Latest news with #Miamians
Axios
19 hours ago
- General
- Axios
Leaving dog poop in a neighbor's bin? It's a legal gray area
Most rational Miamians agree that picking up after your dog is a pet owner's basic duty. But can you legally dispose of that doodie in your neighbor's trash can? The rules vary from city to city. Why it matters: The dog poop debate has divided our readers, so we went digging for answers. Catch up quick: People opposed to letting dog owners leave poop bags in residential trash bins say it violates their private property rights and could be a slippery slope to more serious illegal dumping. Those in favor argue that the expanded access to trash cans will help keep neighborhoods free of feces and doesn't hurt anyone if the trash is already wheeled out for pickup. In an Axios poll, a majority of respondents said they dropped their poop bags off in public waste bins or at their own homes. What we found: We asked Miami-Dade County and the cities of Miami, Miami Beach and Coral Gables what is allowed. 🚫 Miami-Dade: County code says it's "generally prohibited to dispose of waste in someone else's residential garbage container without the property owner's permission," spokesperson Jennie Lopez says. "This includes items such as bagged dog waste." The code applies to unincorporated Miami-Dade and the cities that receive county trash services, like Doral, Miami Gardens and Pinecrest. Yes, but: Robert Vargas, a spokesperson for the county's waste management department, tells Axios the county prioritizes the enforcement of more serious illegal dumping, like the improper disposal of mattresses and tires. "This isn't something that we really actively enforce. Normally, it's a neighbor-to-neighbor type of thing," Vargas said, adding that the county doesn't receive many complaints about poop bag disposal. Penalty: a $250 fine. 🚫 Miami Beach: " The action of someone placing their trash in another's trash can may be construed as illegally disposing/dumping your trash and that can be cited," city spokesperson Melissa Berthier wrote in an email. Penalty: a $500 fine for a first offense and $1,000 for subsequent offenses, per city code. ✅ City of Miami: There are no laws that ban throwing out trash in a neighbor's bin, per spokesperson Kenia Fallat. 🚫 Coral Gables: The city last year banned throwing out dog poop in the trash pits, reserved for lawn clippings and bulky waste, that are located on the swales in front of some single-family homes.
Miami Herald
2 days ago
- Politics
- Miami Herald
Miami to offer free citizenship classes for immigrants after feds cut funding
Miami residents will have access to free citizenship classes again after the federal government cut funding for a program that's helped thousands of immigrants prepare for their naturalization exams. On Monday, Miami District 4 Commissioner Ralph Rosado announced that his office would allocate up to $10,000 to subsidize Miami-Dade County Public Schools' Fast Track to Citizenship courses, offered through the school district's adult education program. Earlier this month, the Miami Herald reported that Miami-Dade County Public Schools would stop offering the courses after the U.S. Department of Homeland Security determined the program 'no longer effectuates the program goals and the Department's priorities,' making it so that all federally funded work under the grant 'will be unallowable.' READ MORE: Miami-Dade school district ends citizenship classes for immigrants after federal cuts 'This is much more than just about funding a program,' Rosado said at a press conference Monday. 'It's about living our values as Americans and as Miamians. It's about living the values of opportunity and the belief that Miami's variety is our strength.' The course, which supports lawful permanent residents seeking U.S. citizenship, includes help with the 20-page naturalization application and preparation for the exam. Citizenship preparation courses have been taught through Miami-Dade schools in some form since at least the 1970s. The Fast Track to Citizenship courses were previously funded by the state before they were funded by the federal government. Rosado said his office would allocate up to $10,000, based on an estimate that approximately 150 people apply per year for a course that costs up to $65. He said that should be enough to keep the program running for another year. Rosado said his office has been in contact with the school district about his initiative. For now, the funding will only be available for residents in the city of Miami, where about 58% of residents are foreign born and more than 70% are Hispanic or Latino, according to U.S. Census Bureau data. Rosado said it will go into effect in the fall, when the current grant is set to run out, but that he would work to make the funding available sooner if there's a shortfall. Rosado's announcement landed weeks after the city voted to enter an immigration enforcement agreement with ICE, deputizing Miami police officers with immigration enforcement powers. The commission voted 3-2 to enter into what's called a 287(g) agreement; Rosado was one of the three who voted in favor. Mayor Francis Suarez said the citizenship program has 'a clear track record of providing an important service to our community' but that it 'became a victim of funding cuts to Miami-Dade County public schools.' 'This financial investment will guarantee that those who are already on a pathway to citizenship will not face any obstacles in achieving that dream,' Suarez said. To apply for the program, Rosado said Miami residents can call (305) 558-8000 or go to In March, when the federal government announced it was ending funding for the Fast Track to Citizenship classes through Miami-Dade County Public Schools' adult education program, four locations continued to offer separate citizenship classes through the district's continuing education program. The school district told the Herald those citizenship courses will continue. But the courses are fee-based and can be expensive depending on the number of students who enroll. Students split the cost of teachers' salaries and materials based on the number of students. When the Herald first reported that the district was offering fee-based courses, there was no information on its website or social media, and the district said interested students had to show up in person at the locations to express interest and enroll.
