Latest news with #MiddleburyCollege
Yahoo
17-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
‘A big missing part of the story' — Rust Belt vs. Sun Belt in the battle for U.S. manufacturing jobs
Foreign competition's role in the loss of Rust Belt jobs has been overstated in the political debate over U.S. manufacturing, according to Middlebury College professor Gary Winslett, who instead pointed to interstate competition, namely the rise of Southern states as favorable places for companies to put factories. Politicians from both sides of the aisle have ignored some "uncomfortable truths" as the Rust Belt has hemorrhaged manufacturing jobs over the years, according to Middlebury College professor Gary Winslett. In particular, he highlighted the narrative that China, Mexico and other countries grew their manufacturing employment via trade deals at the expense of the U.S. "It's a politically convenient tale for courting voters in key swing states, pining for the way things once were," Winslett wrote in a Washington Post op-ed on Wednesday. "The problem is that it's not true — and it is leading to some terrible policy decisions." To be sure, overall U.S. manufacturing employment has been in decline for decades. After peaking at nearly 20 million in 1979, it was at 12.8 million last month, according to Labor Department data compiled by the St. Louis Fed. And as a share of total nonfarm employment, manufacturing jobs have been in decline since 1953 as the economy has evolved to more service-oriented growth. Meanwhile, separate research from the Economic Policy Institute has shown that the U.S. lost more than 5 million manufacturing jobs from 1998 to 2021 as the trade deficit in manufactured goods with China, Japan, Mexico, the European Union, and other countries grew deeper. But Winslett see factors closer to home. "A big missing part of the story: Interstate competition," he wrote. "The Rust Belt's manufacturing decline isn't primarily about jobs going to Mexico. It's about jobs going to Alabama, South Carolina, Georgia and Tennessee." Citing data from the World Trade Organization, he said the Rust Belt accounted for nearly half of all U.S. manufacturing exports in 1970 vs. less than a quarter for the South. Today, those regions have switched places. In fact, Alabama, which produces more than 1 million vehicles a year, is the No. 1 auto-exporting state, after not having a single auto plant as recently as 1992, he said. Winslett attributed the role reversal to conditions in Southern states that are more business friendly, including right-to-work laws, cheaper electricity, more housing construction, lower taxes and easier permitting. Immigration has also helped the South, which now has more immigrants than any other part of the country while the Midwest has the fewest, he added. In addition, automation has contributed to the decline of manufacturing employment as well, Winslett pointed out, meaning that reshoring factories today wouldn't produce a big surge in jobs. "But even accounting for this technological shift, it is the ongoing competition between states, far more than globalization, that has reshaped American manufacturing, creating uncomfortable truths that neither party wants to acknowledge," he explained. For example, Republicans like President Donald Trump have pitched tariffs as the key to restoring Rust Belt factory jobs, without acknowledging the jobs that went to the South. On the other side, Democrats prefer to blame globalization than interstate competition and won't acknowledge deregulation, right-to-work laws, and lower energy costs, Winslett said. "Both parties prefer simple villains, whether it's China or greedy corporations," he concluded. "But what's needed isn't more warm fuzzies about the way things used to be or globalization scapegoating. It is a clear-eyed approach that understands why companies choose Alabama over Ohio and that embraces the choices made by Southern states." This story was originally featured on
Yahoo
15-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
The South Stole Your Job
What if the whole Rust Belt decline narrative is wrong? "There's a popular story that politicians in both parties like to tell us: The Rust Belt was a thriving region until China, Mexico and their American business allies tore their manufacturing jobs away with lopsided trade deals," writes Gary Winslett, Middlebury College professor, in The Washington Post. But what if the whole narrative is wrong? "The Rust Belt's manufacturing decline isn't primarily about jobs going to Mexico. It's about jobs going to Alabama, South Carolina, Georgia and Tennessee. To put it in college football terms, the traditional Big Ten has been losing out to the Southeastern Conference." "In 1970, the Rust Belt was responsible for nearly half of all manufacturing exports while the South produced less than a quarter," continues Winslett. "Today, the roles are reversed, it is the Rust Belt that hosts less than one-fourth of all manufactured exports and the South that exports twice what the Rust Belt does." The reasons why? It's a classic tale of interstate competition, in which the South lured jobs away from the Rust Belt by simply having more pro-business laws and conditions. Right-to-work laws in southern states "created more operational flexibility and attracted capital." The Rust Belt is heavily unionized; the South isn't. The South has cheap electricity and housing, lower tax burdens, more immigrants flocking in to provide cheap labor, and easier and faster permitting processes, argues Winslett. In one sense, if more people believed this story about manufacturing decline, our political dysfunction might get even worse: Don't look at the Chinese as the ones who took your jobs…look to your own neighbors. But it is important to correctly