Latest news with #Milbank
Yahoo
12-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
How A Few Law Associates Revealed The Power Of Resigning From Firms That Cut Deals With Trump
When the law firm Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison announced on March 20 it had entered into a deal with President Donald Trump to make an executive order targeting the firm go away, Rachel Cohen, a third year associate at another law firm, Skadden Arps, announced her resignation. Like Paul, Weiss, Skadden was targeted by the Trump administration with a letter threatening an investigation by the Equal Employment & Opportunity Commission over its alleged Diversity, Equity and Inclusion policies. After seeing Paul, Weiss bend the knee and being stonewalled by partners at Skadden about how the firm intended to respond to the EEOC letter, Cohen decided to take a stand. 'I resigned because I anticipated that my own firm's lack of response was indicative of their willingness to cut a deal with the Trump administration if need be,' she said. Cohen was right. Before Trump even issued an executive order punishing the firm, Skadden cut its own deal on March 28. Soon a flood of firms would follow Skadden's lead and make preemptive deals with Trump to eliminate the threat of EEOC investigations and executive orders punishing them. On April 1, Willie Farr cut a deal with Trump. On April 2, Milbank followed suit. And then on April 11, five firms ― Kirkland & Ellis; Latham & Watkins; A&O Shearman; Simpson Thatcher & Bartlett; and Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft ― each entered into deals with the administration. In each case, the firms promised large sums of pro bono legal work for the administration on mutually agreed upon issues. Paul, Weiss promised to give up $40 million in pro bono hours. As more firms made deals, the totals went up. Milbank, Skadden, Willkie and Cadwalader promised $100 million each while Kirkland, Latham, A&O Shearman and Simpson Thatcher promised $125 million each. These firms are among some of the largest, most influential and connected in the country. What's more, among their traditional work is their pro bono representation of vulnerable groups bringing legal challenges against the government: By targeting them, Trump leveled a direct attack on the legal profession and, in particular, its ability to support opposition to his administration's policies, including those around immigration. The deals divert pro bono resources toward Trump while putting into question whether the firms would continue to offer those services to anyone Trump opposes. 'What he's building to, and it's not particularly hidden, is punishing people who do immigration representation, punishing people who represent protestors who were present at Palestine protests,' Cohen said. 'And they're not saying this out loud, but I assume this will spread to public defenders more broadly as well as people that do representation related to reproductive justice.' Big Law appeared to be bending the knee. But not everyone felt that they could go along. More associates soon followed Cohen's lead and resigned. Joseph Baio, the longest-serving lawyer at Willkie Farr, became the first and so-far only partner to resign on April 9. In total, one partner and 11 associates have publicly resigned from firms that cut deals with Trump. The numbers may be small, but each one has attracted attention and kept the story of the firm's submission to Trump in the headlines. That has shown that even junior lawyers have the power to affect the public's perception of these deals. 'The firms are shocked that this is still in the news cycle,' Cohen said. 'That is so unprecedented. And that is the power of even just a couple of associates leaving and being willing to talk about these things.' They may not have anticipated that their careers would take this turn, but events have a way of forcing such choices on people. 'I wasn't planning on quitting,' said Jacqui Pittman, a second-year associate who worked at Kirkland & Ellis' flagship office in Chicago before resigning. She noted the not-insignificant personal sacrifice involved in leaving these jobs, which are prestigious and highly competitive. 'People give up a lot to get this job. I moved here for this job.' But when she heard that Kirkland had cut a deal with the administration, she knew what she would have to do. 'Once that came out it didn't feel like a decision,' Pittman said. 'It felt like something I had to do when I took the oath for the bar. I was anticipating their decision and when it came out I realized what an incredibly dangerous precedent that it set.' For Sam Wong, a second-year associate who resigned from Latham, the decision was clear even before his firm cut a deal. At an associates meeting with the entire Washington, D.C., office, Wong said he stated his intention to resign if the firm made a deal with Trump. With feelings of 'disappointment' and 'betrayal,' Wong publicly resigned in a letter to Latham staff on April 14. 'I never expected either the country or myself to be in this position,' Wong said. 