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Trump fast-tracks Utah uranium mine, but industry revival may wait for higher prices
Trump fast-tracks Utah uranium mine, but industry revival may wait for higher prices

Yahoo

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Trump fast-tracks Utah uranium mine, but industry revival may wait for higher prices

SALT LAKE CITY (AP) — In the southeastern Utah desert famous for red rock arches and canyon labyrinths, the long-dormant uranium mining industry is looking to revive under President Donald Trump. Hundreds of abandoned uranium mines dot the West's arid landscapes, hazardous reminders of the promise and peril of nuclear power during the Cold War. Now, one mine that the Trump administration fast-tracked for regulatory approval could reopen for the first time since the 1980s. Normally it would have taken months, if not years, for the U.S. Bureau of Land Management to review plans to reopen a project like Anfield Energy's Velvet-Wood mine 35 miles (56 kilometers) south of Moab. But the bureau's regulators green-lit the project in just 11 days under a 'national energy emergency' Trump has declared that allows expedited environmental reviews for energy projects. More permits and approvals will be needed, plus site work to get the mine operating again. And the price of uranium would have to rise enough to make domestic production financially sustainable. If that happens, it would mean revival — and jobs — to an industry that locally has been moribund since the Ronald Reagan era. 'President Trump has made it clear that our energy security is national security," Interior Secretary Doug Burgum said in announcing the fast-tracking policy in April. 'These emergency procedures reflect our unwavering commitment to protecting both.' More fast approvals appear likely. Trump's order also applies to oil, gas, coal, biofuel and hydropower projects — but not renewable energy — on federal lands. Conditions are ripe for more U.S. uranium mining Global uranium prices are double what they were at a low point seven years ago and, for the past year, the U.S. has banned uranium imports from Russia due to that country's 2022 invasion of Ukraine. More domestic mining would address a major imbalance. The U.S. imports about 98% of the uranium it uses to generate 30% of the world's nuclear energy. More than two-thirds of U.S. imports come from the world's top three uranium-mining countries: Canada, Australia and Kazakhstan. Less government regulation won't spur more U.S. uranium mining by itself. The market matters. And while spot-market prices are up from several years ago, they're down about a third from their recent high in early 2024. While some new uranium mining and processing projects have been announced, their number falls far short of a surge. That suggests prices need to rise — and stay there — for a true industry revival, said John Uhrie, a former uranium executive who now works in the cement industry. 'Until the price goes up dramatically, you're not going to be able to actually put these places into operation,' Uhrie said. 'You need significant capital on the ground.' Still, the industry is showing new life in the Southwest. Anfield Energy, a Canadian company, also looks to reopen the Shootaring Canyon uranium mill in southern Utah near Glen Canyon National Recreation Area. It closed in the early 1980s. A uranium mill turns raw ore into yellowcake, a powdery substance later processed elsewhere into nuclear fuel. Anfield officials did not return messages seeking comment on plans to reopen the mill and the Velvet-Wood mine. Energy Fuels, another Canadian company which ranks as the top U.S. uranium miner, opened the Pinyon Plain mine about 10 miles (16 kilometers) from the Grand Canyon in late 2023. And just off U.S. 191 in southeastern Utah is a hub of the industry, Uranium Fuels' White Mesa mill, the country's only uranium mill still in operation. In Moab, uranium has a long — and mixed — legacy These days, Moab is a desert tourism hot spot bustling with outdoor enthusiasts. But the town of 5,200 has a deeper history with uranium. Nods to Moab's post-World War II mining heyday can been spotted around town — the Atomic Hair Salon isn't just named for its blowout hairstyles. The biggest reminder is the Moab Uranium Mill Tailings Remedial Action project, a 480-acre (194-hectare) site just outside town. The decades-long, $1 billion U.S. Department of Energy effort to haul off toxic tailings that were leaching into the Colorado River upstream from the Grand Canyon and Lake Mead should wrap up within five more years. That mill's polluting legacy makes some Moab residents wary of restarting uranium mining and processing, especially after the Trump administration cut short their ability to weigh in on the Velvet-Wood mine plans. 'This was a process I would have been involved in,' said Sarah Fields, director of the local group Uranium Watch. 'They provided no opportunity for the public to say, 'You need to look at this, you need to look at that.'" Grand Canyon Trust, a group critical of the Pinyon Plain mine as a danger to groundwater, points out that the U.S. nuclear industry isn't at risk of losing access to uranium. 'This is all being done under the assumption there is some energy emergency and that is just not true,' said Amber Reimondo, the group's energy director. Supply and demand will decide uranium mining's future Hundreds of miles to the north, other nuclear energy projects point to the U.S. industry's future. With Bill Gates' support, TerraPower is building a 345-megawatt sodium-cooled fast reactor outside Kemmerer in western Wyoming that could, in theory, meet demand for carbon-free power at lower costs and with less construction time than conventional reactor units. Meanwhile, about 40% of uranium mined in the U.S. in 2024 came from four Wyoming 'in-situ' mines that use wells to dissolve uranium in underground deposits and pump it to the surface without having to dig big holes or send miners underground. Similar mines in Texas and Nebraska and stockpiled ore processed at White Mesa accounted for the rest. None — as yet — came from mines in Utah. Powering electric cars and computing technology will require more electricity in the years ahead. Nuclear power offers a zero-carbon, round-the-clock option. Meeting the demand for nuclear fuel domestically is another matter. With prices higher, almost 700,000 pounds of yellowcake was produced in the U.S. in 2024 — up more than a dozen-fold from the year before but still far short of the 32 million pounds imported into the U.S. Even if mining increases, it's not clear that U.S. capacity to turn the ore into fuel would keep pace, said Uhrie, the former uranium mining executive. "Re-establishing a viable uranium industry from soup to nuts — meaning from mining through processing to yellow cake production, to conversion, to enrichment to produce nuclear fuel — remains a huge lift," Uhrie said. ___ Gruver reported from Cheyenne, Wyoming. Mead Gruver And Hannah Schoenbaum, The Associated Press

