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Yomiuri Shimbun
2 days ago
- Politics
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Japanese Defense Minister Calls for Enhancing Multinational Security Cooperation at Asia Security Summit in Singapore
Hirotaka Kuriyama / The Yomiuri Shimbun Defense Minister Gen Nakatani, right, shakes hands with Australian Defense Minister Richard Marles in Singapore on Sunday. SINGAPORE — Defense Minister Gen Nakatani called for stronger relations with like-minded countries, including the United States, to increase deterrence against China in conjunction with the Asian Security Summit in Singapore held from Friday to Sunday. As the U.S. government is increasing its pressure on allies and like-minded countries through tariff measures, Nakatani focused on maintaining multinational cooperation. After finishing his meetings at the summit, which is also known as the Shangri-La Dialogue, Nakatani told reporters on Sunday, 'I exchanged opinions with many defense ministers, and reaffirmed the need to strengthen defense cooperation and partnership.' On the same day, Nakatani met with Australian Defense Minister Richard Marles to call on the Australian government to jointly develop ships based on the Maritime Self-Defense Force's Mogami class destroyers regarding Canberra's plan to introduce a new type of ship. If joint development is realized, it is expected that interoperability between the SDF and the Australian military will be improved. Nakatani also held individual talks with the defense ministers of the Philippines and Malaysia, which are both in dispute with China over territorial claims in the South China Sea, and held bilateral meetings with a total of eight countries during his stay. The defense ministers of Japan, the United States, Australia and the Philippines held a meeting on Saturday. The meeting was aimed at maintaining U.S. involvement in the Indo-Pacific region as the Trump administration, which has been accused of disregarding its allies, has been at odds with other countries over tariff measures. The ministers confirmed that they will meet regularly in the future, expressed 'serious concern' about China's attempts to change the status quo and reconciled their perceptions of China. A trilateral defense ministers' meeting of Japan, the United States and Australia was also held on Saturday. The ministers issued a statement acknowledging the importance of partnership. Nakatani's focus on maintaining multinational cooperation, including with the United States, at the summit is aimed at preventing China, which has been making unilateral advances in the region, from taking advantage of the growing distrust of the U.S. to expand its influence in the region. On Saturday, Nakatani delivered his address at the Asian Security Summit and emphasized the importance of 'the rules-based international order.' He also proposed the cooperative framework of OCEAN (One Cooperative Effort Among Nations) so that countries sharing common values and interests will jointly expand their cooperation. 'Each of the countries also expressed similar views. I got responses indicating that all of them shared the same opinion,' Nakatani told reporters on Sunday. However, it remains to be seen whether the relationship between the United States and its allies and like-minded countries will be able to improve. A senior Defense Ministry official said, 'It will be increasingly necessary for Japan to compensate for the decline in the U.S. presence.'
Asia Times
25-05-2025
- Business
- Asia Times
Japan flexes military muscle at biggest-ever defense expo
This year's Japan's Defense Security Equipment International (DSEI) exhibition and conference, held from May 21-23 at Makuhari Messe near Tokyo, was the largest ever, attracting 471 companies, 169 from Japan and 302 from the US, the UK and 30 other countries. Reflecting the rapid advance of Japan's arms industry and the country's growing contribution to regional security and international military cooperation, this year's event was about 60% larger than last year's and about twice the size of the one held in 2023. A year ago, US Forces Japan Strategic Relations Officer Tim Haffner noted that 'DSEI brought industry, policy, and strategic leaders together in a collaborative forum to discuss regional security issues for the first time in Japan. This was a pivotal event, signaling Japan as a leader in defense technology and security partnership.' This year's turnout demonstrates that it most certainly was. Billed as 'the only large-scale, fully integrated defense event in the country,' the exhibition featured a very wide range of defense products, from ammunition and armored vehicles to communications and target identification systems, field medical supplies, and small, medium and heavy caliber weapons. Models of Japan's Mogami warship, underwater drones, railgun and Type-12 missiles attracted a lot of attention, as did the GCAP (Global Combat Air Program) next-generation fighter jet being developed by Japan, the UK and Italy. For Japan's Ministry of Defence and defense industry, it was an unprecedented marketing opportunity. Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba visited and spoke at the exhibition, the first sitting Japanese prime minister to do so. 'We are currently facing the most severe and complex security environment since the end of the Second World War,' he said. 