Miami Herald
17-07-2025
- Business
- Miami Herald
Most Miamians live paycheck to paycheck. This researcher has some ideas to help
For all the change constantly happening in and around the Magic City, many Miamians feel stuck. More than half of Miami-Dade's population lives paycheck to paycheck. They're spinning their wheels, moving from one day to the next, hoping they avoid the health emergency, job loss, car accident or hurricane that would push them over the financial cliff. They're surviving, but not thriving. Milestones like homeownership that once felt attainable are out of reach. Now, it's a matter of making rent. That dynamic is playing out across the country. It's amplified in South Florida. Post-pandemic, the region saw a flood of outside money drive up local income inequality and, with it, prices — especially for housing. Meanwhile, locals' paychecks haven't kept pace. They're struggling to save, struggling to invest — in stocks or businesses or themselves — and struggling to get ahead. Heather Cameron is the Michael B. Kaufman professor of practice in social entrepreneurship at Washington University in St. Louis. She just received nearly $1 million in grant money to figure out how to improve economic mobility in American cities. The Miami Herald sat down with her recently to find out more. Below is an edited version of a 40-minute interview with Cameron. It touches on why it's harder to get ahead today than it was decades ago, the value of money, a different way to think about housing, and what can be done to make life healthier and more affordable for everyone. The Herald encourages readers to listen to the full interview here: How do you define economic mobility? Economic mobility is basically just the changing of your economic status over time. It's a key part of the American Dream; the idea that kids can do better than their parents, that we're all improving as a society, and also that if you're born a child into poverty, you don't necessarily have to stay there. How mobile do you think the United States is today? The Federal Reserve System has noticed that, for the last 30 or 40 years, economic mobility is stagnating in the United States. Why is this happening? It's because of the way our economy has changed dramatically since the 1970s. What are some of those changes? After World War II, there were huge investments and growth in the American economy, and most of the money flowing in the economy was actually being used for what we would call productive things. It was industrial capitalism. People made investments into factories. The factories grew bigger. They made more stuff. They got profits from that. Then, the economy moved more into what we call financial services. The banking system, the insurance system and real estate took over more and more of the economy, and people could make money just by basically owning stuff, not by making stuff, and by charging other people to use it. Over the last 30 years, people who own assets, whether that be stocks and bonds or real estate, they've been getting a much better return on owning that stuff than people who work. And that leads to income concentrations at the top and at the bottom, and it makes it very hard for the people at the bottom to jump up, because the ladder is expanding. So your research will examine community wealth building. What is that? Community wealth building is the idea that, if a community controls more of its assets, and more of the money that's generated in the community stays there, then it will do better. What are some examples of community wealth building strategies you think could be successful or have been successful? Community banks. That's a publicly owned or community-driven bank, and its goal isn't just maximizing profits. They're covering their costs, but they're focusing on investing in local businesses and the needs of residents. So, for example, standing up kindergartens or grocery stores in neighborhoods that need them. Another strategy is making workers 'worker-owners.' How does that work? Right now, there's this huge transfer of wealth happening because so many baby boomers who built up businesses are retiring and realizing that there aren't necessarily people who want to buy their business. And so [some of my research is] going to be looking in Kansas City for different businesses where owners are wanting to retire. They don't want to see their businesses sold for scrap, but rather to be sold to