Trump fast-tracks Utah uranium mine, but industry revival may wait for higher prices
Trump fast-tracks Utah uranium mine, but industry revival may wait for higher prices

The Independent

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • The Independent

Trump fast-tracks Utah uranium mine, but industry revival may wait for higher prices

In the southeastern Utah desert famous for red rock arches and canyon labyrinths, the long-dormant uranium mining industry is looking to revive under President Donald Trump. Hundreds of abandoned uranium mines dot the West's arid landscapes, hazardous reminders of the promise and peril of nuclear power during the Cold War. Now, one mine that the Trump administration fast-tracked for regulatory approval could reopen for the first time since the 1980s. Normally it would have taken months, if not years, for the U.S. Bureau of Land Management to review plans to reopen a project like Anfield Energy's Velvet-Wood mine 35 miles (56 kilometers) south of Moab. But the bureau's regulators green-lit the project in just 11 days under a 'national energy emergency' Trump has declared that allows expedited environmental reviews for energy projects. More permits and approvals will be needed, plus site work to get the mine operating again. And the price of uranium would have to rise enough to make domestic production financially sustainable. If that happens, it would mean revival — and jobs — to an industry that locally has been moribund since the Ronald Reagan era. 'President Trump has made it clear that our energy security is national security," Interior Secretary Doug Burgum said in announcing the fast-tracking policy in April. 'These emergency procedures reflect our unwavering commitment to protecting both.' More fast approvals appear likely. Trump's order also applies to oil, gas, coal, biofuel and hydropower projects — but not renewable energy — on federal lands. Conditions are ripe for more U.S. uranium mining Global uranium prices are double what they were at a low point seven years ago and, for the past year, the U.S. has banned uranium imports from Russia due to that country's 2022 invasion of Ukraine. More domestic mining would address a major imbalance. The U.S. imports about 98% of the uranium it uses to generate 30% of the world's nuclear energy. More than two-thirds of U.S. imports come from the world's top three uranium-mining countries: Canada, Australia and Kazakhstan. Less government regulation won't spur more U.S. uranium mining by itself. The market matters. And while spot-market prices are up from several years ago, they're down about a third from their recent high in early 2024. While some new uranium mining and processing projects have been announced, their number falls far short of a surge. That suggests prices need to rise — and stay there — for a true industry revival, said John Uhrie, a former uranium executive who now works in the cement industry. 'Until the price goes up dramatically, you're not going to be able to actually put these places into operation,' Uhrie said. 'You need significant capital on the ground.' Still, the industry is showing new life in the Southwest. Anfield Energy, a Canadian company, also looks to reopen the Shootaring Canyon uranium mill in southern Utah near Glen Canyon National Recreation Area. It closed in the early 1980s. A uranium mill turns raw ore into yellowcake, a powdery substance later processed elsewhere into nuclear fuel. Anfield officials did not return messages seeking comment on plans to reopen the mill and the Velvet-Wood mine. Energy Fuels, another Canadian company which ranks as the top U.S. uranium miner, opened the Pinyon Plain mine about 10 miles (16 kilometers) from the Grand Canyon in late 2023. And just off U.S. 191 in southeastern Utah is a hub of the industry, Uranium Fuels' White Mesa mill, the country's only uranium mill still in operation. In Moab, uranium has a long — and mixed — legacy These days, Moab is a desert tourism hot spot bustling with outdoor enthusiasts. But the town of 5,200 has a deeper history with uranium. Nods to Moab's post-World War II mining heyday can been spotted around town — the Atomic Hair Salon isn't just named for its blowout hairstyles. The biggest reminder is the Moab Uranium Mill Tailings Remedial Action project, a 480-acre (194-hectare) site just outside town. The decades-long, $1 billion U.S. Department of Energy effort to haul off toxic tailings that were leaching into the Colorado River upstream from the Grand Canyon and Lake Mead should wrap up within five more years. That mill's polluting legacy makes some Moab residents wary of restarting uranium mining and processing, especially after the Trump administration cut short their ability to weigh in on the Velvet-Wood mine plans. 'This was a process I would have been involved in,' said Sarah Fields, director of the local group Uranium Watch. 'They provided no opportunity for the public to say, 'You need to look at this, you need to look at that.'" Grand Canyon Trust, a group critical of the Pinyon Plain mine as a danger to groundwater, points out that the U.S. nuclear industry isn't at risk of losing access to uranium. 'This is all being done under the assumption there is some energy emergency and that is just not true,' said Amber Reimondo, the group's energy director. Supply and demand will decide uranium mining's future Hundreds of miles to the north, other nuclear energy projects point to the U.S. industry's future. With Bill Gates' support, TerraPower is building a 345-megawatt sodium-cooled fast reactor outside Kemmerer in western Wyoming that could, in theory, meet demand for carbon-free power at lower costs and with less construction time than conventional reactor units. Meanwhile, about 40% of uranium mined in the U.S. in 2024 came from four Wyoming 'in-situ' mines that use wells to dissolve uranium in underground deposits and pump it to the surface without having to dig big holes or send miners underground. Similar mines in Texas and Nebraska and stockpiled ore processed at White Mesa accounted for the rest. None — as yet — came from mines in Utah. Powering electric cars and computing technology will require more electricity in the years ahead. Nuclear power offers a zero-carbon, round-the-clock option. Meeting the demand for nuclear fuel domestically is another matter. With prices higher, almost 700,000 pounds of yellowcake was produced in the U.S. in 2024 — up more than a dozen-fold from the year before but still far short of the 32 million pounds imported into the U.S. Even if mining increases, it's not clear that U.S. capacity to turn the ore into fuel would keep pace, said Uhrie, the former uranium mining executive. "Re-establishing a viable uranium industry from soup to nuts — meaning from mining through processing to yellow cake production, to conversion, to enrichment to produce nuclear fuel — remains a huge lift," Uhrie said. ___

