Latest news with #MiddleEastRiviera
Yahoo
04-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Arab leaders ‘agree to build 200,000 homes' in alternative to Trump's Gaza riviera plan
Arab leaders have reportedly agreed to build around 200,000 new homes in Gaza as part of an alternative to Donald Trump's 'Middle East Riviera' plan. Leaked documents from a summit in Cairo envisage a reconstructed and affluent-looking enclave, not entirely dissimilar to the US president's vision, but without first displacing the civilian population. The plans, which are set to be published and formally agreed within days, would involve a temporary committee of technocrats to run Gaza, with no formal role for Hamas. This would be 'under the umbrella' of the Palestinian Authority, the administration which currently runs the West Bank from Ramallah. Despite being an alternative to Mr Trump's proposal, some language from leaders in Cairo on Tuesday suggested it was pitched with the US president in mind. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Egypt's president, said he was certain Mr Trump would be able to achieve peace on the question of Gaza. Elements of Mr Trump's entourage have suggested over the last month that his incendiary proposal to 'clear out' the Palestinians and build a Las Vegas-style international hub was intended to provoke fresh thinking from the Middle East. Meanwhile, Arab diplomatic sources have briefed in recent weeks that they believe the White House could accept an alternative vision, so long as it was workable and had widespread support in the region. Such a scenario would be potentially nightmarish for Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu's government, which has repeatedly ruled out what appear to be important facets of the current Arab plan. One is the involvement of the Palestinian Authority, which has been described by senior ministers as 'just as bad' as on Tuesday, the Israeli government appeared to reject the Arab plan. Oren Marmorstein, a spokesman for the ministry of foreign affairs, said the statement issued at the summit 'fails to address the realities of the situation following October 7 2023, remaining rooted in outdated perspectives'. He criticised it for failing to condemn Hamas, as well as for continuing to rely on the Palestinian Authority and UNRWA, the UN body that works in Gaza and the West Bank. 'Both have repeatedly demonstrated corruption, support for terrorism and failure in resolving the issue.' He added: 'Now, with President Trump's idea, there is an opportunity for the Gazans to have free choice based on their free will. This should be encouraged.' The Arab plan reportedly involves the holding of elections in the Palestinian Territories, where they have not taken place for 20 years. The other sticking point could be the status of the terror group itself. Israel has said that it is not sufficient for Hamas to be absent from a future government, but that it will not tolerate the presence of the armed group in Gaza in any form. Hazem Qassem, a Hamas spokesman, suggested on Tuesday that the group could be content to cede power in Gaza for a plan that had the backing of the civilian population. However, Israel has warned that it will not accept a 'Lebanon-style' situation, where a terror group may not formally hold power but in reality dominates by virtue of its armed strength. Hamas has previously suggested that disarming would be a red line for the organisation. The UN estimates that approximately 90 per cent of homes in Gaza are destroyed or damaged, with most of the infrastructure also destroyed. According to leaked documents, the new plan is based on studies conducted by the World Bank and the United Nations Development Programme. The UN has said that reconstruction would cost around $50 billion (£39 billion) and wealthy Arab states would be expected to foot some of this bill. The plan's initial stage calls for around 200,000 homes to be built in Gaza over the next two years, at an estimated cost of $20 billion. However, it is unlikely that any significant financial package will be forthcoming unless the backers are confident that the enclave will not return to war. A 91-page glossy brochure, reportedly inspired by Emirati designs, has been circulating in Cairo as part of a push to gain acceptance for the plan. However, while not addressing the Trump proposal explicitly, language within the draft document sets a clear alternate position on the issue of the Palestinian population. 'Any malicious attempts to displace Palestinians or annex any part of occupied Palestinian territories would lead to new phases of conflict, undermine stability opportunities, expand conflict into other countries in the region, and pose a clear threat to peace foundations in the Middle East,' it warns. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Telegraph
