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Morocco World
6 days ago
- Politics
- Morocco World
Secret French Intelligence Documents Reveal Morocco's Crucial Support for Algerian Independence
Marrakech – French intelligence documents classified as 'highly confidential' have exposed the full scope of Morocco's pivotal support for Algeria's independence struggle. Recently published by Algerian political analyst Oualid Kebir, these classified documents from July 27, 1959, were sent directly to General Challe's office in Algeria and reveal one of history's most remarkable chapters of cross-border solidarity. The intelligence reports, never intended for public disclosure, meticulously document how Morocco transformed itself into a strategic rear base for the Algerian revolution under King Mohammed V's leadership. Far from merely offering diplomatic rhetoric, Morocco provided comprehensive military, logistical, and humanitarian assistance that fundamentally altered the course of Algeria's battle against French colonization. King Mohammed V approached this support with sophisticated strategic vision, balancing solidarity with sovereignty requirements. According to the French documents, the King's position was guided by three advanced objectives that were formulated according to regional and international circumstances. First, he aimed to establish Moroccan leadership of a 'Maghreb Union' independent from Nasser's Cairo bloc, seeking to cement Morocco's role as a leading power in North Africa. Second, he wanted to maintain the Moroccan monarchy's prestige in the Arab world by providing 'remarkable assistance' to Algerian brothers. Third, he carefully balanced relations with France by maintaining minimum financial and technical cooperation to avoid an open confrontation that might threaten Morocco's recently gained independence. The only way to reconcile these three imperatives, according to the document, was King Mohammed V's vision of positioning himself as a 'mediator' or 'arbitrator' in the Algerian conflict. This allowed him to gain the trust of the Arab world while maintaining ties with the West, creating a complex but politically astute equation. The effectiveness of this approach is vividly confirmed by historical testimony from the late Algerian President Ahmed Ben Bella, who recounted an important meeting with King Mohammed V in Madrid. 'I felt embarrassed to take out my list of requests,' Ben Bella later revealed in an Al Jazeera interview, 'because he had already offered us twice what we were going to ask for.' Support was national: From cabinet rooms to campus protests This royal commitment cascaded throughout the Moroccan government. As cited by the French documents, Abdallah Ibrahim's government provided tangible and effective support to Algerian revolutionaries at all levels. This support wasn't limited to slogans of unity among North African countries but was translated into field decisions. Morocco allowed the establishment of military bases for the National Liberation Army (ALN) on its territory, received Algerian refugees and provided political and humanitarian protection, issued Moroccan passports to members of the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN), and even used diplomatic pouches to transport sensitive communications and documents. Judicial authorities overlooked certain revolutionary activities within the country, at times secretly releasing detained FLN members to support the cause. Moreover, Nador was converted into a radio communications center serving revolutionary propaganda, while logistical networks facilitated weapons transport, the construction of military bases, training camps, and ammunition depots across the region. All this, as the document indicates, was not subject to internal dispute or government hesitation, but received clear approval from the Moroccan cabinet. This confirms that Morocco officially chose to support the Algerian revolution, even at the risk of straining ties with France. The documents speak of a crucial role played by Moroccan leader Abderrahim Bouabid, who did not hesitate to announce Morocco's full commitment to supporting the FLN during a meeting with Ferhat Abbas. Bouabid clearly expressed Morocco's vision of providing 'comprehensive and complete support,' in a political declaration reflecting the Moroccan state's engagement in the Algerian struggle not as circumstantial solidarity but as a strategic position consistent with the spirit and necessities of the era. The documents also show that Moroccan support wasn't limited to the government but extended to political parties, unions, students, and broad segments of the population. The support extended deep into Moroccan society. Despite its official ban since 1952, the Moroccan Communist Party continued promoting the revolution through propaganda channels. Meanwhile, the Moroccan Workers' Union provided significant material and moral support to