identify why an entire region has seen such a decline, and maybe constituents should demand that their legislators create more favorable conditions for businesses to thrive if they want to work at those types of businesses. There is a relationship between the types of laws passed and the industries that thrive, and policymakers should be expected to understand the consequences of their actions. But there's another important point raised by Winslett: Using tariffs to try to force the reshoring of manufacturing businesses doesn't necessarily mean the Rust Belt will be reinvigorated; it's very possible business owners will choose to set up shop in the South or Sun Belt instead, citing the advantages noted above. "That hyper-automated Black & Decker factory went to North Carolina, not Pennsylvania," argues Winslett. "Manufacturing doesn't chase nostalgia; it follows the bottom line." Dissent will be squashed: "Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard has fired the top two officials at the National Intelligence Council, weeks after the council wrote an assessment that contradicted President Donald Trump's rationale for invoking the Alien Enemies Act and deporting alleged Venezuelan gang members without due process," reports The Washington Post. Both Michael Collins, acting chair of the National Intelligence Council, and Maria Langan-Riekhof, his deputy, were axed by Gabbard. Since the start of his second term, President Donald Trump has been using the 1798 Alien Enemies Act (AEA) to deport Venezuelans he claims are associated with Tren de Aragua, a designated foreign terrorist organization. Trump believes the AEA allows him to deny court hearings to certain immigrants during times of "declared war" or when a foreign government has taken part in an "invasion" or "predatory incursion" and that the Venezuelan government, by directing the activities of Tren de Aragua, is threatening U.S. national security and has sent enough people here to constitute an invasion. But a memo made public last month undermined Trump's claim, as it appears intelligence agencies within the administration do not believe that Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro actually directs the activities of Tren de Aragua, therefore making it hard for the AEA criteria to be met. (You may recall that I reported this in Reason Roundup at the time.) "The NIC is the top U.S. intelligence community body for analyzing classified intelligence and providing secret assessments to the president and other top policymakers," adds the Post. But how dare you disagree with, or complicate the novel legal approach of, the administration in charge. It seems like maintaining some degree of independence within the NIC, versus populating it entirely with sycophants, would be helpful. But maybe not. (Also wild that Gabbard—long an independent voice—is now so inclined to do Trump's dirty work.) After a bill that legalized marijuana was signed into law in 2021, tons of unlicensed dispensaries sprung up. For a few years, authorities sort of looked the other way (and consumers got the product they wanted). But in May of last year, New York City got serious about its enforcement efforts, shutting down 1,400 pot shops from then until now. Over the same period, the weed bureaucrats have allowed 160 licensed dispensaries to open. Now, interestingly, "the court orders that allowed the city sheriff to seal the illegal businesses with padlocks for one year have begun to expire, requiring the city to remove the locks," reports The New York Times. "The expiring sealing orders have raised the possibility that a wave of illegal stores could reopen and once again overwhelm legal operators." Excellent. It is competition that should never have been shut down by the government! For more on New York's weird war on weed, check out this documentary I produced: How the recent conclave resulted in the first American pope: "In a budget presentation on Wednesday, [California Gov. Gavin] Newsom proposed freezing the enrollment of undocumented adults in the state's version of Medicaid, known as Medi-Cal, as soon as January," reports The New York Times. "He is also seeking to charge people who remain in the program $100 a month, beginning in 2027, and eliminate long-term care and dental benefits for undocumented adults and other noncitizens. The governor estimates that those changes combined would save the state $6.5 billion by the 2028-29 fiscal year." This strikes me as extremely reasonable, and probably something that should've been pursued long ago. "Of the many things the Trump administration has done in the last 100-and-change days that have impacted free speech, the threats to law firms might be the most troubling," write Greg Lukianoff and Adam Goldstein. "Seven firms involved in cases that the Trump administration didn't like were targeted by orders and memoranda from President Trump himself in what appears to be retaliation for their involvement in those cases. Those firms face (or faced) having their government contracts reviewed, the actual or potential revocation of security clearances from their attorneys, and their attorneys' access to federal buildings limited.…The firms targeted by executive orders and memoranda seem to stand accused of…being lawyers." "Mexico's security chief confirmed Tuesday that 17 family members of cartel leaders crossed into the U.S. last week as part of a deal between a son of the former head of the Sinaloa Cartel and the Trump administration," reports the Associated Press. The gender-swapping movie executives are coming for James Bond now (but Ben Dreyfuss is here to defend his honor): The post The South Stole Your Job appeared first on
Washington Post
14-05-2025
- Business
- Washington Post
Mexico and China didn't take the Rust Belt's jobs. The Sun Belt did.