'Today's Ukraine could be East Asia tomorrow.' Minister of Defense Gen Nakatani, who delivered a keynote address at the conference, said that he hoped the event would 'provide a new opportunity for cooperation and exchange between national delegations and companies, help sustain defense industry development, drive innovation and promote peace and stability.' Mitsubishi Heavy Industries (MHI) executive Katsuyuki Nabeta told the press that, 'With today's increasingly uncertain security environment, I believe we must respond not just domestically, but with a broader international perspective. We are pleased to have the opportunity to showcase our technologies and reach a wider audience.' MHI is the prime contractor for Mogami-class frigates and the leading Japanese company in the GCAP project. BAE Systems and Leonardo are its British and Italian counterparts. The conference, which also ran for three days, also included presentations by senior defense officials, ambassadors and defense industry executives from Japan, the US, the UK, Italy, Germany, Australia and Singapore. They addressed the issues of maintaining stability in the Indo-Pacific, keeping pace with emerging threats, developing new technologies, strengthening the defense industrial base and enhancing defense industry cooperation, cybersecurity, the use of AI to improve decision-making on the battlefield and expanding surveillance capabilities in space. One section of the conference was dedicated to the progress of the GCAP and related supply chain opportunities. Senior executives from the GCAP Acquisition, Technology & Logistics Agency and International Government Organization, Japan Aircraft Industrial Enhancement Co (the umbrella organization for Japanese participation in the project), BAE Systems and Leonardo spoke on this topic, demonstrating its importance. In an article entitled 'Doubts about Trump hang in background of weapons show,' Japan's Asahi Shimbun reported that an unnamed Japanese Defense Ministry source had said that 'Trump's unpredictability has created unease about relying on US-made weapons and security arrangements,' and that 'European countries in particular are beginning to seek security that does not depend on the United States, and they are likely to move away from the US in arms trading.' Speaking at the event, the German ambassador to Japan, Petra Sigmund, said that, 'Germany is increasingly looking to Japan as an arms provider, whom we can trust as a co-developer with similar strengths and similar needs. Also, as a potential procurement partner, in order to be able to scale up production to cut time and to reduce cost.' Sigmund added that Germany is particularly eager to collaborate in the development of 'unmanned systems, drones, stand-off weapons, missiles, air defense, cyberspace, as well as maritime intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance.' He also noted that, 'Since 2021, Germany has gradually increased its security engagement here in the [Indo-Pacific] region. We have sent naval vessels, participated in multinational naval and air force exercises both in Japan, Australia and in India.' Professor Mohd Faiz Abdullah, chairman of the Institute of Strategic and International Studies of Malaysia, provided a different perspective. The great powers, he said, are conducting 'minilaterals,'which they claim are for 'global governance, but it's about containment really,' and 'not conducive to peace and stability.' The world, Abdullah concluded, is entering a period of 'unfettered competition…where a lot of parties are going for the killing zone.' But Lieutenant General Sir Tom Copinger-Symes, Deputy Commander of UK Strategic Command, stated that, 'We must move beyond transactional relationships between defense and industry… We need to redraw the boundaries of national security… We now live in what we could describe as a state of persistent competition, punctuated by episodic crises, and under the constant shadow of potential major conflict… we must innovate together, or we will lose together.' Meanwhile, on May 21, a symposium on the topic of Japan's defense industry was held at the Global Front conference facility at Meiji University in Tokyo. Led by military historian Professor Atsushi Koketsu, the symposium featured an address by Professor Christopher Hughes of the University of Warwick, UK, on the topic 'Japan's Defence Industrial Strategy and Fighter Aircraft Production: Striving for Tier-One Status.' Starting with the observation that Japan has previously been seen as an exemplary model of a non-great power able to indigenize defence technology, Hughes stated that it clearly maintains this ambition. Despite anti-militaristic constraints, including Article 9 of its Constitution, which renounces 'war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes,' post-WWII limits on weapons production and arms export bans, Japan has consistently maintained the following rationales for defense production: Deterrence capabilities and specific defense needs Bargaining power in its alliance with the US and internationally Self-sufficiency and ability to respond to national emergencies Industrial policy through dual-use technology Hughes emphasized that Japanese policymakers use 'techno-nationalism' to avoid second-tier status. At the same time, Japan limited its defense budget by embedding the defense sector into its civilian sector. This allowed it to avoid the creation of a military-industrial complex, but also led to fragmentation, inefficiency and low profitability, while export restrictions cut off access to international cooperation and markets. Serious attempts to rectify these defects began with the adoption of 'Three Principles on Defense Equipment Transfers' under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in 