their workers. Then the workers will have the opportunity to build assets through owning part of the business. We'll also focus on so-called 'anchor institutions' — universities, health centers, large employers in the area, organizations that are committed to that city — and come up with strategies for them to be able to buy more of the goods and services they need locally and keep that money flowing in the local community. Housing is a big issue here in Miami. Most people here are 'rent-burdened' and struggle to make ends meet. Some of your research will focus on strategies to make housing more affordable and attainable. Tell me about them. Normally when you buy a house, you're not just buying the house. You're buying the land underneath it. Because of that, the price is obviously a heck of a lot more than if you were only buying the use of the building. Shared equity models are basically a way for low-income people — who don't have the assets available to put down a big down payment but who do have the money to make monthly rent payments — to have stable housing. Community groups, like nonprofits, would do something called a 'community land trust,' which is basically a way to avoid gentrification. Locals who want to stay where they are but who can't afford to buy the houses, or who are having the houses bought out from under them, can come together and say, 'Hey, we should protect our neighborhood by turning it into a community land trust.' People are able to buy into [the housing on that land], but the amount of upside that they get on their investment in a house on that land is capped. The advantage is that they can get a house and have all the nice things about being in a house and having a nice neighborhood. But, because it's not floating on the free market, the amount of upside they get is capped, because they would sell [the house] back to the group they bought it from. The goal is to make it easier for people to get access to housing. And so the way they do that is to keep it permanently affordable and off the private market. So, if I understand correctly: nonprofits and/or individuals in a community form a land trust. That trust buys a plot of land. Let's say the trust, which is governed by a community board, decides to construct a building on that land. People buy units in that building, or a house on that land, but there's a limit to how much they can resell them for, and that keeps the housing affordable? Right. There'll be rules about what your income has to be in order to buy in. We can get more people into high quality, stable housing, if the goal is not just capital appreciation on the house. Especially in Miami, housing is often purchased explicitly for its appreciative value. People want the value of their homes to go up as much as possible, which goes against the concept you just outlined. So how have people received this idea? To make our economy work better for people requires people to think differently about what money is for and what the economy is for and what housing is for. There's a lot of people who are currently renting in a very insecure way, spending more than a third of their income on rent, which causes problems for their families, for their kids, which causes extra stress. If you told those people, who are hard-working and who have access to money to pay rent, 'you could buy this studio apartment that you're living in. You'll be part of a housing community where there are rules, but you'll help shape those rules. You'll have stability — what you pay isn't going to change in an unexpected way just because the landlord said so,' they would jump at that. And if they have extra money, then great, put it in the stock market. That's where we should be investing money. In the American economy. That would be my argument as an entrepreneur. Let's go build stuff to make more profit. Let's go create more innovations. Not just, I buy a house, you buy a house, we trade and we 'make' money. Housing can be seen not just as a speculative investment, but as something we need to have safe and healthy neighborhoods. We don't want people changing homes three times in one school year. We don't want neighborhoods that are broken down because the neighbors don't trust or know each other. We want places that are clean and healthy and walkable and good for families. Where people can build up as they go, rather than needing to have a whole bunch of money just to jump in and then be afraid that