Gary Winslett is an associate professor at Middlebury College in Vermont. There's a popular story that politicians in both parties like to tell us: The Rust Belt was a thriving region until China, Mexico and their American business allies tore their manufacturing jobs away with lopsided trade deals. Whether through President Donald Trump's tariffs or some Democratic alternative, it's now up to Washington to get them back.
Yahoo
23-04-2025
- Sport
- Yahoo
What scouts are saying about Thomas Perry: Middlebury College's NFL Draft hopeful
Thomas Perry made school history as Middlebury College's first three-time All-American and first participant at the East-West Shrine Bowl. Perry hopes the firsts continue this week and his name is one of the 257 players called during the 2025 NFL Draft. The draft's first round is Thursday, April 24, in Green Bay, Wisconsin; it continues Friday with rounds 2 and 3 and concludes Saturday with rounds 4-7. Advertisement Middlebury has yet to have a player drafted into the NFL. Alumnus Stephen Hauschka had a long career as a kicker in the NFL that included winning a Super Bowl with the Seattle Seahawks in 2014, but he was a free-agent acquisition after the draft was complete. Perry is a 6-foot-3, 317-pound offensive lineman who is considered a potential Day 3 selection by several NFL Draft experts and analysts. Thomas Perry's career at Middlebury College A native of Killingworth, Connecticut, Perry was a longtime starter at left guard for the Panthers (made 30 starts). He was a member of the 2023 NESCAC championship team and was a three-time first team offensive selection for the conference (2022-24). Advertisement As a senior, Perry earned All-America honors from AFCA, and Walter Camp Division III. Perry, who is a molecular biology and biochemistry major with an 3.92 grade-point average, was the program's first invitee to the East-West Shrine Bowl after the 2024 season, and he was also the only player to attend from Division III. His nickname is "Thomas the Tank." Thomas Perry at the 2025 East-West Shrine Bowl At the 100th edition of the East-West Shrine Bowl in January, Perry switched from guard to center and caught the attention of NFL scouts, including Dane Brugler of The Athletic. Brugler said Perry is "one of the strongest players in the draft. Tireless worker. Just needs reps and development." Advertisement "With only three weeks at center under his belt, Thomas showed that he belongs on this stage," Duke Manyweather, Perry's trainer, told Middlebury athletics. "He handled this positional transition extremely well and I am very proud of him. Thomas is a special human and player, and now the world is starting to see these qualities. I've coached a lot of professionals and I've never seen a player go as viral as Thomas has this quickly." The Athletic also wrote a detailed feature on Perry that was published this winter. Thomas Perry's stock for the 2025 NFL Draft Here's a sampling of what NFL Draft analysts are saying about Perry: Advertisement Bleacher Report: A developmental prospect for the fifth round who is an untested, undersized center who dominated on film. Has combination of raw power, athleticism and intangibles. Could carve out role on a rookie contract. Bleacher Reporter also ranked Perry 24th among interior linemen in the draft. ESPN: Called a "hidden gem" because of his strength, lower-body flexibility, versatility and football IQ. One AFC area scout said this about Perry: "Talk to the kid, you're impressed with all of it. I'll say in our meetings there's a place for this guy and let's see what he becomes." The Athletic: Brugler ranks Perry as the 11th prospect among the 70 centers in the draft. "(H)e is wired the right way with the intelligence, athleticism and power worth the investment," Brugler wrote. Contact Alex Abrami at aabrami@ Follow him on X, formerly known as Twitter: @aabrami5. This article originally appeared on Burlington Free Press: NFL scouts on draft prospect Thomas Perry of Middlebury College
The Guardian
20-04-2025
- Health
- The Guardian
New figures shed light on US abortion travel as Trump cuts tracking research
For the second year in a row, abortion providers performed more than 1m abortions in the United States in 2024. About 155,000 people crossed state lines for abortions – roughly double the number of patients who did so in 2020, before the US supreme court overturned Roe v Wade and paved the way for more than a dozen state-level abortion bans to take effect. These numbers, released earlier this week by the abortion rights-supporting Guttmacher Institute, have not changed much since 2023, when the US also performed more than 1m abortions and 169,000 people traveled for the procedure. This lack of change masks a deep geographical divide in the US, as a handful of states have now become major hubs for people seeking abortions. In 2024, Illinois provided roughly 35,000 abortions to out-of-state patients, while North Carolina provided 16,700. Kansas and New Mexico, which neighbor anti-abortion Texas, provided 16,100 and 12,800 abortions – the vast majority of which were to out-of-state patients. 