Trump fast-tracks Utah uranium mine, but industry revival may wait for higher prices
Trump fast-tracks Utah uranium mine, but industry revival may wait for higher prices

Associated Press

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • Associated Press

Trump fast-tracks Utah uranium mine, but industry revival may wait for higher prices

SALT LAKE CITY (AP) — In the southeastern Utah desert famous for red rock arches and canyon labyrinths, the long-dormant uranium mining industry is looking to revive under President Donald Trump. Hundreds of abandoned uranium mines dot the West's arid landscapes, hazardous reminders of the promise and peril of nuclear power during the Cold War. Now, one mine that the Trump administration fast-tracked for regulatory approval could reopen for the first time since the 1980s. Normally it would have taken months, if not years, for the U.S. Bureau of Land Management to review plans to reopen a project like Anfield Energy's Velvet-Wood mine 35 miles (56 kilometers) south of Moab. But the bureau's regulators green-lit the project in just 11 days under a 'national energy emergency' Trump has declared that allows expedited environmental reviews for energy projects. More permits and approvals will be needed, plus site work to get the mine operating again. And the price of uranium would have to rise enough to make domestic production financially sustainable. If that happens, it would mean revival — and jobs — to an industry that locally has been moribund since the Ronald Reagan era. 'President Trump has made it clear that our energy security is national security,' Interior Secretary Doug Burgum said in announcing the fast-tracking policy in April. 'These emergency procedures reflect our unwavering commitment to protecting both.' More fast approvals appear likely. Trump's order also applies to oil, gas, coal, biofuel and hydropower projects — but not renewable energy — on federal lands. Conditions are ripe for more U.S. uranium mining Global uranium prices are double what they were at a low point seven years ago and, for the past year, the U.S. has banned uranium imports from Russia due to that country's 2022 invasion of Ukraine. More domestic mining would address a major imbalance. The U.S. imports about 98% of the uranium it uses to generate 30% of the world's nuclear energy. More than two-thirds of U.S. imports come from the world's top three uranium-mining countries: Canada, Australia and Kazakhstan. Less government regulation won't spur more U.S. uranium mining by itself. The market matters. And while spot-market prices are up from several years ago, they're down about a third from their recent high in early 2024. While some new uranium mining and processing projects have been announced, their number falls far short of a surge. That suggests prices need to rise — and stay there — for a true industry revival, said John Uhrie, a former uranium executive who now works in the cement industry. 'Until the price goes up dramatically, you're not going to be able to actually put these places into operation,' Uhrie said. 'You need significant capital on the ground.' Still, the industry is showing new life in the Southwest. Anfield Energy, a Canadian company, also looks to reopen the Shootaring Canyon uranium mill in southern Utah near Glen Canyon National Recreation Area. It closed in the early 1980s. A uranium mill turns raw ore into yellowcake, a powdery substance later processed elsewhere into nuclear fuel. Anfield officials did not return messages seeking comment on plans to reopen the mill and the Velvet-Wood mine. Energy Fuels, another Canadian company which ranks as the top U.S. uranium miner, opened the Pinyon Plain mine about 10 miles (16 kilometers) from the Grand Canyon in late 2023. And just off U.S. 191 in southeastern Utah is a hub of the industry, Uranium Fuels' White Mesa mill, the country's only uranium mill still in operation. In Moab, uranium has a long — and mixed — legacyThese days, Moab is a desert tourism hot spot bustling with outdoor enthusiasts. But the town of 5,200 has a deeper history with uranium. Nods to Moab's post-World War II mining heyday can been spotted around town — the Atomic Hair Salon isn't just named for its blowout hairstyles. The biggest reminder is the Moab Uranium Mill Tailings Remedial Action project, a 480-acre (194-hectare) site just outside town. The decades-long, $1 billion U.S. Department of Energy effort to haul off toxic tailings that were leaching into the Colorado River upstream from the Grand Canyon and Lake Mead should wrap up within five more years. That mill's polluting legacy makes some Moab residents wary of restarting uranium mining and processing, especially after the Trump administration cut short their ability to weigh in on the Velvet-Wood mine plans. 'This was a process I would have been involved in,' said Sarah Fields, director of the local group Uranium Watch. 'They provided no opportunity for the public to say, 'You need to look at this, you need to look at that.'' Grand Canyon Trust, a group critical of the Pinyon Plain mine as a danger to groundwater, points out that the U.S. nuclear industry isn't at risk of losing access to uranium. 'This is all being done under the assumption there is some energy emergency and that is just not true,' said Amber Reimondo, the group's energy director. Supply and demand will decide uranium mining's futureHundreds of miles to the north, other nuclear energy projects point to the U.S. industry's future. With Bill Gates' support, TerraPower is building a 345-megawatt sodium-cooled fast reactor outside Kemmerer in western Wyoming that could, in theory, meet demand for carbon-free power at lower costs and with less construction time than conventional reactor units. Meanwhile, about 40% of uranium mined in the U.S. in 2024 came from four Wyoming 'in-situ' mines that use wells to dissolve uranium in underground deposits and pump it to the surface without having to dig big holes or send miners underground. Similar mines in Texas and Nebraska and stockpiled ore processed at White Mesa accounted for the rest. None — as yet — came from mines in Utah. Powering electric cars and computing technology will require more electricity in the years ahead. Nuclear power offers a zero-carbon, round-the-clock option. Meeting the demand for nuclear fuel domestically is another matter. With prices higher, almost 700,000 pounds of yellowcake was produced in the U.S. in 2024 — up more than a dozen-fold from the year before but still far short of the 32 million pounds imported into the U.S. Even if mining increases, it's not clear that U.S. capacity to turn the ore into fuel would keep pace, said Uhrie, the former uranium mining executive. 'Re-establishing a viable uranium industry from soup to nuts — meaning from mining through processing to yellow cake production, to conversion, to enrichment to produce nuclear fuel — remains a huge lift,' Uhrie said. ___ Gruver reported from Cheyenne, Wyoming.

First Look At 2026 Jeep Cherokee, Coming Late 2025 With New Hybrid
First Look At 2026 Jeep Cherokee, Coming Late 2025 With New Hybrid