if they miss one payment, it'll be taken by a bank — which doesn't work to help them keep their home but is interested in selling it to the next guy. Practically speaking, how do these cooperative projects get off the ground? Who makes them happen? Lots of different people. There are banks and investment funds that do mission-driven finance. But even the big hedge funds are talking about the value of shared ownership and employee ownership as a way to unlock value for American companies, to get more people in the owner's box, getting them committed to improving companies because they're owners. In terms of the housing stuff: Generally, neighborhood organizations work with city governments or philanthropic organizations to stabilize neighborhoods and create opportunities for people to get into homes while avoiding gentrification. They come together to get a loan against the value of the land, and then they put houses or multi-family units on [the land]. Then, they're able to service that loan in perpetuity by the payments of the people who live there. Lots of banks have worked to help create these community land trusts because they see the value in stable neighborhoods for the greater community. And people are starting to do this in commercial real estate, too. There's a project in Portland where a community development fund bought a mall in a low-income area and turned it into a place where local small businesses could have their stores. People in the neighborhood and surrounding zip codes had the opportunity to buy into the community fund, and now they get a share of those rents. It's a question of how you get the money together. Their model was a whole bunch of people paying a small amount, plus initial startup money. It's just smarter ways of putting money to work. These things don't really require a huge amount of money. It's more technical know-how and willingness to learn from these examples, which are all over the United States, but not yet enough. We can do even more. That's a great place to wrap up. Dr. Cameron, thank you so much for joining us. My pleasure. I wish you and your readers prosperity in 2025. This story was produced with financial support from supporters including The Green Family Foundation Trust and Ken O'Keefe, in partnership with Journalism Funding Partners. The Miami Herald maintains full editorial control of this work.
Axios
15-07-2025
- Health
- Axios
How Trump's "big, beautiful bill" could affect Miami
President Trump's " big, beautiful bill" could hurt low-income Miamians who rely on food stamps and government-subsidized health care. The big picture: Trump's tax and spending bill will slash federal funding from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), which nearly a quarter of Miami-Dade County households rely on for groceries, according to the Miami Herald. Meanwhile, the Congressional Budget Office estimates that the bill's passage will leave nearly 2 million Floridians without health care by 2034, a result of new Medicaid rules and the expiration of Affordable Care Act subsidies, the Palm Beach Post reports. How it works: The bill, which reduces federal payments to states for SNAP benefits, would require states like Florida with high payment error rates to pay between 5% and 15% of their total food stamp costs beginning in 2028. States that can't afford to pay their share of SNAP benefits might cut benefits or opt out of the program, per the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. Meanwhile, new work requirements for some Medicaid recipients and requirements that states conduct eligibility checks twice a year could lead to higher state costs and coverage loss for enrolled Floridians. What they're saying:"If you're someone who relies on social programs, you're going to be negatively affected," University of South Florida economics professor Michael Snipes tells Axios Tampa Bay. Food banks, like Feeding South Florida, have warned that SNAP cuts could increase food insecurity. In Miami-Dade, Feeding South Florida estimates that 400,000 residents don't have enough food to eat or know where their next meal will come from, the Herald reported. Feeding South Florida says the county's food insecurity rate is up 50% from 2019, per the Herald. The other side: Proponents of the bill, which will cut $4 trillion in taxes, say changes to Medicaid and food stamps will curb abuse and encourage able-bodied people to work to receive government benefits.