04-03-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
Arab leaders ‘agree to build 200,000 homes' in alternative to Trump's Gaza riviera plan
Arab leaders have reportedly agreed to build around 200,000 new homes in Gaza as part of an alternative to Donald Trump's 'Middle East Riviera' plan. Leaked documents from a summit in Cairo envisage a reconstructed and affluent-looking enclave, not entirely dissimilar to the US president's vision, but without first displacing the civilian population. The plans, which are set to be published and formally agreed within days, would involve a temporary committee of technocrats to run Gaza, with no formal role for Hamas. This would be 'under the umbrella' of the Palestinian Authority, the administration which currently runs the West Bank from Ramallah. Despite being an alternative to Mr Trump's proposal, some language from leaders in Cairo on Tuesday suggested it was pitched with the US president in mind. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Egypt's president, said he was certain Mr Trump would be able to achieve peace on the question of Gaza. Elements of Mr Trump's entourage have suggested over the last month that his incendiary proposal to 'clear out' the Palestinians and build a Las Vegas-style international hub was intended to provoke fresh thinking from the Middle East. Meanwhile, Arab diplomatic sources have briefed in recent weeks that they believe the White House could accept an alternative vision, so long as it was workable and had widespread support in the region. Such a scenario would be potentially nightmarish for Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu 's government, which has repeatedly ruled out what appear to be important facets of the current Arab plan. One is the involvement of the Palestinian Authority, which has been described by senior ministers as 'just as bad' as Hamas. Late on Tuesday, the Israeli government appeared to reject the Arab plan. Oren Marmorstein, a spokesman for the ministry of foreign affairs, said the statement issued at the summit 'fails to address the realities of the situation following October 7 2023, remaining rooted in outdated perspectives'. He criticised it for failing to condemn Hamas, as well as for continuing to rely on the Palestinian Authority and UNRWA, the UN body that works in Gaza and the West Bank. 'Both have repeatedly demonstrated corruption, support for terrorism and failure in resolving the issue.' He added: 'Now, with President Trump's idea, there is an opportunity for the Gazans to have free choice based on their free will. This should be encouraged.' The Arab plan reportedly involves the holding of elections in the Palestinian Territories, where they have not taken place for 20 years. The other sticking point could be the status of the terror group itself. Israel has said that it is not sufficient for Hamas to be absent from a future government, but that it will not tolerate the presence of the armed group in Gaza in any form. Hazem Qassem, a Hamas spokesman, suggested on Tuesday that the group could be content to cede power in Gaza for a plan that had the backing of the civilian population. However, Israel has warned that it will not accept a 'Lebanon-style' situation, where a terror group may not formally hold power but in reality dominates by virtue of its armed strength. Hamas has previously suggested that disarming would be a red line for the organisation. The UN estimates that approximately 90 per cent of homes in Gaza are destroyed or damaged, with most of the infrastructure also destroyed. According to leaked documents, the new plan is based on studies conducted by the World Bank and the United Nations Development Programme. The UN has said that reconstruction would cost around $50 billion (£39 billion) and wealthy Arab states would be expected to foot some of this bill. The plan's initial stage calls for around 200,000 homes to be built in Gaza over the next two years, at an estimated cost of $20 billion. However, it is unlikely that any significant financial package will be forthcoming unless the backers are confident that the enclave will not return to war. A 91-page glossy brochure, reportedly inspired by Emirati designs, has been circulating in Cairo as part of a push to gain acceptance for the plan. However, while not addressing the Trump proposal explicitly, language within the draft document sets a clear alternate position on the issue of the Palestinian population. 'Any malicious attempts to displace Palestinians or annex any part of occupied Palestinian territories would lead to new phases of conflict, undermine stability opportunities, expand conflict into other countries in the region, and pose a clear threat to peace foundations in the Middle East,' it warns.