'Travel is so incredibly costly, both for patients and for the broader support network of funds, practical support organizations and providers,' said Isaac Maddow-Zimet, a Guttmacher data scientist. The sheer magnitude of the travel, he said, is 'testament to the great efforts that a lot of people are taking in order to make sure that people could access care that really they should be able to access within their own community – without necessarily expending this enormous financial and logistical cost'. As the Guttmacher report focuses on abortions provided through the formal healthcare system, it does not count self-managed abortions, which appear to be on the rise post-Roe. (Medical experts widely agree that individuals can safely end their own first-trimester pregnancies using abortion pills.) The report also does not track abortions provided to people living in states with total abortion bans, even though providers living in blue states sometimes mail abortion pills across state lines – a practice that, in recent months, has sparked heated litigation. This does not mean, researchers warned, that everybody who wants a post-Roe abortion is still able to get one. Caitlin Myers, a Middlebury College economics professor who has researched the impact of abortion bans, estimated that about 20-25% of people who want abortions are blocked from getting them by bans. The Guttmacher report arrived days after the Trump administration effectively demolished the CDC team responsible for government reports on abortion provision in the United States, which are known as 'abortion surveillance' reports. These cuts have alarmed researchers. 'If we can't measure outcomes, we can't do science,' Myers said. 'My concern is that this work fundamentally relies on the ability to track public health outcomes, and if we aren't tracking them, we don't know what's happening to people. We don't know what's happening in their lives. We don't know the effect of policies and interventions.' In addition to the CDC and Guttmacher, just one other group – #WeCount, a research project by the Society of Family Planning – regularly collects nationwide data on abortion incidence. The groups use different methods to collect data, so the CDC's annual report on the topic has long been less comprehensive than the post-Roe reports issued by Guttmacher and #WeCount. A number of states – including California, a haven for abortion rights – do not provide information to the federal government about the abortions performed within their borders. The CDC report also lags behind the Guttmacher and #WeCount reports; its most recent report, issued in November, counted abortions performed in 2022. The CDC report does include information about abortion patients' demographic backgrounds and the gestational age of their pregnancies, which can serve as a critical fact-check in heated debates around abortion. Anti-abortion activists, for example, often condemn abortions that take place later on in pregnancy, but the 2022 CDC report found that only about 1.1% of all abortions take place at or after 21 weeks' gestation. 'Abortion surveillance can be used to asses changes in clinical practice patterns over time,' a former employee from the CDC's Division of Reproductive Health said in a text. 'Without this report, we are losing the ability to track these changes.' Notably, the move to ax the researchers behind the CDC report appears to run counter to Project 2025, a famous playbook of conservative policies. Project 2025 urged the federal government to dramatically expand the CDC's 'abortion surveillance' by cutting funds to states that did not provide the CDC with information about 'exactly how many abortions take place within its borders, at what gestational age of the child, for what reason, the mother's state of residence, and by what method'. It also suggested that the CDC collect statistics on miscarriages, stillbirths and 'treatments that incidentally result in the death of a child (such as chemotherapy)'. These proposals alarmed researchers and raised concerns about patients' data privacy, especially given the fact that abortion remains a deeply controversial procedure. But given the turbulence of the Trump administration, experts are not sure whether another agency will ultimately take up Project 2025's recommendations. Maddow-Zimet said he doesn't 'think that we're necessarily any less concerned than we were before about the possibility of these kind of data mandates going into effect and/or using the data in appropriate ways to either make providers ask patients questions they wouldn't have otherwise asked, that are very stigmatizing, or potentially put providers at risk'.