Forbes

time3 days ago

  • Automotive
  • Forbes

First Look At 2026 Jeep Cherokee, Coming Late 2025 With New Hybrid

2026 Jeep Cherokee A reasonable case could be made that the second-generation Jeep Cherokee that debuted in 1984 and is popularly known by its XJ product code kicked off the SUV boom that continues more than four decades later. The XJ Cherokee was one of the first uni-body SUVs with real off-road capability even 25 years after it ended production, they can still be found in off-road parks and place like Moab and the Rubicon Trail. After several years of declining sales, the most recent generation of the Cherokee ended production in 2023. But a midsize SUV is coming back to the Jeep lineup later this year and it's keeping the controversial nameplate. Over the past year and a half, newly minted Stellantis CEO Antonio Filosa has repeatedly referred to this vehicle simply as the new midsize Jeep, avoiding the Cherokee name. The Cherokee nation has been asking Stellantis to change the name for a number of years, but it seems the combination of the name recognition and a changing political landscape may have prompted Jeep to continue with what it had rather than trying to establish a new brand. The new Cherokee has a more upright and boxy design than the previous KL generation. It looks more like a scaled down version of the Grand Cherokee and features a design language for the front end that has become familiar since the launch of the Wagoneer. It is expected to be produced on the same STLA Large platform used for the new Wagoneer S and upcoming Recon, but unlike those two, there is unlikely to be a battery electric version for now. The STLA Large platform is capable of supporting either longitudinal or transverse engine configurations but it's unclear which arrangement the new Cherokee will use. Unlike the lower headlights with a separate horizontal daytime running lamp that debuted on the KL generation, the Cherokee has more rectangular headlamps surrounded by the running lamps flanking the upright grille in a look similar to the Recon. The Cherokee will be initially offered with a gas engine or a newly developed hybrid powertrain. The most likely gas engine is a variant of Stellantis' 2.0-liter turbocharged four-cylinder which typically produces about 275-hp. The hybrid is an in-house developed system not based on the plug-in hybrids used in the Chrysler Pacifica or the 4XE Wrangler and Grand Cherokee. This would be the first non-plug hybrid from what used to be the Chrysler Group since the brief 2008 availability of a system developed with GM on the Dodge Durango and Chrysler Aspen. The next-generation Jeep® Cherokee is coming late 2025. It's possible that the Cherokee could have an entry level version using the 3.6-liter PentaStar V6 although Stellantis may opt to go with just a single gas engine for now in order to keep manufacturing complexity down and also optimize for quality. The Cherokee should be available with plenty of technology including driver assist features like adaptive cruise control which is rapidly becoming standard on all but the most entry level models. Both images released today by Stellantis show a front radar sensor. Whatever other capabilities it has, the Cherokee will almost certain launch with a Trailhawk model that gives it some fairly serious off-road capability. There's no information yet on pricing or other details for the Cherokee but it will launch late this year.

Monumental test awaits Trump's drilling plans
Monumental test awaits Trump's drilling plans