Yahoo
18-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Israel to restart hostage release negotiations with Hamas after pressure from Trump envoy
Israel has promised to restart hostage release negotiations with Hamas this week after pressure from Donald Trump's envoy. Gideon Sa'ar, Israel's foreign minister, confirmed to a press conference in Jerusalem on Tuesday that phase two talks would resume imminently following a delay of roughly a fortnight. It came after an intervention by Steve Witkoff, the US special envoy to the Middle East, on Monday, which marked 500 days since Oct 7, in which he said that negotiations for the next stage of the deal were 'absolutely going to begin'. This has prompted suggestions in Israel that Benjamin Netanyahu's hand was effectively forced by the US administration. The prime minister has faced repeated accusations that continuing the war is a higher priority for him than securing the release of the hostages. Technically, discussions for the deal's second phase should have begun two weeks ago, around the time of Mr Netanyahu's visit to the White House, during which Mr Trump announced his 'Middle East Riviera' vision, which would involve the displacement of Palestinian civilians. Hamas threatened to stop releasing hostages last week, before relenting and handing over three, as planned, on Saturday. In recent days, Mr Netanyahu has faced increasing criticism for his reported decision – not yet officially confirmed – to remove the head of Shin Bet, the internal security service, from Israel's team of hostage negotiators. Critics said the sidelining of Ronen Bar, who had been intimately involved with the process, showed that Mr Netanyahu did not want the talks to succeed. Adding to the political pressure were 'signs of life' from hostages still held captive, and public expressions of thanks to Mr Trump, rather than Mr Netanyahu, from those recently released. 'Thanks to you, we are home,' said Agam Berger, who was released on January 30, in a video that Mr Trump duly reposted on social media. Iair Horn, who was released on Saturday, told a rally in Tel Aviv's Hostages Square on Monday night that the remaining hostages 'don't have any more time'. Israel believes there are now six living hostages amongst the names of 33 agreed for phase one, which is set to expire the weekend after next. As per the outline agreement, the next phase would see a complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza strip, among other measures, in return for the release of all remaining hostages. Israel is reportedly pushing for all its six living first phase hostages to be released en masse on Saturday. On Tuesday Ynet, a Hebrew-language news channel, said a senior Hamas official had said there was a 'high chance' this could happen. In an apparent sign of better relations, Israel has begun allowing the entry of mobile homes and heavy bulldozing equipment into Gaza. 'It will happen this week,' Mr Sa'ar told journalists, referring to the start of phase two negotiations. 'We will not accept the continued presence of Hamas or any other terrorist organisation in Gaza.' But he added that if the negotiations are constructive, Israel will remain engaged and may prolong the first phase of the ceasefire, which is meant to last six weeks. 'If we see there is a constructive dialogue with a possible horizon of getting to an agreement (then) we will make this time frame work longer.' As well as ruling out a role for Hamas, Mr Sa'ar scorned the mooted involvement of the Palestinian Authority (PA), which runs the West Bank. Referring to the organisation's reported decision not to stop payments for the family members of terrorists, so-called 'pay for slay', he accused the PA of being effectively as bad as Hamas, and of 'poisoning the minds' of Palestinian children against Israel. His comments appear to contradict suggestions put forward by Arab countries for the future of Gaza. They also highlight the difficulties inherent in the negotiations, with Israel appearing to offer Hamas little long-term incentive to release the remaining hostages. One prominent Israeli commentator, writing in the newspaper Haaretz, said Mr Netanyahu had been 'blindsided' by Mr Witkoff's comments. So far, 19 Israeli hostages have been returned in exchange for the release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners and detainees. Another 14 hostages, six of them believed to be alive, are slated for return in the first phase. Four bodies of deceased hostages are expected to be handed over on Thursday. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Telegraph
14-02-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
Meet the Israeli anarchist taking Hamas hostage fight to Netanyahu
With his trademark paramilitary-style black bomber jacket emblazoned with a highly provocative Star of David, Danny Elgarat is a hard man to miss. Certainly, the members of the Knesset's foreign affairs and security committee know him well. As he strides with slow purpose into the committee's Thursday afternoon meeting, their discomfort is palpable. Some of the politicians give him a wary nod of greeting; others stare down at their phones. At the entrance, security guards gather, eyeing him closely. As well they might: they have had to drag him out in the past. A former bomb squad police chief who is now a history teacher, Mr Elgarat is the man behind the militant side of Israel's hostage return movement. It only took him a few weeks after his brother Itzik, 69, was abducted on Oct 7 to decide that, in his view, the non-partisan, vigil-style gatherings organised by the mainstream Hostage and Missing Families Forum, which have claimed most international attention, were giving Benjamin Netanyahu a free pass. Road closures followed, he lit bonfires and smoke bombs in the streets, and the police responded with stun grenades, water cannons and cavalry charges. 