2014. These allowed arms transfers if they contributed to 'the active promotion of peace, international cooperation, or Japan's security,' provided they were not destined for countries involved in conflict, with onward shipment to third parties subject to Japanese government control. The next big step in Japan's military reform came in December 2022, when the cabinet of Prime Minister Fumio Kishida approved a new National Security Strategy. A Ministry of Foreign Affairs announcement noted that 'the very foundation of the international order is being shaken and the world stands at a historic crossroads… [with Japan] finding itself in the midst of the most severe and complex security environment since the end of WWII…' The new National Security Strategy was accompanied by two other documents, the National Defense Strategy and the Defense Buildup Program. The latter includes building up the capabilities of Japan's Self-Defense Forces in the areas of stand-off defense, integrated air and missile defense, unmanned defense and cross-domain capabilities, including ground, maritime, air, space, cyber and electromagnetic operations. The Japanese government also committed itself to raising the defense budget from 1% to 2% of GDP by 2027, increased weapons systems procurement as a percentage of the budget, raised profit margins on defense contracts to stop private companies from abandoning the sector and stepped up defense cooperation with Europe, Australia and Southeast Asia. Freed from previous limits, Japanese defense contractors began to actively pursue export contracts, some small – e.g., patrol boats for the Philippines and Vietnam – and some large. An attempt to sell Soryu-class submarines to Australia fell through. Attempts to sell Mogami-class frigates to Australia and Indonesia are underway. Hughes also put considerable emphasis on GCAP, noting that it is an equal partnership with full technology sharing and 'freedom to modify.' While others have expressed doubts, he believes that the British government is committed to the project, a view that received support at the Japan-Italy-UK leaders meeting last November. Hughes has been pursuing the subject for a long time. More than 20 years ago, he published 'Japan's Re-emergence as a 'Normal' Military Power?' while his latest book is entitled 'Japan as a Global Military Power: New Capabilities, Alliance Integration, Bilateralism-Plus.' Follow this writer on X: @ScottFo83517667
Japan Forward
25-04-2025
- Business
- Japan Forward
Japan's New Frigate Joins Global Naval Competition
このページを 日本語 で読む On April 23, the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) opened its newest Mogami -class frigate (FFM) to media inspection at the Yokosuka Base in Kanagawa Prefecture. This next-generation warship operates with a crew of just around 90, less than half that of a conventional destroyer. The mess hall aboard the JS Kumano. Due to space-saving measures, officers and enlisted personnel dine in the same area. (Photo by Shusuke Takenouchi) Despite its lean personnel, it is equipped to handle a broad range of missions, including surface combat, mine countermeasures, and anti-submarine warfare. The Japanese government is actively promoting defense exports and aims to showcase the high performance of its frigates. The bridge of the JS Kumano. A key feature is its ability to operate with half the crew of a traditional destroyer. (©Sankei by Shusuke Takenouchi) The JS Kumano , the second vessel in the Mogami -class lineup, was the model showcased to the press. Designed with stealth in mind, it features a streamlined exterior with minimal protrusions. Advanced digital systems enable remote control of weapons and onboard equipment from the Combat Information Center (CIC). So far, six ships in the class have entered service, with the JMSDF aiming to expand the fleet to a total of 12. The hallway inside the JS Kumano. The ship's compact design results in narrower passageways than those found on conventional destroyers. (©Sankei by Shusuke Takenouchi) Japan and Germany have been shortlisted as finalists in Australia's selection process for next-generation naval vessels. In its proposal, Japan put forward a jointly developed design based on an upgraded Mogami -class frigate. An unmanned underwater vehicle (UUV) aboard the JS Kumano, used for mine detection. (©Sankei by Shusuke Takenouchi) Author: The Sankei Shimbun このページを 日本語 で読む
The Australian
24-04-2025
- Business
- The Australian
Coalition the only ones getting serious about defence
For its wilful neglect of defence and all aspects of national security, the ALP deserves to lose this election on this issue alone, as Greg Sheridan maintains ('Too little too late: no defence for this', 24/4). Peter Dutton's proposal front-ends a dramatic increase of defence spending, while Labor continues to back-end it into the following decades. But Sheridan and Peter Dean share the frustration that Dutton is confining his proposal to funding, without any details on how the funds would be spent ('Sure, there's some unity on defence, but we need a real strategy', 24/4). We still haven't seen any sign of the acquisition of the guided missiles prioritised in the Defence Strategic Review, of which Dean was a co-author. Drones have been particularly effective in the Ukraine war, yet are not available to the ADF, although they are currently manufactured onshore. There is also no mention of our rundown stocks of artillery rounds and ammunition, nor the deliberate slowdown of recruiting under the Albanese government, so that it