E&E News

time19-05-2025

  • Business
  • E&E News

Monumental test awaits Trump's drilling plans

MOAB, Utah — Cane Creek units 26-2 and 26-3 might be on the most scenic oil and gas well pad in the country. Red rock formations tower behind a pumpjack, and Arches National Park is visible along the horizon. Canyonlands National Park is a 15-minute drive away, and visitors can see the massive Green River Canyon from Dead Horse Point just up the road. The well pad —which includes several storage tanks, compressors and pipes — sits in the Paradox Basin, one of Utah's oil -and gas-producing regions. Crews close to some of the country's most prized national parks are drilling for everything from heavy crude to lithium to potash, although the industrial sites in the area are few and far between compared to more prolific oil plays like northeastern Utah's Uinta Basin or Colorado's Denver-Julesburg Basin. Advertisement Drilling equipment, fracking rigs and lithium wells could soon be a more common sight in Utah and other parts of the West. President Donald Trump has pledged to open more federal lands to oil, gas and mineral production — including land within current boundaries of national monuments and close to national parks. But the success of that push will depend on whether the U.S. can attract private investors to these sensitive sites as concerns about the economy and oil prices engulf the industry. Interior Secretary Doug Burgum in February signed a secretarial order that requires the department's assistant secretaries to prioritize reducing barriers to the use of federal lands for energy development, as well as speed up the permitting process for drilling and offer more parcels of public land for oil and gas leasing. On April 23, Burgum said he would slash the time requirement for reviewing environmental impact statements on federal oil and gas leases from two years to 28 days as part of Trump's announced 'energy emergency.' Also last month, Burgum said at an economic summit that federal bureaucracy and policies have prevented taxpayers and states from realizing the full potential of public lands. 'We have Western states that are being choked because they have so much public land, and there's so much overreach by the federal government and overlap between federal agencies and state agencies, that we're creating a suboptimal protection and suboptimal use of those public lands,' Burgum said. Whether oil and gas companies will take the Trump administration up on offers of more federal leases is a different question. 'Who drills right next to a national park? Nobody likes that,' said Samantha Gross, director of the Energy Security and Climate Initiative at the Brookings Institution. 'No big oil company with name recognition is going to do that.' Oil and gas association leaders told POLITICO's E&E News that operators are also reluctant to bid on federal oil and gas leases or undertake new drilling projects in general as the price of crude has declined after Trump on April 2 announced sweeping tariffs on nearly all U.S. trading partners. He later issued a 90-day pause on many of the new tariffs. Companies are especially reluctant to lease federal lands near national monuments and parks, fearing bad publicity, legal challenges from environmental groups and a lack of infrastructure to get their product to market. Rikki Hrenko-Browning, president of the Utah Petroleum Association, said the pendulum swings of policy between presidential administrations have created too much risk for oil and gas producers to risk bidding on leases in scenic and environmentally sensitive areas. 'I think you've seen a move not just here in Utah but nationally of production shopping for new permits that are away from federal lands,' Hrenko-Browning said. 'There are just more complex and time-consuming regulatory burdens that go into working with permitting on BLM [Bureau of Land Management] lands.' The hesitancy of the oil and gas industry to bid on federal leases has raised questions from environmental groups about why Trump and Burgum would want to make available more federal leases near national monuments and parks. 'This doesn't add up,' said Beau Kiklis, associate director of the National Parks Conservation Association's Energy and Landscape Conservation Program. 'Why go after national monuments when there's no shortage of existing lands that could be made available?' Anna Kelly, a spokesperson for the White House, said in response to E&E News questions that Trump supports growing American energy production. Trump received a 'mandate to unleash American energy and 'drill, baby, drill,' and it's already paying off — gas prices are down since he took office,' Kelly said in an email. 'This President will continue to restore American energy dominance and lower costs for families across the country.' The Department of the Interior did not respond to questions and requests for comment. 