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Times
13-05-2025
- Politics
- Times
Nick Kotch obituary: Reuters bureau chief
Clutching the sides of a speedboat bouncing across the Zaire river's choppy brown waters, the reporter Nick Kotch found himself roaring full throttle away from one of the biggest stories of his career: the May 1997 capture of Kinshasa by a rebel movement bent on overthrowing President Mobutu Sese Seko, the long-serving despot. Kotch and two colleagues from the Reuters news agency had heard they were about to be arrested for conspiracy. Having already spent ten hours in detention at the headquarters of the dreaded SNIP intelligence service — they could hear other 'guests' being tortured down the hall — and time sleeping on the British embassy's floor, a quick escape seemed in order. A friendly DHL representative provided the getaway boat. Days later, his
The Guardian
14-03-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
Supermarket guards, truck drivers and ‘very big mistakes': the failed role of western mercenaries in the fall of Goma
In January, after the two-year siege of the Congolese city of Goma ended with victory for the M23 rebels and Rwandan troops, an ill-assorted group of nearly 300 white mercenaries were lined up to have their humiliating defeat televised. 'You must not joke with us,' barked Willy Ngoma, the M23's military spokesperson, at one man he'd ordered to sit on the ground with his hands clasped behind his head. The day before, on 28 January, the M23 militia and Rwandan soldiers had together captured the largest city in the eastern DRC. It was a spectacular defeat, not just for Congolese forces, but also for the Europeans whom the government had hoped would protect Goma. Congolese leaders have a history of employing white mercenaries. They led infamous campaigns against rebels in the turbulent years after independence from Belgium in 1960. Former Congolese dictator Mobutu Sese Seko also hired ex-Yugoslav mercenaries as his regime collapsed in the 1990s. In late 2022, with the M23 surrounding Goma, the DRC government hired two private-military firms. One, named Agemira, was made up of about 40 former French security personnel who provided intelligence and logistical support to the Congolese army. The bulk of the mercenaries came from a second firm headed by Horațiu Potra, a Transylvanian and former French legionnaire, known for handling security for politicians and mining sites in Africa. At their height, Potra's men in DRC, who were predominantly Romanian, numbered about 1,000. In security circles, they were known as 'the Romeos'. The operation was sloppy, marred by pay disputes and equipment shortages. It deployed ex-members of the security forces but also untrained recruits, such as supermarket guards, according to a one-year joint investigation from the Guardian, Romania's Public Record and Belgium's Le Soir. The Romeos also worked closely with local militias and participated in combat. As Congolese and allied military forces around Goma crumbled between 27 and 28 January, the Romeos made a run for the main UN base in the city centre, abandoning equipment, rifles and jeeps. 'They were imminently going to be killed,' says a senior UN official, who asked to remain anonymous. M23 fighters then arrived at the UN base and gave the Romeos two hours to surrender. Some scaled the walls of the adjacent Serena Hotel to look down into the compound, creating panic inside. 'It was a real, real crisis,' says the senior UN official, who added that high-stakes negotiations involving world presidents led to an extraction deal, an account confirmed by two other UN sources. After the M23 military spokesperson had finished scolding them, the Romeos boarded UN buses with caged windows. More than 280 mercenaries from the original 1,000 – many left before Goma's fall – were driven to the Rwandan border and flown home. At least four had been killed during their two-year deployment in North Kivu province. 'It was a circus,' says one Romanian ex-special forces member, who stayed in the DRC for only six weeks because conditions were so dire. In 2022, word had spread quickly in Romanian security circles that Potra was recruiting. Underpaid men with mortgages and families jumped at the opportunity. Some, like Potra, were ex-French foreign legionnaires. Some were just his mates. Others were security guards, or former (and serving) army or police, who sometimes took unpaid leave to sign up. On arrival in Goma, contractors signed a three-page contract. The salary was between $5,000-$6,000 (3,900-£4,600) a month, depending on seniority, according to four different contracts signed between 2022 and 2024 and seen by the Guardian. Initially, they signed with a UK-registered company called GPH La Role Ltd, owned by Potra's brother, before contracts were transferred to a Congolese-registered company, Amani Sarl. The contract was three months on, one month off, with no medical insurance. Potra's company provided a bulletproof vest and an AK-47. Any other equipment, the contractors had to buy for themselves. For Victor Railean, a Moldovan private security officer who first met Potra in 2019, this nonetheless represented a significant opportunity. He went to DRC to build a nest egg for his son, whom he loved 'madly', according to his sister Victoria Gonț. Railean was shot in February 2024 during an ambush in the volcanic hills about 15 miles (25km) from Goma. He died from his wounds. Vasile Badea, a former Romanian policeman, was also killed that day. Their group had requested extraction beforehand, according to WhatsApp voice recordings reviewed by the Guardian. One contractor told Potra during the battle: 'We can't move because they're hunting us with snipers. If we leave here they'll blow your head off.' A survivor of the ambush told the Guardian: 'Very big mistakes were made, they were pointed out, they weren't rectified. As a result, boys died.' Five contractors described a disorganised operation, with untrained and unsuitable recruits. Two western officials in Goma estimated that only about 30% of the contractors had served in the French Foreign Legion. 