
- Politics
- Online Citizen
Singapore at 60: The secret talks and political risks behind separation from Malaysia
On the morning of 9 August 1965, Singaporeans woke to news that would change their history. At 9.30am, in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysian Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman told Parliament that Singapore was leaving the Federation of Malaysia. Barely three hours later, in Singapore, Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew appeared on television. His voice broke, his eyes brimmed with tears, and he called it 'a moment of anguish' — the end of the merger he had fought for just two years earlier. For decades, the story would be told as a sudden expulsion. Yet, archival records, memoirs, and even a 1965 U.S. Embassy telegram reveal a more complex truth: the separation was the outcome of secret talks, calculated risks, and decisions made by a handful of leaders under intense political pressure. The road to merger The Malaysia Agreement, signed on 9 July 1963, was meant to reunite Singapore, Sabah, Sarawak, and Malaya. For Lee Kuan Yew and the PAP, merger was both a nationalist goal and a political necessity. As historian Dr Thum Ping Tjin explained in a 2015 interview, 'In 1957, a survey found 90% of Singaporeans in favour of merger. It wasn't just an ideal — if you wanted to win elections, you had to be openly for reunification with Malaya.' Lee himself saw merger as a platform to influence politics in Kuala Lumpur and perhaps rise to lead a united Malaysia. But the terms of merger were not equal. Singaporeans could only vote in Singapore. PAP politicians could not contest mainland seats. These restrictions limited Lee's ambitions from the start. Early rifts On 31 August 1963 — just over two weeks before Malaysia's formal formation — Lee declared Singapore's unilateral independence and called a general election. This blindsided Tunku Abdul Rahman. The September 1963 elections pitted PAP against Malaysia's ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (BN). BN lost every seat it contested, including three Malay-majority constituencies in Singapore. For Tunku, it was a warning: Malay voters on the island were not reliably UMNO supporters. In 1964, PAP broke another informal pledge by contesting 11 mainland seats in Malaysia's general election. Only Devan Nair won — in Bangsar — but the move was seen as a direct challenge to UMNO's political dominance. 1964: Riots and mistrust Relations soured further with the 21 July 1964 racial riots in Singapore. Scores were killed, hundreds injured, and mutual trust eroded. Dr Thum notes that Lee, who had once used racial arguments to push for merger, now began championing a 'Malaysian Malaysia' — equal rights regardless of race. For UMNO leaders, this reversal appeared opportunistic and threatening. In December 1964, during a golf game, Tunku proposed to Goh Keng Swee a looser federation: Singapore would leave Malaysia's Parliament but still pay for defence and surrender control over Malay affairs on the island. Goh rejected the terms as politically unacceptable. 1965: A choice takes shape By mid-1965, the political relationship was beyond repair. In June, Lee delivered his 'Malaysia for Malaysians' speech at the Malaysian Solidarity Convention, earning his wife Kwa Geok Choo's praise but further alienating UMNO. In July, while recovering from illness in London, Tunku decided Singapore must leave. On 15 July, Malaysian ministers Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman and Ja'afar Albar met Goh in Kuala Lumpur. The meeting began as a criticism of Lee but turned into a proposal for separation. Goh agreed in principle, warning that delay would only strengthen Lee's position. Only Lee, Goh, Law Minister E.W. Barker, and Finance Minister Lim Kim San were aware. On 26 July, Goh arrived with a handwritten note from Lee authorising him to negotiate. Barker began drafting the separation agreement. Risk and secrecy The talks carried enormous personal risk. If they failed, Goh and Barker could be charged with sedition under Malaysia's constitution. One telephone conversation between Goh and Lee was conducted in halting Mandarin to keep the operator from understanding. On 3 August, Tun Abdul Razak presented Tunku's conditions: Singapore must contribute to Malaysia's defence budget and avoid foreign defence pacts. Goh sidestepped these points, saying Singapore lacked resources to build a military. By 6 August, the draft was nearly final. That night, Goh and Barker travelled to Kuala Lumpur to complete the deal. They negotiated late into the night. When Barker returned, Lee reportedly thanked him for delivering 'a bloodless coup'. Cabinet resistance On 7 August, Lee revealed the plan to the PAP Cabinet. Opposition came from Foreign Minister S. Rajaratnam and Deputy Prime Minister Toh Chin Chye, who saw separation as a betrayal of Sabah and Sarawak allies. They even considered contacting communist militants to resist a Malaysian takeover — an idea Lee rejected. By 8 August, preparations moved quickly. PAP leaders spread the news to party activists across Malaysia. That night, the separation documents were printed in secrecy in Serangoon. The British were informed only after signatures were secured. 