'I never expected to have to resign from my job in protest.' Kevin Decker, a third-year associate in Kirkland's D.C. office, resigned so that he could have a 'clear conscience' and also to follow the example set by Cohen as a model for others. 'That gave confidence to people that you have options,' Decker said. 'You don't have to stay at these firms. And if you stay at these firms you can express how you feel about the agreements.' Skadden, Kirkland and Latham did not respond to requests for comment about the associates who publicly resigned their jobs in protest of the deals. These now-former associates all had different reactions to their firms' decision to strike a deal from disappointment to surprise they were targeted in the first place. Their perception of their former firm colors their views of their former employer post-deal. Kirkland, the largest firm in the world by revenue, had a culture of 'utilitarian speed and efficiency,' according to Pittman. The 'eerie' lack of communication within the firm about the deals made Pittman feel that it was going to bend the knee. The firm liked to cast itself as the 'biggest and baddest in the industry,' she said, but now she feels that it can't sustain that reputation. 'I don't see how they can continue to call themselves the biggest and baddest and use that as their culture with a straight face now that they've shown the world what little courage they had,' Pittman said. Decker, who worked in Kirkland's D.C. office, was puzzled that Kirkland was even targeted to begin with. 'I'm not sure why Kirkland was chosen instead of other firms since Kirkland had not been known as an opponent of the administration,' he said. As their former firms cut deals with Trump, other firms targeted with punitive executive orders fought back. Perkins Coie, WilmerHale, Jenner & Block and Susman Godfrey all filed lawsuits challenging the orders. In each case, they quickly won temporary restraining orders from judges aghast at Trump's actions, blocking most of the orders from going into effect. In the Perkins Coie case, Judge Beryl Howell quickly moved beyond a temporary restraining order to issue a scathing final judgment that Trump's order was plainly unconstitutional. 'No American President has ever before issued executive orders like the one at issue in this lawsuit targeting a prominent law firm with adverse actions to be executed by all Executive branch agencies but, in purpose and effect, this action draws from a playbook as old as Shakespeare, who penned the phrase: 'The first thing we do, let's kill all the lawyers,'' Howell wrote. Trump and his administration's actions since making these deals to explain what they would ask of the firms further assured the former associates that they had made the right decision. In public pronouncements and executive orders, the administration progressively expanded on what they would be asking from the law firms that made deals to provide pro bono legal work. Instead of mutually agreed upon issues, the firms would be pushed to do legal work on trade deals, coal leases and defending police officers accused of misconduct. 'We already learned this lesson from 'If You Give A Mouse A Cookie,'' Wong said, referencing the children's book. 'It's to no one's surprise that the Trump administration asked for one thing and it is now rolling out further demands on these law firms.' As the first to resign, Cohen has used her platform to spread the word about what law firm associates can do, and what Trump's deals and executive orders targeting the legal profession mean. She put together toolkits for associates and law students on how to respond to Trump's attacks and deals made by firms. She testified before Democratic members of the House and Senate. And now she has joined, along with her former colleague Brenna Trout Frey, who resigned from Skadden when it announced its deal with Trump, a new law firm headed by Abbe Lowell with the mission of fighting Trump. Other former associates hope to continue to work at big law firms, but they take into consideration whether those firms are fighting against the attacks on the profession. 'There's sort of a binary here of firms and legal groups that are standing up for the rule of law, and I want to be at one of those places rather than Kirkland,' Decker said. While the number of associates resigning has slowed down, all of those who have resigned believe that there will be significant attrition from the firms that cut deals, although those who leave may not publicly state the deals as their reason for doing so. Cadwaladar has also witnessed 'an exodus of lawyers' following its capitulation to Trump, The Wall Street Journal reported on Thursday. Those leaving the firm include its counsel, J.B. Howard, who wrote an internal resignation letter protesting the deal. Jeh Johnson, the former secretary of Homeland Security under President Barack Obama and Paul, Weiss partner, also announced his resignation from the firm on Wednesday, but did not explain why he chose to do so.