'When you bring in truck drivers, security guards and people over 60 … I realised this wasn't well organised, so I asked to go home,' says the recruit who described Potra's private military firm as 'a circus'. The contractors were deployed to fortified positions near frontlines in hills north of Goma and around a contested satellite town to the north-west. Officially, their contracts stated they would conduct 'training, qualification and certification of local security staff'. Felix Tshisekedi, the president of the DRC, has denied they were mercenaries, saying they provided 'coaching' on the battlefield. However, video footage and testimony points to a military operation. Sign up to Global Dispatch Get a different world view with a roundup of the best news, features and pictures, curated by our global development team after newsletter promotion There was a 'quick reaction force' to extract men under attack, teams flying surveillance drones and others coordinating artillery strikes. Romeos dressed in military fatigues fired heavy machine guns and operated mortars, according to footage. In some cases, they said they fired artillery themselves. One, with combat experience in Iraq and Afghanistan, says mortar teams fired at M23 positions during two weeks in spring 2024. He stopped participating in attacks because they were beyond his contract or pay grade. 'I [was] participating in military operations on the house [for free],' he says. Pay disputes were frequent among the Romeos. There were also tensions within the Congolese troops – paid about $100 a month – over the mercenaries' salaries. The DRC is among the five poorest countries in the world, according to the World Bank, and more than 70% of the population survives on less than $2.15 a day. According to four contractors, Potra's firm overcounted the manpower numbers. 'They were lying about our numbers. Instead of having 100 people in the field, they had 70,' said one contractor, explaining that he'd pretended to live in four different housing units to fool inspectors. Contractors also perceived equipment shortages as cost-cutting measures. 'In the end, the company's goal was profit,' said one. Neither Potra nor the Congolese presidency responded to requests for comment. The Congolese army spokesperson said he had 'no comment to make'. The M23 captured large territories in eastern DRC after launching an offensive in late 2021. In response, the DRC's weak army began relying on pro-government militias, collectively known in Swahili as Wazalendo – patriots. The Wazalendo range from unstructured groups to organised militias with thousands of fighters, such as the Alliance of Patriots for a Free and Sovereign Congo (APCLS) or the Coalition of Movements for Change (CMC), whose leaders face sanctions for crimes including the recruitment of child soldiers. The Romeos cooperated with local militias, providing money and ammunition, according to audio recordings and interviews. Some of the militias have been accused of war crimes, which could make the Romeos complicit, according to legal experts the Guardian spoke to. However, it is not clear which militia groups they cooperated with, as none of the fighters interviewed specified. One contractor says the relationship was strained 'until we started giving them money'. Security officials say the Romeos were aware of legal limits to their engagements. Contractors interviewed insist they weren't mercenaries. 'If you're from the west, you're a military contractor. If you're from the east, you're a mercenary,' scoffs one. Whether a military contractor is legally a mercenary is complex, but it can have consequences in jurisdictions such as France, which bans mercenary activity. Many Romanian instructors, as former legionnaires, have French nationality. 'These actors are multiplying and it's crucial to consider creating an independent investigative body that could support accountability efforts,' says Jelena Aparac, former president of the UN Working Group on the use of mercenaries. Last year, Potra hosted a journalist from Romania's public broadcaster to observe his men training Congolese troops. However, one contractor says that was set up: 'We only pretended to train people when the press came.' Another says he is struggling to find work after being labelled a mercenary. 'It's a problem we all have. Barely any of us can get hired now.' This independent investigation was supported by grants from Journalismfund Europe, the IJ4EU fund and the Henry Nxumalo Foundation and Viewfinder. These funders or any other of their partners are not responsible for the content published and any use made of it.