can take applicants 300 days to get into uniform. If the Coalition wanted to get some traction from this issue, they would have highlighted the urgency of addressing the national security threats which Labor continues to ignore. John Morrissey, Hawthorn, Vic You can hardly blame Peter Dutton for delaying the Coalition's plans for defence, when the nation's finances are in such dire straits as a result of Labor's mismanagement ('Defence budget increase is real unavoidable spending', 24/4). As Dutton knows, the only chance the nation has in getting to a 3 per cent of GDP defence commitment is to grow the economic pie from private sector-led investment. This is not possible under Labor, which has the economy barely growing at around 1.4 per cent annually, as major wealth-generating projects keep on being banned or delayed, for all sorts of strange, ideological reasons. Ron Hobba, Camberwell, Vic I've been compelled to call out flaws in Peter Dean's pronouncements before. On Australia's future frigate acquisition, Dean implies we should choose the Japanese Mogami class frigate because it '… is a more modern design with twice as many Vertical Launch System missile tubes as its competitor and with more advanced VLS capabilities'. He goes on to conclude that we should choose it because of its missiles and we can decide more quickly. Further, we should build them overseas because we can save cost and time – but if we're careful this need not impact local industry or jobs. How do you propose we might do that in all practicality? More important than Australian jobs is the establishment of an Australian-based supply chain to keep the ships operational. Dean seems not to understand why continuous naval shipbuilding in Australia – by Australians, using Australian industry – has been bipartisan policy throughout this century. And a sound policy at that, albeit not well executed. Furthermore, Mogami has a very small crew so it will not be spending much time at sea, which is fine for Japan. Their navy's vital sea areas are about one tenth the size of Australia's. Endurance is about people, and it matters much more to us. Rowan Moffitt, Rear Admiral, RAN (retired), Canberra, ACT A clear majority of Australians (66 per cent, according to two surveys in 2023) favour Australia remaining neutral in the event of a war between the US and China. Given the uncertainty produced by Trump 2.0 and the rise in geopolitical stress, this percentage is likely to be higher in 2025. While a significant increase in defence spending will be popular with most contributors and readers of The Australian, it is unlikely to be with a significant percentage of the electorate, especially women and young adults. The Coalition defence policy is a statement of intent rather than a detailed policy. It also appears at a late stage in this campaign. The public realises its going to provide the additional cost of $21bn either directly (taxation) or indirectly. Given the ongoing failure of defence decisions over the past 15 years, it is difficult to have confidence that the political process involved will improve. Australia needs a strategic defensive approach integrating large numbers of missiles, drones and uncrewed maritime vessels with a sensor network linked to a command-control targeting system. Andrew Whyte, Mt Martha, Vic
Japan Times
21-04-2025
- Business
- Japan Times
Japan, Indonesia continue frigate talks looking to boost defense-industrial ties
Talks between Tokyo and Jakarta on the potential joint development and production of advanced frigates for the Indonesian Navy continue at the highest levels of government, the Southeast Asian nation's envoy to Japan has said, as the two countries seek to deepen defense-industrial ties. After Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba and Defense Minister Gen Nakatani discussed the issue on separate visits to Jakarta earlier this year, the topic is also set to be high on the agenda when the Self-Defense Forces' top uniformed officer, Chief of Staff Yoshihide Yoshida, visits Indonesia later this month, Ambassador Heri Akhmadi told The Japan Times in a recent interview. Efforts to procure and co-produce a customized variant of Japan's Mogami-class frigates — which Tokyo also hopes to export to Australia — remain a priority for the administration of Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto, Akhmadi said. Prabowo, who is expected to visit Japan later this year, first expressed interest in cooperating with Japan on warship construction when he traveled to the country as defense minister in 2021 to sign a memorandum of cooperation on defense tech and equipment transfers. Tokyo's project proposal, reportedly valued at ¥300 billion, would involve building four of the frigates in Japan, with an equal number to be built in the Southeast Asian country by state-owned shipyard PT PAL to meet navy requirements. However, talks stalled during the previous Indonesian administration due to the COVID-19 pandemic and financial constraints tied to Indonesia's ambitious project to relocate its capital. While Tokyo has reportedly already offered loans, the funding issue has yet to be resolved as Indonesian regulations require the government to provide 10% to 20% of the funds upfront. Nevertheless, Akhmadi points to growing momentum in the negotiations under Prabowo, particularly as Japan has been relaxing its strict defense export controls in recent years, in part to allow for the potential sale of customized, upgraded Mogami frigates to Australia. The ambassador said another key aspect of negotiations revolves