its Algerian counterpart (UGTA). The National Union of Moroccan Students played a central role in providing forged cards, postal boxes, and strong propaganda support within Moroccan universities. Southeastern Morocco became a backbone of Algeria's military operations Perhaps most remarkably, the documents reveal the existence of an FLN intelligence network operating within Morocco since October 1958. This mission, which managed documentation centers, surveillance, espionage, and coordination offices, operated with the tacit approval of Moroccan authorities and worked in parallel with Moroccan security agencies, notably cooperating with them on several sensitive files. Led by Lagha Zaoui, this network maintained direct contact with Moroccan intelligence services, collaborating on interrogating Algerian detainees, handling French army deserters, and pursuing agents involved in counter-revolutionary activities. The military dimension of Morocco's support was equally substantial. The country hosted key command structures of the National Liberation Army, including the Western Staff Headquarters in Nador, Region 5 Authority in Oujda, and Zone 8 Command in Figuig. Dozens of logistical bases strategically positioned throughout southeastern Morocco provided critical infrastructure for the revolution. The Boubker-Touissit base served as a major supply hub, while the Figuig-Bouanane base facilitated cross-border operations. These facilities weren't merely staging grounds but comprehensive military installations with dedicated centers for manufacturing mines, storing ammunition, and conducting specialized training for Algerian fighters. Additionally, Morocco established a network of field hospitals, rest centers for exhausted fighters, and even camps for prisoners of war captured during operations against French forces. The documents estimate the number of Algerian fighters in Morocco between 3,000 and 4,000 men, some of whom were preparing to cross the border into Algeria on the eve of Mohammed V's negotiations with President de Gaulle, as an indirect political pressure message. Despite Morocco's exceptional support for the Algerian revolution, the relationship was not without friction. The documents reveal several points of contention, including tensions over the ambitions of certain FLN elements in Moroccan border regions and repeated clashes between French forces and Algerian revolutionaries that originated from Moroccan territory. Moroccan authorities also expressed reservations about the conduct of FLN intelligence operatives operating within the country, alongside suspicions regarding the Front's ambiguous stance during the Rif unrest in Morocco. Furthermore, the failure of FLN representative Kheireddin to fully earn the trust of Moroccan officials further strained relations between the two sides. Morocco bore the political and diplomatic consequences of that deep moral alignment The foundation of solidarity, however, remained unshaken. As Libyan historian Ali Mohammed Al-Sallabi documented, King Mohammed V publicly championed Algeria's cause during a September 1956 speech in Oujda, directly challenging French colonial narratives. When France retaliated by hijacking a plane carrying Algerian revolutionary leaders who were the King's guests, Mohammed V declared to France Tireur newspaper that this act was 'a more dangerous blow to his honor than his dethronement,' considering the leaders were abducted while under his protection. The King's commitment extended to rejecting lucrative French offers. In 1957, he declined a potentially beneficial oil deal in Algeria, considering it an affront to the dignity of the Algerian people who desperately needed support from their neighbors. His practical assistance included placing approximately five hundred Moroccan volunteers from Marrakech at the disposal of the National Liberation Army (ALN) and establishing safe medical facilities for injured Algerian revolutionaries along the border. By 1960, the King's support had only intensified. After receiving complaints from an Algerian governmental delegation during a visit to Marrakech about harassment by French consuls in the border regions, Mohammed V immediately ordered the closure of the consulates in Oujda and Bouarfa. When Ferhat Abbas, head of the Algerian provisional government, subsequently visited Rabat, he declared: 'Algeria is Morocco, and our solidarity is eternal. The Sahara is an issue that concerns Algeria and Morocco alone, and in no way concerns French colonialism – neither directly nor indirectly.' What these French documents unintentionally reveal is that Morocco wasn't merely a host geography for revolutionaries but an actual partner in Algeria's liberation battle. Morocco didn't simply offer sanctuary; it integrated Algeria's liberation struggle into its own national security framework, accepting serious diplomatic risk in the process. From royal palace to government ministries, from student unions to border villages, Morocco transformed itself into an essential component of Algeria's independence movement. These once-classified pages, written in secrecy by French intelligence, reveal a forgotten alliance that reshaped North Africa's decolonization. They offer a sweeping account of a gripping history of pan-Maghrebi solidarity, which the Algerian military regime would soon bury beneath propaganda, having turned its back on Morocco at the first opportunity to support separatism and hostility. Read also: The Last Believers: Memory, Mirage, and the Failed Promises of the Algerian Revolution