Russia Today
11-02-2025
- Politics
- Russia Today
Here's what NATO really fears in Africa
There was a time when the West spoke, and the world listened. Its newspapers were the arbiters of truth, its think tanks the producers of unquestionable wisdom, and its governments the self-appointed defenders of democracy. But today, something has changed – especially in Africa. The carefully manufactured Western narratives are no longer going unchallenged. From Mali to South Africa, from Kenya to Egypt, a new consciousness is rising: one that questions, one that refuses to be dictated to, and most of all, one that seeks to reclaim Africa's own voice. That, more than anything, is what terrifies NATO. Last month, NATO's Strategic Communications Center of Excellence (StratCom COE) released a report titled 'Russian Information Operations Outside of the Western Information Environment.' At first glance, it presents itself as a neutral study of Russian influence in Africa. But look closer, and it quickly becomes clear that this report is not about Russia at all. It is about NATO's fear of an Africa that no longer takes orders from the West. It is about the rising multipolar world, where African countries are no longer trapped in Western-controlled narratives but are engaging with alternative global powers such as China, India, and yes, even Russia. This is not just about media. This is about power. For decades, Western media has dictated Africa's story, crafting a portrayal of the continent as helpless, corrupt, and perpetually in need of Western intervention. Whether it was the BBC, CNN, or Reuters, these outlets acted as the gatekeepers of African truth, deciding who was a hero and who was a villain. But as African nations increasingly engage with alternative media sources, NATO sees a dangerous trend: its grip on Africa's narrative is slipping. And so, it reaches for an old, familiar tactic – fear-mongering. Read more Paradise of lies: How the West manipulates Africa through neocolonial media The report warns that Russia is 'filling an information vacuum' in Africa, using state-sponsored media such as RT and Sputnik to manipulate African minds. The assumption here is not only ridiculous but deeply condescending. It suggests that Africans are passive consumers of information, incapable of critical thinking, easily swayed by 'Russian propaganda.' This, of course, ignores the obvious: Africa does not need RT or Sputnik to tell it that NATO is an imperialist force. Africa has seen it firsthand. After all, who destroyed Libya in 2011, reducing one of Africa's most prosperous nations to a failed state where open slave markets existed for years? Who backed Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire, who assassinated Patrice Lumumba, who orchestrated coup after coup to install leaders favorable to Western interests? It was not Russia. It was NATO. And now, NATO wants to lecture Africa about foreign interference? The hypocrisy is staggering. But let's be clear: the real issue here is not Russia. The real issue is that Africa is thinking for itself. The Western establishment cannot tolerate the idea of African nations making independent choices, whether that means trading with China, strengthening ties with BRICS, or engaging in military cooperation with Russia. The moment Africa steps outside the Western sphere of influence, it is accused of falling victim to foreign manipulation. Yet, when Africa was truly being manipulated – when the West was installing puppet governments, imposing structural adjustment programs through the IMF, and looting African resources through multinational corporations – NATO and its media allies had no problem with 'foreign influence.' The question then is this: What is NATO really afraid of? The answer lies in one word: multipolarity. For the first time in centuries, Africa is no longer locked into a single global power structure. The rise of China, the resurgence of Russia, and the growing influence of India and Brazil mean that Africa now has options. It no longer has to rely solely on Western financial institutions, military alliances, or media networks. And that terrifies the West because it means control is slipping away. Read more Dirty tactics: How the US tries to break China's soft power in Africa The NATO report accuses Russia of 'elite capture,' implying that African leaders are too naïve to think for themselves and are being manipulated into pro-Russian positions. This narrative is not only insulting but historically dishonest. If any global power has a history of manipulating African elites, it is the West. The United States, France, and Britain have spent decades ensuring that African leaders who defy their interests are overthrown, assassinated, or economically strangled. When Kwame Nkrumah advocated for African socialism and unity, he was deposed with Western backing. When Thomas Sankara tried to break Burkina Faso free from neocolonial control, he was assassinated. When Gaddafi dared to propose a gold-based African currency, he was murdered by NATO-backed thugs and terrorists. But what NATO fears most is not just political realignment – it is the battle over media and