'I haven't been arrested,' Mr Elgarat tells The Telegraph. 'But they've attacked me more than once.' He chuckles. 'Look, when I was a policeman, I was a policeman. Now, they call us anarchists, so I guess I'm an anarchist.' Alongside coordinating the nightly disruptions in Tel Aviv, the 65-year-old makes a twice-weekly pilgrimage to the Knesset in Jerusalem, addressing whichever fringe committee will grant him a few minutes to speak. This time, he takes particular aim at Mr Netanyahu's warm reception of Donald Trump's 'Middle East Riviera' vision, saying it would be built 'on the bones of the kidnapped, on the bodies of the kidnapped'. He castigates the Israeli prime minister's reluctance to begin negotiations for phase two of the deal as evidence that he wants to 'sabotage' the agreement. 'The sacrificing to the death of dozens of Jews by the leaders of the Jewish state is unprecedented,' he informs them. 'No such thing has happened in Jewish history.' For good measure, he asks Knesset members who would rather not hear his message to leave, rather than 'playing with your phones'. There has never been a more important time to change to a more aggressive method of protest, he believes, citing this week's near-derailment of the hostage deal as proof. As for hundreds of families, it all started for Mr Elgarat with a phone call in the early morning of Oct 7 2023. His brother Itzik, a Danish-Israeli handyman and all-round bon vivant of Kibbutz Nir Oz who liked nothing better than chatting in the bar, had been shot through the hand while struggling to keep the door of the safe room locked. Mr Elgarat was in the process of telling him how to fix a tourniquet when he heard loud shouts in Arabic, at which point Itzik cried: 'Danny, this is the end.' A signal from his phone was located in Gaza half an hour later. A sign of life was received in January last year, but in March, Hamas published a video in which they claimed Itzik was dead. Although the terrorist group has not provided visual proof of this, Mr Elgarat says the IDF have informed him that 'his life is in big danger'. Due to his age and having suffered a traumatic injury, the fact that Itzik was not on the initial hostage release list has been taken as an extremely bad sign. Itzik, who was a talented football player and big supporter of Maccabi Tel Aviv, has a son and a daughter in Denmark, where he lived for 10 years. 'We are very, very worried,' Mr Elgarat says softly. 'We hope that he is alive, but if he is not alive we hope that we can get him back and bury him with all the honour we can.' As a police officer in the first and second intifadas, Mr Elgarat has seen his share of violence. Initially, he bought into the softer tone of protest adopted by the forum and its consistent presence in what is now referred to as Hostages Square in central Tel Aviv, adjacent to the IDF's headquarters. But he added: 'It was when I was in the United States and I heard the prime minister's speech in the UN where he said the only way the hostages come out is when Hamas surrenders – when I heard that I thought we need to be more aggressive, because he doesn't have any intention of bringing them out because of his coalition with [Itamar] Ben-Gvir and [Bezalel] Smotrich [Mr Netanyahu's hard-Right coalition partners].' Along with his supporters, he feels that the past two weeks have proved them right: that the glacial and tenuous progress of hostage releases shows they are not the priority. His decision to wear a Holocaust-style yellow Star of David, modified to include the date of Oct 7, is, to put it mildly, highly controversial in the Jewish world. But he believes that the emaciated state of the three hostages released last week are ample vindication. 'When they saw those three come out on Saturday, a lot of people got in touch with me and said: 'Danny, you're right.'' Mr Elgarat feels nothing but love for the other affected families – he just disagrees with their methods. 'They're singing in the square, they're speaking, they're doing yoga… This will not convince Netanyahu to bring them all home. He needs to see that public opinion is against him. He needs to see people on the street.' The result of this thinking is the Begin Bridge group, named after the walkway across one of Tel Aviv's main thoroughfares under which Mr Elgarat and like-minded hostage families protest on most nights. It's a noisy, disruptive affair: drums, whistles, loudhailers and accusatory placards in abundance, in stark contrast to the tone in Hostage Square, a couple of streets away. On Thursday, Mr Elgarat was having a rare night off from the protest to take part in a school event. This did not stop protesters invading the dual carriageway and bringing traffic to a halt no fewer than three times in 90 minutes. 'Show us your support,' they yelled at the vehicles through loudspeakers. It prompts a taxi driver in the front rank of stationary vehicles to get out and enthusiastically usher one of the protest's main voices, Mali Darvish, onto his roof, whereupon she recites the names of all the missing hostages, and between each one, the crowd shouts 'ach'shav', the Hebrew for 'now'. An irate commuter berates the nearby policeman for not taking any action to prevent the blockage. They give him short shrift, knowing that the blockage will probably only last a few minutes. On the weekend, however, it is a different story. Thousands of protesters gather, rather than the hundred-odd on Thursday, and the Tel Aviv police are often replaced with the quasi-military border police. They are more aggressive and probably come from communities less sympathetic to the hostages' cause. Among the crowd at Thursday's protest was 86-year-old Yocheved Lipschitz, the first hostage to be released in October 2023, who famously shook the hand of her Hamas captive and said 'shalom' as she was handed over. A lifelong peace activist, she clearly thought her time was better spent blocking the Begin road rather than chanting in Hostage Square, although she is involved with both groups. 