around defense technology transfer. Jakarta is interested not just in jointly developing and producing the vessels, but also in gaining access to the Japanese technologies used in several of the systems on the Mogami-class vessels, which are among the most advanced in the Maritime Self-Defense Force. Indonesian Ambassador to Japan Heri Akhmadi speaks during a recent interview with The Japan Times in Tokyo. | GABRIEL DOMINGUEZ 'Given our increasingly close connections to Japan, we would also like to work closer together on such systems through technology transfers,' the diplomat said. As an example of such cooperation, Akhmadi cited India's agreement with Tokyo last year to co-develop a radar system for Indian Navy warships based on the Japan-made Unified Complex Radio Antenna. The cutting-edge radar antennas are being installed on some Mogami-class frigates. Experts say this kind of cooperation would support Japan's efforts to grow its domestic defense industry through global exports. At the same time, it would align with Indonesia's offset policies and long-term goals of building up its own defense sector, as Jakarta looks to reduce its reliance on foreign-made military equipment. That said, Indonesia's decisions will also hinge on interoperability and manpower factors, particularly as the country has already placed orders for several other naval assets from European partners. But the growing security ties already go far beyond potential frigate cooperation. Ishiba's first overseas trip aside from international conferences was to Southeast Asia — specifically Malaysia and Indonesia — in January. While these countries have long pursued a foreign policy based on nonalignment, the visits signaled Tokyo's continued commitment to the strategically important region as it looks to both hedge against growing global economic volatility and create a more favorable security environment. Akhmadi said that energy and maritime security were among the main topics discussed during Prabowo's January meeting with Ishiba. This, he added, also led to talks on other potential exchanges, including the possibility of Tokyo providing decommissioned Soryu-class submarines to Jakarta. Although Indonesia is not one of the claimant states in the long-running South China Sea disputes, it has had skirmishes with Chinese vessels over the resource-rich waters around the Natuna Islands. Tokyo has been helping Jakarta improve fishing ports as well as its coast guard and naval patrol capabilities through joint training and the supply of ships, including two new high-speed patrol boats to be delivered to the Indonesian Navy under Japan's new military aid program. Indonesian Ambassador to Japan Heri Akhmadi guides Emperor Naruhito during a visit to Balai Teknik Sabo, in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, in June 2023. | Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia in Tokyo The countries have also been intensifying joint military exercises, with Akhmadi noting that this year's iteration of the multinational Super Garuda Shield drills will see the SDF make its largest contribution to date, with over 250 personnel and a warship. Tokyo and Jakarta have also agreed to hold a third round of "two-plus-two" talks between their foreign and defense ministers later this year. At the same time, strengthening economic cooperation with Southeast Asia remains one of Japan's top priorities amid growing competition with China. Ishiba in January highlighted Indonesia's role as central to this push. 'Energy and economic security play an increasingly important role in this regard,' Akhmadi said. Jakarta has agreed to continue supplying liquefied natural gas to Japan while Tokyo will keep supporting Indonesia's Abadi LNG development project, which is slated to start production around 2029 or 2030 with assistance from Inpex, Japan's biggest oil and gas explorer. Jakarta and Tokyo are also in the final stages of negotiating a critical minerals deal, the ambassador said. The envisaged pact would include the exploration, development, production, refining and processing in Indonesia of critical minerals such as nickel, aiming to boost battery production and diversify supply chains. 'With China controlling the majority of lithium processing worldwide, we would like to see more Japanese investments in the production of critical minerals in Indonesia,' the ambassador said. The deal is expected to be signed 'in the near future,' he added, and would be more comprehensive than the one signed between Japan and Canada in 2023. To strike a balance amid the great-power competition between the United States and China, Indonesia and Malaysia were among four Southeast Asian nations — along with Vietnam and Thailand — that agreed to join BRICS last year, a group of emerging economies that seeks to provide an alternative model to the Western-led Group of Seven. Indonesia formally joined as a full member in January while Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam now hold the status of partner countries. Akhmadi said Jakarta's growing ties with Tokyo reflect its nonalignment policy, as it looks to broaden its partnerships and avoid taking sides in the escalating rivalry between China and the United States. 'Indonesia would especially like to work closer together with middle powers such as Japan and India,' the ambassador noted. 'Working with superpowers means you may have less leverage in negotiations, but if the middle powers cooperate more closely, it will be more equal and we can do much more to maintain regional stability and increase our prosperity.'