Time of India
30-07-2025
- Entertainment
- Time of India
The Moroccan Sahara will bloom: Christopher Nolan's filming in Dakhla puts the seal of approval to the region's development and future
Christopher Nolan's latest production 'The Odyssey' is facing some criticism because a part of it was shot in the Moroccan Sahara city of Dakhla. The protests are coming from so-called Sahrawi activists and FiSahara, which organises a movie festival in the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria's Tindouf region. The same camps from which there have been reports of gross human rights violations, diversion of aid and rioting. This is because the separatist Polisario Front that runs the camps with Algeria's support virtually treats them like prisons. Till date the Polsario has refused to conduct a census in these camps despite being repeatedly urged to do so. The point here is that the Moroccan Sahara issue – which is a leftover baggage from Morocco's colonial history – continues to be used by external forces for their own vested interests. And in this process, these external actors completely eschew facts. For example, they will not tell you that 19th century European colonial powers had hived off the Moroccan Sahara from Morocco proper. In fact, Spain and France actually had through their own arrangement created their own spheres of influence in Morocco. They will also not tell you that when Morocco became independent in 1956 it vowed to recover its Sahara provinces which were still under Spanish colonial control. In fact, the speech of Morocco's erstwhile monarch, King Mohammed V, grandfather of current King Mohammed VI, at M'hamid al-Ghizlan in 1958 saw him pledge to the Sahrawi tribal chiefs that he would work to recover the Sahara in keeping with Morocco's historical rights. Recall also that in 1963 Morocco itself brought the Sahara issue to the UN, asking the international body to recognise the Sahara as a non-governing territory to be decolonised by Spain. Then there is the selective amnesia of the 1963 Sand War between Morocco and Algeria. It was due to this conflict that Algeria adopted a strategy of hemming in Morocco through asymmetric means. The latter included supporting, arming and funding a separatist Sahrawi group called the Polisario Front. The Polisario simply wouldn't have sustained without Algeria's material and diplomatic backing. And it was solely to undermine Morocco that the Polisario was egged on by Algeria to carry out an armed struggle against Rabat under the guise of seeking independence for the Sahara. A UN brokered ceasefire between the two sides in 1991 also lays bares Polisario's duplicity. It has never created the conditions for a referendum nor taken care of the refugees in its Tindouf camps. Ideally, Polisario should release the inmates in those camps. The Polisario leadership has simply been pawns in Algiers' hands. And yet they continue to wear the garb of 'independence'. The Moroccan Sahara provinces are legally and historically Moroccan. The 1975 Madrid Accords divided the Moroccan Sahara between Morocco and Mauritania. But Mauritania gave up its claims in 1979, leaving only Morocco's legitimate claims intact. Since then Morocco, under King Mohammed VI, whose Throne Day is today (July 30), has proposed an Autonomy Plan for the Sahara which devolves significant political powers to the region but under Moroccan sovereignty. The plan has growing international support with the US officially declaring it as the only solution to the Sahara issue under Moroccan sovereignty. Similarly, both France and Spain are now onboard with the Autonomy Plan. Portugal too recently reiterated its support for Rabat's position and the UK has called the plan credible. In turn, Morocco has made huge investments in the Sahara provinces to develop local economy, tourism, agriculture and fisheries. Many countries already have their consulates in Sahara cities. And Dakhla where Nolan was shooting is a hot tourism destination for European travellers. Taken together, Morocco's position on the Moroccan Sahara is clear and transparent. The manipulations are being carried out by Algeria and Polisario. Nolan should be applauded for filming in Dakhla. Hopefully it will open the door to more Hollywood and European productions in the region. A minority of people must not be allowed to hold the future of the Moroccan Sahara hostage. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