information. For too long, Western media giants like the BBC, The Guardian, and the New York Times have acted as the official narrators of Africa's history and politics. These outlets have controlled the perception of Africa for global audiences, ensuring that whenever Africa's story is told, it is told from a Western perspective. Now, with alternative media sources rising, that monopoly is collapsing. And this is precisely why Africa must go beyond simply rejecting Western narratives. Africa must own its own story. It is time for a radical Pan-African media revolution – one that does not simply react to Western propaganda but actively sets the agenda. This means: Creating a Pan-African media empire, with African-led journalism that tells African stories. Developing independent digital platforms that break free from Western-controlled tech giants like Facebook, Google, and X, which actively censor African resistance narratives. Investing in cooperative and state-funded, decolonized media institutions that prioritize Pan-Africanism, economic justice, and socialist policies over Western corporate interests. Reviving revolutionary journalism that educates African youth on their true history – not just the sanitized version taught in Western-sponsored textbooks. Read more The Western media is dying. What will take its place? During the Soviet era, the USSR played a crucial role in helping African liberation movements challenge Western imperialist narratives. Soviet radio broadcasts, literature, and educational programs provided African revolutionaries with an ideological framework that countered Western capitalist propaganda. Today, while Russia, China, and other emerging powers may have their own national agendas, they offer Africa something the West never has: a choice. And that is what truly terrifies NATO. The Global South is rising, and Africa is at its center. The West can no longer dictate who Africa trades with, who it partners with, or whose media it consumes. NATO's accusations of Russian disinformation are nothing more than a desperate attempt to reassert dominance over African consciousness. But the tide has turned. As Frantz Fanon once said, 'Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it.' Africa's mission is clear: Seize the narrative. Break the chains. Build a future free from Western control. And no NATO report can stop that.
Yahoo
07-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Congo's stylish sapeur movement goes beyond fashion
In the two Congos, there's a cultural movement by the Society of Ambience-Makers and Elegant People (Sape), known as 'sapeurs', who blend fashion, culture and social resistance. Though it was rooted primarily in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Republic of Congo, the movement is now spreading worldwide, through Congolese migration. As a researcher, I have studied Sape in its cultural, social and symbolic dimensions. Sape is far more than a fashion trend. Here are five key things to know about this movement. Sape emerged during the colonial era, first in Brazzaville and later in Leopoldville (now Kinshasa), when young Congolese began adopting and reinterpreting the clothing style of colonisers. This movement was not merely about fashion. It served as a way for people to express their self-worth and respectability in a context where it had been denied or diminished. Over time, it also became a subtle, yet powerful, form of resistance against colonial domination. This process continued after independence. It became a symbol of resistance to dictatorship, particularly under the regime of President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire (now DR Congo). He advocated for the rejection of western clothing in favour of traditional attire, but Sape persisted as a counter-cultural statement. The movement expanded to Europe with Congolese migration, in the 1970s and 1980s, where sapeurs reinterpreted European fashion — often incorporating vibrant colours and eccentric details — turning style into a tool of subversion. From the outset, it drew on diverse influences, including European culture, but transformed them to create a distinctly Congolese style. By adopting the clothes of the colonialists, young Congolese appropriated symbols of power and social status, while hijacking them to assert their own identity. Sape thus became a means of uplifting the value of Congolese culture under imposed cultural domination. Sape is often compared to 19th-century European dandyism – a 19th-century fashion trend that emerged in England for men who aspired to refinement and elegance. Sapeurs, with their designer clothes, bold colours and preoccupation with sartorial elegance, embody a modern, African version of this tradition. For them, Sape is more than just a way of dressing. It is a philosophy based on several fundamental principles: an expression of identity, the quest for excellence or refinement and cultural and social resistance. 