'This is life now,' she said. 'They [the hostages] are there, and we are here. We have a voice and they have no voice. Until they return, I will be here.' Her British daughter, Dr Sharone, was in attendance, supporting her mother. For them, it is not only about showing solidarity with the other families. Yocheved's husband, Oded, is still a captive of Hamas. 'Some people feel you can negotiate with the government and others feel that it's very straightforward: that until they come back we have to pressure the government,' she said. The placards are as provocative as they come, with messages including 'crime minister', 'you're responsible' and 'Netanyahu is a sponsor of Hamas.' Among the protesters there are mordant suggestions that families of the forum adopt a more peaceful tone amid fear the government will discriminate against their loved-ones when it comes to hostage release, a controversial claim that the government refutes. In one sense, the irate driver is exactly the person that Mr Elgarat and his comrades are targeting – less religious, mainstream Israelis who were not directly affected by Oct 7. While polls consistently show overwhelming support for a hostage release deal, the protest leader is convinced that Mr Netanyahu will not act until he sees it manifested on the streets. 'People continue to live like nothing has happened,' he said, 'watching reality TV and arguing over which song to choose for Eurovision.' 'We need an uprising. We need to stay here until Netanyahu does the deal.' It is a big call from someone on his 125th day of hunger strike, allowing himself only water during the day and a bowl of soup at night, visibly tired. It is impossible to know which protest group Itzik would join. Given his easy-going nature – 'you could speak to him for five minutes and feel you've known him all your life,' says his brother – perhaps he would be tempted by the more peaceful tone of Hostage Square. But he is not free. So, for now, it is up to his brother, a tough man with a big heart, to lead the fight as he sees fit. Danny Elgarat is going to carry on doing things his way.
Ammon
10-02-2025
- Business
- Ammon
Jordan at a crossroads: Navigating Trump's Middle East ambitions
The proposed "Middle East Riviera' or 'Mediterranean Dubai' project has recently captured widespread attention. The initiative closely resembles real estate development plans designed to attract investors. The idea was presented by US President Donald Trump, known for his persistence and determination to impose his opinion. However, the project, whose details remain vague, seems more like a conceptual discussion that overlooks complex political, security and logistical challenges. Without genuine solutions beyond marketing slogans, it may prove unfeasible. News indicate that Trump gathered top American companies, including defence contractors, energy giants, real estate developers and hospitality firms, to assess the project. This suggests that the proposed solutions are economically driven rather than political. If the necessary conditions for the project's success are not met, or if the risks of failure increase, it will likely fade into obscurity, especially with growing Arab, regional and international opposition. Nonetheless, launching such a complex project in this simplified manner might serve a different purpose — preparing the groundwork for demographic displacement, even if only on a small scale at the beginning. After a year and a half of conflict involving Israel in the region, Jordan faces the practical consequences of open fronts, particularly the displacement from Gaza and the West Bank, the unstable security situation in Syria, and the potential repercussions of Israeli moves toward Iraq and Iran. The pressure on Jordan from these developments is expected and may intensify. As such, Jordan must adopt a highly refined political approach capable of skillfully managing these pressures. It should operate within the framework of realistic policies, particularly when dealing with challenges from the United States, which is experiencing an unprecedented phase that requires delicate handling. Jordan's true strength lies in its alliances, which must be maintained and leveraged to secure its importance politically and security-wise, beyond mere geography. The unified Arab stance rejecting Trump's propositions concerning Gaza and its residents could be a significant asset in the coming phase. However, practical alternatives must also be offered to develop gradual solutions while maximising economic benefits within new frameworks. In this context, Saudi Arabia plays a particularly pivotal role, not only due to its historical reference as the initiator of the Arab Peace Initiative, but also because of the Trump administration's ambitious view of Saudi Arabia politically and economically. His Majesty King Abdullah's meeting with Trump, directly following his meetings with Netanyahu and before meeting the Egyptian president, presents a valuable opportunity for Egypt and Jordan to build a 'rationalised solutions framework' for the coming phase. Although room for maneuvering may be limited, given Trump's desire to appear as a problem-solver early in his presidency, this opportunity must not be wasted and should be seized, even partially, to achieve success.