Middle East
29-05-2025
- Politics
- Middle East
OPEN// FM visits Mausoleum of Mohammed V in Rabat
CAIRO, May 29 (MENA) - Minister of Foreign Affairs, Emigration and Egyptian Expatriates Badr Abdelatty visited on Thursday the Mausoleum of Mohammed V which includes the tombs of late Moroccan King Mohammed V and his son Hassan II. The top diplomat signed the visitation book to mark his visit. (MENA) S R E
Morocco World
02-04-2025
- Business
- Morocco World
Transavia Connects Amsterdam to Agadir with Plans for Rabat Service
Doha – Transavia Airlines touched down in Morocco yesterday as its first direct Amsterdam-Agadir flight landed at Al Massira Airport with 176 passengers on board. The April 1 launch adds a key route to the Dutch carrier's growing Moroccan network. The new service stems from collaboration between the Souss Massa Regional Council and the Agadir Souss Massa Tourism Board, with flights scheduled three times a week – Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Sundays. 'We are seeing an increasing demand for destinations in Morocco. We would like to facilitate this for our passengers,' said Marcel de Nooijer, CEO of Transavia. 'It is a beautiful and versatile country. I am proud that we have added Agadir and now also Rabat to our network,' he added. 'This offers our passengers even more possibilities. Whether you are ready for a sunny escape, on a business trip or visiting family.' The coastal city of Agadir already boasts connections to over 30 international destinations through various airlines, complemented by domestic services to Casablanca, Rabat, Fez, Tangier, Laayoune, and Dakhla. Transavia isn't stopping at Agadir, however. The airline revealed plans to launch Amsterdam-Rabat flights starting November 2025, operating twice weekly. Travelers can book tickets for the winter 2025/2026 season from April 16. Known for its beaches, year-round mild climate, and popular surf spots, Agadir draws sun-seekers and adventure enthusiasts alike. Visitors can sample fresh seafood and traditional tagines along the city's bustling waterfront boulevard. Rabat offers a different Moroccan experience as the capital city. Travelers can explore the UNESCO-listed Kasbah des Oudaias, visit the Mausoleum of Mohammed V, experience the contemporary art scene, or stroll through the Royal Gardens. Agadir Al Massira Airport welcomed 3.1 million passengers in 2024 – a 36% jump from 2023, according to the Office National Des Aéroports (ONDA). To handle this surge, the airport will soon undergo expansion to modernize and enlarge its facilities. These improvements form part of Morocco's 'Airports 2030' strategy as the country prepares to host the 2030 FIFA World Cup. The initiative aims to establish Morocco as a major aviation hub across Africa and beyond. Tags: agadir airportTransavia Airlines
Morocco World
20-03-2025
- Business
- Morocco World
Ryanair to Launch New Flight Route Between Manchester, Rabat
Rabat – Manchester has announced that Ryanair is interested in launching a new flight route connecting the UK city and Rabat on March 30. The flight will operate twice a week, with the new route making Rabat the fifth Moroccan destination accessible via direct flights from the airport in northern England. Rabat will join Tangier, Casablanca, Marrakech, and Agadir, which are already connected to the destination. The flights between Rabat and Manchester will operate twice on Wednesdays and Sundays, Manchester Airport said , to cater to the growing appeal of Morocco among British travelers. Nearly half a million travelers headed to Morocco from Manchester in 2024, drawing a comparison between last year and 2023 – when only 275,000 travelers from the destination visited Morocco. In 2019, 260,000 passengers flew from Manchester to Morocco, the website added. Stephen Turner, Chief Commercial Officer at the airport expressed satisfaction with the potential flight, noting that the airport is proud to connect the people in northern UK to the places they want to go. 'We know Morocco is somewhere they increasingly want to explore. That's why it's exciting that Ryanair is launching this direct route to Rabat from Manchester, only the second such service from a UK airport,' he added, noting that the city offers an 'unforgettable experience.' The airport's website also features a series of to-go-to places for passengers from Manchester, including the old medina of Rabat, the Hassan Tower and the mausoleum of Mohammed V, beaches, as well as Rabat's Museum of History and Civilizations, among others. 'Hiring a car is not expensive in Morocco, and as the capital city, Rabat is also well-connected by public transport links to other parts of the country, so it's a great base for exploring what other parts of the country have to offer,' the airport said. Tags: 'Morocco in processRyanair