'Sapology' imposes strict rules. These include respecting the colour trilogy – which stipulates that no outfit should feature more than three different colors (to ensure harmony and avoid discordant colour combinations), maintain rigorous clothing hygiene, and commit to constant elegance. For sapeurs, appearance is a powerful way to make an impression and stand out in an environment often defined by hardship. Elegance in dress isn't just about wearing expensive clothes, it also extends to behaviour. Sapeurs have a particular attitude – they use sophisticated language and refined gestures, and maintain an attitude of courtesy and respect. Some of their public posturing echoes that of European dandies, like a specific gait, often slightly stooped with crisscrossing steps, used to highlight the details of their attire, such as clothing seams, shoes and socks. Their way of moving and speaking is just as important as the clothes they wear. This performative aspect makes Sape a true living spectacle. At gatherings of sapeurs, participants compete in elegance and creativity, strutting as if on a runway. This transforms the streets where they gather into an open stage where everyone can express themselves and showcase their style. The Sape movement isn't confined to the streets of Brazzaville and Kinshasa. It has evolved into a global phenomenon, spreading first within the Congolese diaspora in Paris. It then expanded to other European cities where these migrants reside, such as Brussels. The movement has even reached American cities, like New York and Montreal. For Congolese living in western countries, Sape is a way of reconnecting with their roots and asserting their identity, in often challenging circumstances. It enables these members of the diaspora to create a positive identity at a time when discrimination and social precariousness are commonplace. In Europe's major cities, Sape serves as a way to resist social invisibility. Congolese migrants, often pushed to the margins of society, use Sape to make themselves visible, drawing attention to their presence and asserting their place by wearing flamboyant costumes. Sape is therefore a form of social protest, a way of defying the expectations of the host society. A key factor in the success and global recognition of the Sape movement is its strong connection to Congolese popular music. Artists like Papa Wemba and Aurlus Mabélé have played crucial roles in promoting 'the Sape'. They incorporated its aesthetic into their public personas and performances. In France and Belgium, Papa Wemba's concerts became major events for the Congolese community. These concerts provided an opportunity to showcase and celebrate the Sape movement. Congolese popular music has served as a vehicle for spreading the Sape ideals, popularising this lifestyle as a symbol of success. Within the world of Congolese popular music, Sape has risen to the status of a religion – Kitendi, the 'religion of fabric'. This religion has its pope, high priests, priests, priestesses, and countless devoted followers. Papa Wemba, often referred to as the 'King of Sape', was a charismatic figure who masterfully combined music and fashion to craft a powerful cultural identity. Every outfit he wore was meticulously selected to embody the elegance and prestige of Sape. Read more: By wearing clothes from prestigious brands, Papa Wemba made Sape a symbol of success for many young Congolese. He also contributed to the export of Sape beyond African borders. Sape is marked by an interesting paradox: it combines luxury clothing and a flamboyant lifestyle with often precarious living conditions. For many sapeurs, elegance is a goal that takes precedence over material comfort. Sapeurs invest a large part of their income in designer clothes, sometimes to the detriment of their daily quality of life. This sacrifice is seen as necessary to maintain their status within the sapeur community. For sapeurs, visibility and recognition are paramount. An invisible 'sapeur', they say, ceases to be a 'sapeur'. This highlights the movement's complexity. Sapeurs view themselves as kings without crowns, street aristocrats who use their appearance to challenge conventional ideas of wealth and status. Through Sape, they subvert traditional social hierarchies, emphasising that elegance and personal worth are not solely tied to economic means. Instead, these qualities are defined by one's ability to stand out through style, creativity and charisma. This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Sylvie Ayimpam, Aix-Marseille Université (AMU) Read more: Bold statement, or a product of misogyny? What Bianca Censori's 'naked dress' says about fashion on the red carpet DRC rebels take eastern city of Goma – why it matters and what could happen next Kinshasa's traffic cops run an extortion scheme generating five times more revenue than fines Sylvie Ayimpam does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Yahoo
26-01-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Dam plan busted? World's biggest hydropower project in the balance