9 August 1965: Announcements in two capitals At 9.30am, Tunku told the Malaysian Parliament that Singapore was leaving. The constitutional amendment passed, but only after Tunku warned Alliance MPs he would resign if they refused. According to the U.S. Embassy telegram, this ultimatum damaged Tunku's image as a unifier but cemented his dominance over the Alliance. Only one senior figure — UMNO Secretary-General Ja'afar Albar — defied him, and was forced to resign. At noon, Lee addressed Singaporeans in an emotional broadcast. Behind the public grief was a political reality: by leaving Malaysia, Lee secured unchallenged leadership in Singapore. Shockwaves in Malaysian politics The separation left no one fully satisfied. The U.S. Embassy reported that only the communist-influenced Socialist Front and some far-right Malay nationalists appeared pleased. Malay extremists in UMNO were bitter. Some younger members might have followed Albar in a revolt, but he publicly pledged loyalty to Tunku while quietly working to strengthen his position. Among the Chinese political class, the reaction was sharp. MCA youth were furious that their leaders had allowed what they saw as the 'ejection' of 1.5 million Chinese from Malaysia, weakening their bargaining power. MCA leader Tan Siew Sin told party youth that separation was a tragedy but unavoidable, placing blame on Lee and urging unity. Economic calculations On paper, Malaysia lost significant resources with Singapore's departure. The loss of promised development funds for Borneo was cited as a blow, but cooperation had already been minimal. Singapore's commitment to a M$150 million loan was conditional on labour access for Borneo — a point never agreed. Economic ties, however, could not be severed easily. While tariffs and quotas on Malaysian goods caused initial animosity, both governments recognised their interdependence. A 'common market' remained possible, and many businessmen were optimistic trade relations could be repaired if politics stayed out of the way. Nation-building in Singapore For Lee, independence meant both a political victory and a new challenge. Dr Thum notes that Lee had to abandon the Malayan identity he had championed since 1959 and instead emphasise a distinct Singaporean identity. Policies shifted towards English and Chinese as dominant languages, while Malay remained the national language in name. Economically, Singapore moved towards an open, export-driven model, free from Kuala Lumpur's protectionist policies. Sixty years later Today, Singapore marks its 60th National Day with a clearer understanding of 1965's events. The separation was not a sudden ejection but the outcome of covert manoeuvres, calculated risks, and political trade-offs. It was, in Lee's words, a 'bloodless coup' — and one that set both nations on divergent but enduringly connected paths.
New Straits Times
12-07-2025
- Politics
- New Straits Times
Umno will not abandon BN component partners, says Zahid
SUNGAI BULOH: Umno president Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi stressed today that the party will not abandon its component partners in Barisan Nasional (BN), MCA, MIC and Friends of BN, no matter what the situation. Zahid, who is also BN chairman, also urged component parties not to be hasty nor threaten to leave the coalition in light of current political challenges. "I tell my (component) partners, currently it's tough, MIC has one seat, MCA has two and Parti Bersatu Rakyat Sabah (PBRS) one seat in Sabah. "We (Umno) also have it tough, only 26 seats, used to be 64 and before then over a hundred. "In times of trouble, Umno will not abandon MCA, MIC, PBRS or Friends of BN. "This is our way, don't threaten to leave during hard times," he said during his speech officiating the Selayang Umno division delegates' meeting here on Saturday. He also denied allegations that BN component parties like MCA were sidelined in seat allocations, including Malay-majority seats, during a media conference after the meeting, pointing out that MCA and MIC were entrusted with contesting in traditional Malay seats. "Which Malay-majority seat do we not give to MCA? Tanjung Piai isn't a Malay seat? Or Ayer Hitam isn't a Malay seat? All Malay seats that we give to MCA means we respect them. "MCA is a loyal BN component partner since a long time back, that's what we will preserve. "The same with seats to MIC, all Malay seats we give are entrusted to them to contest," he said. Previous media reports had stated that former MCA vice-president Ti Lian Ker was urging the party not to be sidelined during the 16th general election and needed to be given suitable seats to prove their relevance, including Malay-majority seats. In other developments, Zahid urged those who were pressing for Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to resign to respect the legal process and democratic system in the country, pointing out that Anwar currently enjoyed the support of 154 MPs, or over two-thirds majority.