Miami Herald
15-07-2025
- Business
- Miami Herald
Greater Miami catches up with NYC in one more way: high income inequality
As New Yorkers have flocked to Miami in recent years, the Magic City has started to look more and more like the Big Apple: Michelin restaurants abound, financial firms fill downtown and Brickell. But now, greater Miami is closing in on one of New York City's less-flattering superlatives: It's tied with NYC for having the worst income inequality of the country's 10 most-populous metro areas. Think of the local income distribution as a bottom-heavy hourglass. Some people make lots, while lots of people make little. South Florida has long been a place where the rich park their money, but wealth poured in during and after the pandemic, increasing the number of high earners who live here. That inflow of money, piled onto already high nationwide inflation, caused a surge in local prices, especially for housing. At the same time, many workers in the region's economy — which is built disproportionately on industries that feature low-wage jobs, like service, hospitality and construction — haven't seen their incomes keep pace. Income inequality has crept up so much over the last decade and a half, since the Census Bureau started tracking greater Miami's score, that half of Miamians now struggle to live here. If young, skilled workers can no longer afford to live here — or feel like they can't save, buy homes and generally get ahead — they'll leave. They already have been, said Howard Frank, a professor of public policy at Florida International University and an expert on South Florida's workforce. And losing that demographic, a pillar of the local workforce, could jeopardize Miami's efforts to reimagine itself as a world-class hub of industry — be it in financial services as 'Wall Street South,' in tech via crypto, or both. It's in the numbers The Census Bureau quantifies income inequality using something called the Gini index, a measurement of inequality where a 0 represents total equality — everyone earns the same amount — and 1 is complete inequality — one person earns everything. Greater Miami's Gini score is 0.51, higher than the nation's 0.48 average, meaning the region's income distribution skews toward the unequal. Within Miami-Dade County, Miami Beach had the highest score, 0.62, making it by far the most unequal, while the county's Everglades communities had the lowest, at 0.33. Miami, the region's largest city, scored a 0.54. The median household in greater Miami earns roughly $76,000 a year, according to the Census Bureau. To be considered 'middle class,' then, a household would have to earn somewhere between two-thirds and double that amount — $50,000 to $152,000. Pew Research estimates that 37% of adults in the Miami metro area earn less than that middle-class income floor. Compared to the U.S. more generally, where 28% of adult earners are in the lowest earning bracket, Miami has a relatively large low-income population. Meanwhile, across Florida, the highest-earning households account for a major portion of the state's earned income. Internal Revenue Service tax return data shows that the top 1% of Florida earners — the 105,000 tax filers that pulled at least $371,000 in 2022, the most recent year available — accounted for a third of the entire state's gross earnings. That's about how much the bottom 80% of Florida tax filers, who are roughly 8 million in number, collectively made. Except for Wyoming — home to fewer than 600,000 people — no American state saw its 1% earn a larger share of its population's income. Brain drain is a problem Miami's warm weather, relatively cheap real estate and favorable tax policies drew the wealthy in droves during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. They, in turn, drove up local prices, particularly for housing, faster than Miamians' wages rose. That's partially because many locals work in traditionally low-paying industries. 'Miami doesn't have a strong industrial base. It's a largely service-sector economy,' said Noah Williams, an economics professor at University of Miami's Herbert Business School. 'It's polarized between lower-wage jobs and some higher-income [jobs], particularly financial services.' And for some young workers, especially those with skills, looking to break into higher-paying industries, the cost can be unworkable. Or they find they get more bang for their buck elsewhere, said Mark Wilson, president of the Florida Chamber of Commerce. More than a half-million people left Florida between 2022 and 2023, Census Bureau data shows. The most powerful magnets for migrating Floridians? Georgia, Texas and North Carolina, in that order — all states with relatively lower costs of living than the Sunshine State. According to the Metropolitan Center, Miami-Dade County alone lost more than 130,000 residents to migration between 2020 and 2023, and its population of 20-year-olds has dropped by nearly 35,000 since 2019. The Florida Chamber of Commerce found that, in 2023, the average age of a Florida emigrant was 32. One of the major motivating factors: Florida's high cost of living. 'It's hard to morph into a higher-wage economy if you're losing a lot of your best and brightest,' said Frank, the FIU professor. It's a risky dynamic, notes Wilson of the Florida Chamber of Commerce. 'If we don't make living in Florida more affordable,' he said, 'the clear and present danger is that this workforce will leave Florida.' A race to solutions What can be done? Wilson sees three broad, interconnected solutions. First, connecting people with job training so they can up-skill into higher-paying careers. The second is providing targeted services, like access to affordable childcare, food and transportation — all needs that make taking a gamble on a new career possible. Lastly, said Wilson, costs need to be lowered. Home and auto insurance prices need to be brought down, childcare needs to be subsidized and affordable housing expanded. 'All of that stuff together is like a race,' Wilson remarked. But, he wondered, 'can we do it fast enough for it to matter?' This story was produced with financial support from supporters including The Green Family Foundation Trust and Ken O'Keefe, in partnership with Journalism Funding Partners. The Miami Herald maintains full editorial control of this work.