From a set of roaring rapids, comes a grand vision. There are plans to build a magnificent, multi-billion dollar mega-dam on the Congo River - one that would produce enough renewable electricity to power vast areas of Africa. The structure would be called the Grand Inga Dam. Located in the Democratic Republic of Congo, it would have twice the power generation of China's Three Gorges and, therefore, be the world's largest hydroelectric plant. The Grand Inga Dam enticed investors and developers but decades after it was first dreamt up, the site reserved for the structure remains untouched. While DR Congo's government has insisted the plan is still in motion, critics point to the long delays, DR Congo's record of poor governance and the potential for serious environmental harm. There is also concern about the project's revolving set of international partners. Just last week, Chinese state-owned firm the Three Gorges Corporation, withdrew from the project, a source close to the partnership told the BBC. And then there is the eye-watering bill, which is reportedly as high as $80bn (£63bn) in a country that is one of the poorest in the world. But some believe the nay-sayers are holding Grand Inga to a different standard than other major infrastructure projects. And while construction has not begun, there has been a flurry of meetings and discussions between interested parties over the past year. The need for the Grand Inga is certainly there. Roughly 600 million people in sub-Saharan Africa lack access to electricity, according to the International Energy Agency, a global watchdog. Attempts to solve this problem date back decades - and in the early 2000s DR Congo and its neighbours - South Africa, Angola, Namibia and Botswana - dreamt up an interconnected electricity grid. They looked to the vast Congo River, realising that its powerful waters have an immense hydropower potential. The international collective - known as Westcor - sought to multiply the two dams that already existed on the river - Inga 1 and Inga 2. DR Congo's long-time leader Mobutu Sese Seko oversaw their construction in the 1970s and 1980s, but by the end of the century, both dams were dilapidated due to a lack of funding for their maintenance. Westcor eventually disbanded but their Grand Inga dream lived on. Inga 1 and 2 now work at around 80% of their capacity and DR Congo has drawn up plans to supercharge this output, by adding six more dams along the river. These extra dams are forecast to generate up to 40,000MW of electricity at any one time - enough to power New York city for approximately four days during the summer. Through Inga, DR Congo will play its role as "the trigger of the African revolver... a catalyst for the industrialisation of Africa," says the country's Agency for the Development and Promotion of the Grand Inga Project. The BBC contacted the agency for this article but it did not comment. Despite its previous projections that Inga 3 would be completed by 2018, construction has not even begun. The lack of visible progress suggests the project has stalled, but recent messaging from the World Bank - the world's leading development organisation - implies otherwise. Late last year, the bank announced it was back in talks with the Congolese government, having withdrawn its funding for Inga 3 back in 2016. The World Bank had cited "strategic differences" but eight years later - and with Félix Tshisekedi having replaced Joseph Kabila as DR Congo's president - it has done a U-turn. 'I think it's the first time that I feel more optimistic. I almost believe that we can get it done,' Demetrios Papathanasiou, the World Bank's global director of energy and extractives, told a South African panel last February. This optimism seemed to be felt elsewhere, also. A pan-African alliance of finance institutions - including the African Development Bank - has recently been working together to help attract private investment to the project. The Grand Inga is like a "serpent - it is up, down, visible, not visible," José Ángel González Tausz, chairman of AEE Power, a Spanish-run company and partner in the project, tells the BBC. In November, Fabrice Lusinde, the head of DR Congo's public electricity company Snel, said that if work on Inga 3 began in 2026, two of its turbines should be up and running by 2032. Electricity produced by these turbines would then finance the plant's other turbines, he said. On its own, Inga 3 is projected to produce 4,800MW of electricity. South Africa, a country hindered by regular power cuts, has signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) stating that they will import just over half of this amount. South Africa's authorities have argued that Inga will deliver consistent and reliable energy, but critics in the country say cheaper electricity can be found elsewhere. A Nigerian company, Natural Oilfield Services, has also reportedly signed up as a buyer. Like South Africa, Nigeria also suffers from severe electricity shortages. Guinea and Angola have reportedly expressed interest in the Grand Inga Dam too. So why - after decades of talks - have no new dams materialised? "It is a project in the Democratic Republic of Congo," Mr Tausz says bluntly. "Even if the project is one of the best all over the world - it does not have the credibility." For decades, DR Congo has been blighted by corruption, a lack of infrastructure and sluggish development. Conflict in the east of the country also makes