'It's about the politics' If the Interior Department's BLM offers leases near national parks, national monuments or within national forests, it wouldn't be the first time the agency did so under Trump. BLM in 2019 proposed offering two oil and gas drilling parcels about a mile away from Arches — leases that would have taken up about two-thirds of the 10.5-mile Slickrock mountain bike trail. Then-Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke also proposed leases about 2 miles outside of Zion National Park in 2017. Leases in Trump's first term were also proposed within a mile of Great Sand Dunes National Park and Preserve in Colorado, as were leases in New Mexico, Idaho and Montana that local groups argued would have harsh environmental impacts on sensitive areas. All of those leases were eventually walked back after pressure from local officials and environmental groups. Trump in his second term, however, may be less willing to give in to pressure from local leaders and environmental groups. The Lisbon Valley Copper Project, located outside Monticello, Utah, is shown. | Shelby Webb/POLITICO's E&E News Brandon Rottinghaus, a professor of political science at the University of Houston, said Trump has less resistance within his own Cabinet and in Congress, and has a backlog of policies he and other conservatives tried — and failed — to get across the finish line during his first term. Rottinghaus said offering more leases for oil and gas, especially in environmentally sensitive or scenic areas, may not be a matter of trying to boost production even higher in the United States. 'It's about the politics — that's probably at least a big part of what's going on,' he said. 'The [Republican] base really cares about increasing production, and they also like the idea of this being something that the Biden administration wouldn't do and liberals don't like.' Rottinghaus said that's symptomatic of what's known as affective polarization, a political science term for when polarization leads to tribalism in politics, where one party dislikes the other party so much they want to do things to hurt them politically or otherwise. However, a majority of Republicans in eight Western states said Congress should place more emphasis on protecting water, air, habitat and recreation over responsible energy development on public lands, according to the 15th annual Conservation in the West Poll by Colorado College. Overall, 72 percent of 3,316 voters polled in Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah and Wyoming said they opposed or strongly opposed removing protections on some areas of existing national public lands, especially national monuments, to allow for more drilling and mining. That included 54 percent of Republicans who said Congress should prioritize conservation over energy production. About 71 percent of those polled across all eight states and political parties said they support only allowing oil and gas companies the right to drill on public lands where there is a high likelihood they'll actually produce oil and gas. Resource estimates The U.S. Geological Survey periodically issues oil and gas assessments, estimating reserves of fossil fuels left in various parts of the country. Near most national parks and monuments, USGS has not found much. Reservoirs in Wyoming and Montana — including the Bighorn and Wind River basins, which stretch from north of Yellowstone to southeast of Grand Teton National Park — were found to have 'little remaining undiscovered oil.' The Northwest Montana Bakken Formation, which includes the area surrounding Glacier National Park and is east of the park's boundary, could have an estimated 220 million barrels of oil — roughly the amount that could be churned out of the Permian Basin in less than 40 days, if the Permian produced as many average barrels a day as it did in June 2024, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. Other areas, however, have much more. Dinosaur National Monument on the border of Utah and Colorado sits on the northeast corner of the Uinta Basin — an area responsible for more than 90 percent of Utah's oil production. Theodore Roosevelt National Park in North Dakota lies within the prolific Williston Basin, one of the largest oil production areas in the country. In the Paradox Basin — which includes Arches, Canyonlands, Moab and Bears Ears, and Cane Creek units 26-2 and 26-3 — USGS officials estimated there were 560 million barrels of undiscovered oil in 2011. Hydraulic fracturing rig No. B29 operates near Canyonlands National Park in Utah. | Shelby Webb/POLITICO's E&E News Shortly after the USGS assessment, operators struck black gold. Cane Creek Unit 12-1, located about 6 miles northeast of the northern boundary of Canyonlands National Park, suddenly became the most productive oil well in the state of Utah after it began producing in 2012. At its peak in December of that year, the site churned out as much as 47,643 barrels of oil, and 19.4 billion cubic feet of natural gas, cumulatively over the 31-day period. The average onshore U.S. well in 2023 produced about 930 barrels of oil over 31 days, according to the EIA. Cane Creek 12-1 was more productive than wells in the Uinta Basin, which is located in northeast Utah along the Colorado border. Most of the area near Cane Creek 12-1 is federally owned, and the magnitude of that ownership is difficult to understand. Utah ranks second among states for having the largest portion of