Borneo Post
06-07-2025
- Politics
- Borneo Post
Source: Sarawak to add 17 state seats with passing of Bill
A source has told The Borneo Post that the Dewan Undangan Negeri (Composition of Membership) Bill 2025 will involve adding 17 more elected members to the DUN. — File photo by Chimon Upon KUCHING (July 6): The number of state constituencies in Sarawak is expected to increase from the present 82 to 99, with the expected passing of the Bill to increase the State Legislative Assembly's (DUN) membership in tomorrow's special sitting. A source told The Borneo Post that the Dewan Undangan Negeri (Composition of Membership) Bill 2025 will involve adding 17 more elected members to the DUN. However, the source declined to elaborate further, except to say the details will be known once the Bill is presented tomorrow. Meanwhile, a report in news portal Free Malaysia Today (FMT) claimed that out of the 17 new seats to be created, five of them are Malay-majority areas and two are Melanau-majority areas. Citing a source, FMT reported that the remaining 10 new seats comprise four Iban-majority areas, two Bidayuh-majority, two mixed areas (Iban and Chinese), one Chinese-majority, and one Orang Ulu-majority. The portal also reported that according to its source, Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) as the dominant party in the ruling Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) coalition will be allocated 10 new seats, while the other three coalition partners—Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP), Progressive Democratic Party (PDP), and Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS)—will be allocated the remaining seven. At a press conference on Saturday, DUN Speaker Tan Sri Datuk Amar Mohamad Asfia Awang Nassar said the sharp rise in voter numbers, combined with the vast size of Sarawak's constituencies and challenging terrain, has prompted the Sarawak government to propose increasing the number of elected members in the DUN. He also said the Bill, the only one to be tabled at the one-day special sitting, will be tabled by Tourism, Creative Industry and Performing Arts Minister Dato Sri Abdul Karim Rahman Hamzah. According to Mohamad Asfia, the last review of seat composition was more than eight years ago, in line with Article 113(2)(ii) of the Federal Constitution, which allows for such reviews after a minimum interval of eight years. It was also reported that once the Bill is approved by the DUN, it would be brought to Parliament for federal approval. Once both legislative bodies have endorsed the Bill, the Election Commission (EC) will be tasked with conducting a redelineation exercise. The last increase was in 2014 when the number of seats rose from 71 to 82. Previous increases were in 1995 from 56 seats to 62, and in 2005 from 62 seats to 71. In November 2014, the DUN approved a Bill to increase the total number of state assemblypersons from the current 71 to 82. The Bill at that time was tabled by then housing minister Datuk Patinggi Tan Sri Abang Johari Tun Openg, and approved by Parliament the following month. This was followed by the EC announcing the proposed 11 additional seats in January 2015. new seats Sarawak State Legislative Assembly special sitting
The Sun
17-06-2025
- Politics
- The Sun
Analysts split on PN's chances to retake Selangor in GE16
PETALING JAYA: Political analysts are divided over Datuk Seri Azmin Ali's bold claim that Perikatan Nasional (PN) could wrest Selangor from Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the next general election. Azmin (pic) who is Bersatu secretary-general and Selangor PN chief, said the coalition could gain 10 additional seats, enough to form the next state government. The statement, made during the Kembara Bersatu Selangor event last month, reignited debate over PN's prospects in a state long considered a PH stronghold. Backing Azmin's claim, Senior Fellow at the Nusantara Academy of Strategic Research Prof Dr Azmi Hassan said the assertion is grounded in data from the August 2023 state election. 'There may be a reason why Azmin made the claim. If we look at the results of the last Selangor state election, PN needed fewer than 7,000 votes in several constituencies they lost to form the government. That confidence is based on real data,' he told theSun. Azmi noted that several seats were lost by razor-thin margins and could flip with targeted campaigning and voter turnout. He also pointed out that Pas, a key PN ally, has urged its supporters, particularly Kelantanese residing in Selangor, to switch their voting constituencies to the state, potentially shifting the electoral balance. He said PN has a better shot at capturing Selangor than taking over Pahang, another state currently under the Madani government. Among the marginal seats won with less than a 7,000-vote majority are: Sungai Air Tawar, Lembah Jaya, Taman Templer, Kota Damansara, Sekinchan, Sungai Tua, Pelabuhan Klang, Sungai Pelek, Dusun Tua, Batu Tiga, Kuala Kubu Baharu, Meru and Tanjong Sepat. However, Universiti Malaya political analyst Dr Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub offered a contrasting view, arguing that PN had already peaked. 