international headlines - though Inga is thousands of kilometres away from the fighting. Investors are also "afraid" because the Grand Inga would not show returns for decades, Mr Tausz says, adding "who knows what will happen in Congo in the next 30 years". Mr Tausz - whose father worked as an engineer on Inga 1 in 1972 - also says that a lack of financial commitment by the Congolese government has contributed to the delay. And then there is the funding issue. In September 2023, DR Congo's president told reporters that the country was "still facing difficulties in mobilising investments" for the dam. The recent withdrawal of China's Three Gorges Corporation intensifies these difficulties. Three Gorges was a major partner, which brought money and expertise to the complex project. According to the BBC's source, who spoke under condition of anonymity, Three Gorges pulled out as they were frustrated with the way DR Congo President Tshisekedi was handling the project. There has been no official confirmation of the pull-out. But are these problems unique to the Grand Inga Dam? Not really, says Professor George Aggidis, a hydropower expert at the UK's Lancaster University. He says years of delays and numerous changes of partners are "normal" for a major infrastructure project like the Inga Dam. He points to the UK's Mersey Tidal Project - which if successful would be the world's largest tidal barrier. The idea was first floated in 1984 and has been abandoned, then revived in the decades since. "Does that mean we are unstable here in the UK?" Mr Aggidis asks. He describes the Inga project as "doable". A similar sentiment is shared by Alexander Schwab, an executive at Andritz, an Austrian-based company that signed on to supply equipment for Inga 3. Mr Schwab says Andritz signed a MoU with the Congolese authorities but has not received any word on the project since 2021. He seems largely unfazed by the lack of communication, saying that one in three major infrastructure projects will be "stalled somewhere". For Mr Schwab, the Grand Inga is "one of the best mega projects... in the world". But despite its potential, there are deep concerns about the project's environmental and social impact. A common criticism is that the dam will benefit South African consumers and DR Congo's mining companies, but not the Congolese people. Some 80% of the population lack access to electricity. "Inga will not bring electricity for the people," says Emmanuel Musuyu, the head of Congolese civil society coalition Corap. He alleges that the majority of electricity has already been promised to South Africa and the mines. In a recent report on Inga 3, the DR Congo authorities acknowledged that the dam is "alone not sufficient to address DRC's energy and development challenges" but said it could act as a "catalyst" for national change. The World Bank said it was exploring how it could support the government to ensure Inga "delivers broad benefits for energy access". Environmental and rights groups also worry that approximately 37,000 residents in the Inga area will be displaced without compensation. According to organisations like International Rivers and Observatori del Deute en la Globalització, thousands were forcibly removed from their homes and never compensated when Inga I and II were built. They also say that the first two dams damaged the region's biodiversity and that any extra dams are likely to do the same. "It will have a specific impact on the fish and all animals in the water... when you change the flow of water in rivers, we can see some species of fish disappear," says Mr Musuyu. A 2018 study argued that many large-scale hydropower projects in Europe and the US have been disastrous for the environment. DR Congo's authorities have recognised that people would be displaced by Inga III, but said residents would be resettled in areas with basic services and promised that "fair compensation" would be awarded. They have also recognised the risks to the local environment and said an assessment aiming to reduce this impact would be completed within the next two years. However, according to the BBC's source close to the project, the authorities have not yet raised enough money to fund these studies. If the Grand Inga is simply experiencing the ups and downs that come with big infrastructure projects, the World Bank may still have cause for optimism. But the dam is a complex engineering project - one that requires its many stakeholders to work together in harmony. The World Bank returning, only for the Three Gorges to leave, suggests DR Congo is struggling to maintain such unity. And despite DR Congo's ambition, construction cannot begin unless funding is secured. So for now, it appears as though this project which has the potential to change the lives of millions of people in Africa remains just that - a grand vision. The spectacular failures and successes of massive dams How Félix Tshisekedi won DR Congo's chaotic election 'Hell behind bars' - life in DR Congo's most notorious jail BBC visits mpox clinic as WHO says DR Congo cases 'plateauing' Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica Africa Daily Focus on Africa