Malaysian Reserve
07-05-2025
- Business
- Malaysian Reserve
Milbank Expands Tax Renewables Practice with Addition of John Green in DC
WASHINGTON, May 7, 2025 /PRNewswire/ — Milbank LLP is pleased to announce that John G. Green has joined its Washington, DC office as a partner in the firm's Global Project, Energy and Infrastructure Finance Group. 'We're excited to welcome John to Milbank,' said Milbank Chairman Scott A. Edelman. 'His depth and breadth of experience, especially his experience representing sponsors and tax credit buyers in the renewable energy sector, will be invaluable to our clients and the firm.' Mr. Green concentrates his practice on federal tax planning and controversy, advising clients on complex tax issues that arise in both domestic and international contexts. His work spans a wide array of industries, including real estate, energy, financial services and private investment. He has broad experience structuring tax-efficient transactions involving partnerships and corporations, and routinely provides guidance to clients on M&A, joint ventures, restructurings and fund formations. A core focus of Mr. Green's practice is devoted to the energy sector, where he helps clients navigate the tax structuring of investments across traditional and renewable energy assets. He has extensive experience representing sponsors and tax credit buyers in the renewable energy sector and regularly helps clients capitalize on emerging clean energy opportunities while guiding them through the complex and evolving landscape of related tax incentives. His deep understanding of both energy policy and tax law enables him to provide strategic advice that aligns tax planning with regulatory compliance and long-term business objectives. 'We are proud to have one of the most active and prestigious tax-related renewables practices of any firm, and John will be a critical part of our continued growth, especially on the sponsor side,' said Dan Bartfeld, chair of Milbank's Global Project, Energy and Infrastructure Finance Group. 'His deep industry insights and collaborative approach will bring immediate value to our clients.' 'As the domestic renewables sector evolves, tax expertise has become a critical aspect of virtually all renewables-focused transactions, from financings to M&A,' commented Global Project, Energy and Infrastructure Finance partner Mike Duff. 'We are thrilled to welcome John to the team and further strengthen our top tier renewables platform.' 'Milbank's energy and renewables practice is widely regarded as one of the most preeminent practices globally,' said Mr. Green. 'I look forward to working closely with this market-leading team to help clients navigate the intricate tax and financing frameworks shaping the energy sector.' Mr. Green joins Milbank from King & Spalding, where he was a partner in the Tax Group. He received his J.D., magna cum laude, and LL.M. in taxation from New York University School of Law, where he was awarded the Harry J. Rudick Memorial Award for excellence in taxation. He earned his Master of Science from the London School of Economics and received his B.A. in Economics from Davidson College, cum laude and Phi Beta Kappa. ABOUT MILBANK Milbank LLP is a leading international law firm that provides innovative legal services to clients around the world. Founded in New York over 150 years ago, Milbank has offices in Frankfurt, Hong Kong, London, Los Angeles, Munich, New York, São Paulo, Seoul, Singapore, Tokyo and Washington, DC. Milbank's lawyers collaborate across practices and offices to help the world's leading commercial, financial and industrial enterprises, as well as institutions, individuals and governments, achieve their strategic objectives. To learn more about Milbank, please visit and follow us on LinkedIn and Instagram. View original content to download multimedia: SOURCE Milbank LLP
Malaysian Reserve
22-04-2025
- Business
- Malaysian Reserve
Milbank Expands Real Estate Practice with Addition of Alex Meirowitz in New York
NEW YORK, April 22, 2025 /PRNewswire/ — Milbank LLP is pleased to announce that Alex Meirowitz has joined its New York office as a partner in the firm's Real Estate Group. 'We are thrilled to welcome Alex to the firm,' said Milbank Chairman Scott A. Edelman. 'Alex's extensive experience across debt and equity representations and in virtually all real estate asset classes will further expand our team's capabilities and versatility, which has long been a cornerstone of our Real Estate Group.' Mr. Meirowitz represents clients in a wide range of complex commercial real estate transactions, focusing on both debt and equity representations. His practice includes purchase and sales, and borrower- and lender-side financings, covering all asset classes, such as office, multi-family, data centers, logistics, industrial and retail, across various deal sizes. He also advises clients on the formation and negotiation of joint ventures. His clients, among the world's most successful investors and developers, include top financial institutions, private equity funds, family offices and sovereign wealth funds. Erwin Dweck, leader of Milbank's Real Estate Group and member of the firm's Global Executive Committee, noted, 'Alex is an ambitious and highly accomplished lawyer, possessing a dynamic and versatile skill set. He will be an invaluable asset to the team and our clients, and we look forward to collaborating with him as we drive the strategic expansion of our practice.' 