'The major wave during the last state elections saw PN penetrate nearly all Malay-majority areas in Selangor. What remains now are the urban and non-Malay dominant constituencies, which are still under PH control.' Despite unresolved political issues under the unity government, Mohammad Tawfik observed that non-Malay voters – especially the Chinese – continue to back PH, with DAP remaining their party of choice. He added that PN should broaden its appeal among non-Malay voters, particularly in urban areas. 'They must also focus on retaining the two marginal seats they narrowly won – Gombak Setia (58-vote majority) and Taman Medan (30-vote majority).' Similarly, Universiti Utara Malaysia deputy vice-chancellor (Academic and International Affairs) Prof Dr Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani said Azmin's remarks appeared to be more about boosting PN morale than presenting a realistic scenario. 'PN appears sluggish and fragmented. There are signs of internal friction, especially between Pas and Bersatu, as well as unresolved leadership rivalries. 'In my view, PN currently lacks a compelling agenda for voters. Relying solely on sentiment won't be enough.' Echoing that view, University of Tasmania Asia Studies professor James Chin said PN's weak support among non-Malays remains a key obstacle in Selangor. 'It is highly likely that PH will retain Selangor due to DAP's strong grip on Chinese support. As long as that remains, it's difficult to see PN making real inroads.' PH won 34 of the 56 seats in Selangor during the 2023 state election. The coalition has governed the state since 2008.
The Sun
17-06-2025
- Politics
- The Sun
Tug of war for Selangor
PETALING JAYA: Political analysts are divided over Datuk Seri Azmin Ali's bold claim that Perikatan Nasional (PN) could wrest Selangor from Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the next general election. Azmin (pic) who is Bersatu secretary-general and Selangor PN chief, said the coalition could gain 10 additional seats, enough to form the next state government. The statement, made during the Kembara Bersatu Selangor event last month, reignited debate over PN's prospects in a state long considered a PH stronghold. Backing Azmin's claim, Senior Fellow at the Nusantara Academy of Strategic Research Prof Dr Azmi Hassan said the assertion is grounded in data from the August 2023 state election. 'There may be a reason why Azmin made the claim. If we look at the results of the last Selangor state election, PN needed fewer than 7,000 votes in several constituencies they lost to form the government. That confidence is based on real data,' he told theSun. Azmi noted that several seats were lost by razor-thin margins and could flip with targeted campaigning and voter turnout. He also pointed out that Pas, a key PN ally, has urged its supporters, particularly Kelantanese residing in Selangor, to switch their voting constituencies to the state, potentially shifting the electoral balance. He said PN has a better shot at capturing Selangor than taking over Pahang, another state currently under the Madani government. Among the marginal seats won with less than a 7,000-vote majority are: Sungai Air Tawar, Lembah Jaya, Taman Templer, Kota Damansara, Sekinchan, Sungai Tua, Pelabuhan Klang, Sungai Pelek, Dusun Tua, Batu Tiga, Kuala Kubu Baharu, Meru and Tanjong Sepat. However, Universiti Malaya political analyst Dr Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub offered a contrasting view, arguing that PN had already peaked. 'The major wave during the last state elections saw PN penetrate nearly all Malay-majority areas in Selangor. What remains now are the urban and non-Malay dominant constituencies, which are still under PH control.' Despite unresolved political issues under the unity government, Mohammad Tawfik observed that non-Malay voters – especially the Chinese – continue to back PH, with DAP remaining their party of choice. He added that PN should broaden its appeal among non-Malay voters, particularly in urban areas. 'They must also focus on retaining the two marginal seats they narrowly won – Gombak Setia (58-vote majority) and Taman Medan (30-vote majority).' Similarly, Universiti Utara Malaysia deputy vice-chancellor (Academic and International Affairs) Prof Dr Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani said Azmin's remarks appeared to be more about boosting PN morale than presenting a realistic scenario. 'PN appears sluggish and fragmented. There are signs of internal friction, especially between Pas and Bersatu, as well as unresolved leadership rivalries. 'In my view, PN currently lacks a compelling agenda for voters. Relying solely on sentiment won't be enough.' Echoing that view, University of Tasmania Asia Studies professor James Chin said PN's weak support among non-Malays remains a key obstacle in Selangor. 'It is highly likely that PH will retain Selangor due to DAP's strong grip on Chinese support. As long as that remains, it's difficult to see PN making real inroads.' PH won 34 of the 56 seats in Selangor during the 2023 state election. The coalition has governed the state since 2008.