its land owned by the federal government, behind Nevada. About 68 percent of Utah's land is managed by the federal government — an area collectively larger than the state of Illinois — according to the Utah Public Lands Policy Coordinating Office. That ownership is evident in the region around Moab. The land from just south of Moab to the Bears Ears monument looks almost completely vacant from Highway 191, empty of infrastructure and even roads, save for the small towns of Monticello and Blanding and some pockets of private property. Redge Johnson, director of the Utah Public Lands Policy Coordinating Office, said that's on purpose. Johnson said that the state's preference is to keep energy and mining infrastructure outside of the 'viewshed,' or all land that is visible from major highways and national parks. 'This is great,' Johnson said, gesturing south to the vast canyon and Green River that sit beneath Dead Horse Point State Park and Canyonlands National Park, and the public land that stretches as far as the eye can see. 'The state of Utah gives that two thumbs up — we want to protect it, and it's massive. 'But this flat land,' he said, turning back north to an area called the Big Flat where Cane Creek 12-1 sits, 'Here we want to slightly increase development so we can raise more money for our schools.' While most of the pumpjacks and storage tanks on the Big Flat aren't visible from major roads, off of dirt roads managed by BLM, others aren't hard to find. One well, extracting brine to pull lithium out of the liquid, sits near the Gemini Bridges off-highway vehicle trail. A hydraulic fracturing rig, towering several stories above the Big Flat, can be seen for miles from some vantage points. It's not just the view impacts that most concern Kya Marienfeld, an attorney with the Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance. It's also the implications for the ecosystem. 'This is never going back to the way it was,' Marienfeld said, pointing to a well pad where crews leveled and cleared about an acre to accommodate drilling infrastructure. 'It's not like the Northwest where one rainy season washes it out and everything is fine.' That's largely because of the biological soil crust that blankets almost all of Southeast Utah. Cyanobacteria clumps together near a hydraulic fracturing rig in Southern Utah, forming biological soil crust. | Shelby Webb/POLITICO's E&E News Tiny organisms like bacteria, algae, lichens and fungi bind together to form a cryptobiotic soil crust. That crust helps plants like juniper and pinyon pine take root and helps retain and hold water in place so the water doesn't all run off into creeks and canyons. Marienfeld and others with the Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance worry that if too much of the soil crust is disturbed, it would be ruinous for the ecosystem. It can take years or decades for it to grow back, depending on the composition, according to the National Park Service. 'These monuments and lands are big because the purpose was to protect the whole ecosystem, the whole landscape,' Marienfeld said. 'If a step can ruin [the soil crust], any surface disturbance can. Nothing is light on the landscape out here.' Even dirt roads leading to oil pads and cattle grazing can affect the landscape and ecosystem, she said. Johnson, however, said land disturbances aren't just from the energy or herding industries in southern Utah. He pointed to Jeep off-roading tours and off-road camping permitted on federal lands. 'There's always a disturbance — there's fires, there's wildlife trails,' he said. 'There's just so much landscape, and already so much is protected.' Lease sales and NEPA Federal onshore lease sales have struggled to find bidders in the past few years. Only 13 of the last 37 federal lease sales held by BLM from October 2020 through September 2024 saw companies bid on the total number of leases and acres that were offered by BLM, according to an E&E News review of federal leasing data. All but one of those sold-out lease sales offered fewer than 20 parcels. Gross with the Brookings said she expects demand for federal oil and gas parcels to remain weak this year, largely thanks to oil markets. The price of oil has remained below $70 a barrel for U.S. benchmark West Texas Intermediate since early April. And oil and gas companies told the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas in their first quarter of 2025 Energy Survey that they need oil prices to be around $65 a barrel in order to profitably drill a new well. 'I think the idea within the administration is that they can have both low oil prices and more production if they cut regulation and fees,' Gross said. 