'Joining Milbank presents an incredible opportunity to contribute to a firm renowned for handling complex and sophisticated transactions,' remarked Mr. Meirowitz. 'I look forward to working alongside this distinguished team to deliver innovative solutions and maintain the firm's commitment to excellence in client service.' Mr. Meirowitz joins Milbank from Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP, where he was a partner in the Real Estate Group. He received his J.D. from Georgetown University Law Center and his B.A. from New York University. ABOUT MILBANK Milbank LLP is a leading international law firm that provides innovative legal services to clients around the world. Founded in New York over 150 years ago, Milbank has offices in Frankfurt, Hong Kong, London, Los Angeles, Munich, New York, São Paulo, Seoul, Singapore, Tokyo and Washington, DC. Milbank's lawyers collaborate across practices and offices to help the world's leading commercial, financial and industrial enterprises, as well as institutions, individuals and governments, achieve their strategic objectives. To learn more about Milbank, please visit and follow us on LinkedIn and Instagram.
Yahoo
08-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - Law firms that settle with Trump have a Sword of Damocles over their heads
Another day, another mega-law firm takes a knee before President Trump. That makes four and counting. Milbank LLP is the latest firm to reach a settlement to resolve or avoid a punitive Trump executive order that revokes its lawyers' security clearances, bars them from entering federal buildings and terminates government contracts with the firm and its clients, if the firm does legal work on those contracts. Wherever law firms have fought these executive orders, courts have ruled them unconstitutional. Like the other settling firms, Milbank insisted that the settlement terms would not make 'any significant changes' to the firm's current practices and involved commitments that the organization is 'happy to do anyway.' Given the vague nature of Milbank's commitments under the settlement, which include hiring lawyers with a 'diversity' of political views and engaging in $100 million worth of pro bono work for causes 'mutually supported' by Trump and the firm, that seems a bit optimistic. What if the Trump administration is dissatisfied with Milbank's attempt at the political version of DEI — that's exactly what it is — because the firm only hired lawyers who worked in the George W. Bush administration? For example: 'You haven't hired any lawyers who served in the Trump administrations or lawyers who worked on Project 2025.' Nothing in the agreement appears to prevent the administration from imposing the executive order until it is satisfied with Milbank's political hiring. Take the pro bono commitment to combat antisemitism. More and more American Jews, as the New York Times recently reported, are concerned that the administration is using allegations of antisemitism as an excuse for 'strong-arm tactics' that evoke past eras of Jewish oppression, such as the arrest of Rumeysa Ozturk, a Turkish doctoral student at Tufts University. Masked immigration agents in plainclothes detained Ozturk, presumably because she co-authored an opinion essay for a student newspaper calling on Tufts to speak out against Israel's war in Gaza. A federal district court judge in Boston temporarily blocked deportation, but Ozturk remains in detention. The Trump administration might demand that Milbank file an amicus brief on behalf of a conservative organization arguing that Ozturk should be deported even if she was only exercising her First Amendment rights. Milbank might decline if troubled by Ozturk's arrest — but enough refusals and the Trump administration would start waving an executive order. Ordinarily, settlements spell out the obligations of each party, and include detailed definitions and sometimes elaborate dispute-resolution mechanisms if a disagreement arises over a party's compliance. I doubt that Milbank or any of the settling law firms would have recommended that one of their clients sign a settlement agreement that did not include such terms — yet that is what these firms have done. Milbank and the other settling firms might protest that it was either cede some firm governance to Trump or game over for them. This all brings to mind a scene from Tom Wolfe's great novel 'The Bonfire of the Vanities,' which skewered 1980s New York City. A partner in a big law firm is approached by a client for advice on how to deal with a barrage of lawsuits from a shady character. The client says that he is considering using the mob to handle the matter. But the lawyer firmly advises against that, in words that aptly describe the Sword of Damocles over all law firms that settled with Trump. 'You let me take care of it. It won't be fast and it'll cost you a lot of money. But my bill you can pay,' says the fictional law firm partner to his client. 'No one is rich enough to pay them. They'll keep collecting until the day you die.' Gregory J. Wallance was a federal prosecutor in the Carter and Reagan administrations and a member of the ABSCAM prosecution team, which convicted a U.S. senator and six representatives of bribery. He is the author of 'Into Siberia: George Kennan's Epic Journey Through the Brutal, Frozen Heart of Russia.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
08-04-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Law firms that settle with Trump have a Sword of Damocles over their heads
Another day, another mega-law firm takes a knee before President Trump. That makes four and counting. Milbank LLP is the latest firm to reach a settlement to resolve or avoid a punitive Trump executive order that revokes its lawyers' security clearances, bars them from entering federal buildings and terminates government contracts with the firm and its clients, if the firm does legal work on those contracts. Wherever law firms have fought these executive orders, courts have ruled them unconstitutional. Like the other settling firms, Milbank insisted that the settlement terms would not make 'any significant changes' to the firm's current practices and involved commitments that the organization is 'happy to do anyway.' Given the vague nature of Milbank's commitments under the settlement, which include hiring lawyers with a ' diversity ' of political views and engaging in $100 million worth of pro bono work for causes 'mutually supported' by Trump and the firm, that seems a bit optimistic. What if the Trump administration is dissatisfied with Milbank's attempt at the political version of DEI — that's exactly what it is — because the firm only hired lawyers who worked in the George W. Bush administration? For example: 'You haven't hired any lawyers who served in the Trump administrations or lawyers who worked on Project 2025.' Nothing in the agreement appears to prevent the administration from imposing the executive order until it is satisfied with Milbank's political hiring. Take the pro bono commitment to combat antisemitism. More and more American Jews, as the New York Times recently reported, are concerned that the administration is using allegations of antisemitism as an excuse for 'strong-arm tactics' that evoke past eras of Jewish oppression, such as the arrest of Rumeysa Ozturk, a Turkish doctoral student at Tufts University. Masked immigration agents in plainclothes detained Ozturk, presumably because she co-authored an opinion essay for a student newspaper calling on Tufts to speak out against Israel's war in Gaza. A federal district court judge in Boston temporarily blocked deportation, but Ozturk remains in detention. The Trump administration might demand that Milbank file an amicus brief on behalf of a conservative organization arguing that Ozturk should be deported even if she was only exercising her First Amendment rights. Milbank might decline if troubled by Ozturk's arrest — but enough refusals and the Trump administration would start waving an executive order. Ordinarily, settlements spell out the obligations of each party, and include detailed definitions and sometimes elaborate dispute-resolution mechanisms if a disagreement arises over a party's compliance. I doubt that Milbank or any of the settling law firms would have recommended that one of their clients sign a settlement agreement that did not include such terms — yet that is what these firms have done. Milbank and the other settling firms might protest that it was either cede some firm governance to Trump or game over for them. This all brings to mind a scene from Tom Wolfe's great novel 'The Bonfire of the Vanities,' which skewered 1980s New York City. A partner in a big law firm is approached by a client for advice on how to deal with a barrage of lawsuits from a shady character. The client says that he is considering using the mob to handle the matter. But the lawyer firmly advises against that, in words that aptly describe the Sword of Damocles over all law firms that settled with Trump. 'You let me take care of it. It won't be fast and it'll cost you a lot of money. But my bill you can pay,' says the fictional law firm partner to his client. 'No one is rich enough to pay them. They'll keep collecting until the day you die.' Gregory J. Wallance was a federal prosecutor in the Carter and Reagan administrations and a member of the ABSCAM prosecution team, which convicted a U.S. senator and six representatives of bribery. He is the author of . '