'That assumption they're operating on, I don't buy it. I don't think they understand that those goals [of low prices and higher production] don't go together.' Gross also questioned the usefulness of offering up leases near national parks and monuments when other tracts are available. Where oil and gas lease parcels are located is dictated by BLM and the Federal Land Policy and Management Act of 1976 (FLPMA). That act directs BLM on how to divvy up parcels of federal land for multiple uses, including recreation, environmental production, mining, and oil and gas leasing. Swaths of federal land are broken up under resource management plans, which dictate where certain activities — from hunting to fracking — can happen. Those plans can be amended, following FLPMA and the National Environmental Policy Act, said Jason Hill, an attorney specializing in natural resources at the Holland & Knight law firm. The Obama administration used this process to try to restrict hunting and fishing on some federal lands, for example, reallocating more parcels for recreation purposes, Hill said. Prior to 2020, a White House Council of Environmental Quality study found it would take an average of 4.5 years to finalize EISes and issue records of decisions for proposed changes to federal resource management plans. During Trump's first term, Zinke signed a secretarial order requiring the NEPA compliance process take no longer than 12 months for projects requiring a full EIS. Then-Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke talks to reporters before departing Kanab Airport on May 10, 2017, in Kanab, Utah. | George Frey/AFP via Getty Images Congress ultimately passed a statute limiting that timeline to two years in 2023, but Burgum said recently that the department would implement emergency permitting procedures to shorten that timeline to 28 days. 'In practice I think the agencies are still in a situation where they haven't fully caught up where the law is on timelines for conducting NEPA,' Hill said. 'These things don't take so long because someone is working on it for two years, it's because someone on the field-level works for six weeks, then it sits on various people's desks for two years, waiting for them to review it.' The most recent timeline change could allow the administration to change the use of federal lands much more quickly, Hill said. Then there's the potential shrinking of national monuments, and the potential that the Trump administration offers some of the land in their previous, larger borders up for oil and gas leasing. Presidents can create national monuments thanks to the 1906 Antiquities Act, but the semantics and applications of that law have been debated since Trump's first term, Hill said. During the first Trump administration, officials moved to shrink the size of some national monuments, including reducing the size of the Bears Ears monument by a third. His administration and those in favor of opening up more public lands for leasing say his actions were in line with the Antiquities Act, which says monuments' borders should be confined to 'the smallest area compatible with the proper care and management of the objects to be protected.' But Hill said Trump's use of the act raised another legal question: Once a national monument is established, does another president have the right to shrink its boundaries? 'This was teed up in the first Trump administration, but then you had a change of administration in between, and the shrinking and reexpansion of those boundaries,' Hill said. 'And all those court cases involving these questions went away as moot and were not resolved by courts.' If Trump seeks to shrink the monuments again, he would dredge up legal questions and court battles. For many, the prospect of drilling near these monuments and near national parks carries too many unknowns. Hrenko-Browning said operators have to contend with shifting goalposts for environmental regulations, federal insurance regulations, federal rulemakings, lease decisions and NEPA requirements — 'they all add up together.' 'I think everyone is waiting to see where the dust settles. This administration is much friendlier towards the oil and gas industry,' Hrenko-Browning said. 'That being said, if we go back to this pendulum swing, we've got four years of the Trump administration, and then uncertainty comes next. If history tells us anything, the pendulum [between policy extremes] is swinging more with each administration change.' Kathleen Sgamma, outgoing president of the Western Energy Alliance and a Trump nominee to lead BLM who pulled her name from consideration earlier this year, said developing in national parks and monuments is a nonstarter for the industry. 'When you look at national parks and national monuments, of course nobody is talking about developing in those,' Sgamma said. 'But a national park does not confer an additional boundary area. Often groups suggest there's this additional boundary around certain things. The agencies consider whether it's an appropriate setting for leasing or not.' Sgamma suggested that environmental groups could gain more traction — and donations — by floating the specter that pumpjacks near Arches National Park could soon be a reality. But Kiklis with the National Parks Conservation Association said the threat of more leases in environmentally sensitive and prized areas is more existential than a handful of leases. 'I think this is being done under the guise of energy development,' Kiklis said. 'This is about dismantling our public lands institutions, our access to public lands in a move to find ways to sell these lands off.'

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