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The Diplomat
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Diplomat
After the Revolution: Bangladesh's Long Road to Democracy
Smruti Pattanaik, Mubashar Hasan, and Jyoti Rahman join the podcast to discuss the progress and pitfalls in the year since Sheikh Hasina's ouster. On the one year anniversary of Bangladesh's Monsoon Revolution, Beyond the Indus host Tushar Shetty sits down with Dr. Smruti Pattanaik, Mubashar Hasan, and Jyoti Rahman to examine the state of Bangladesh in the year since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina, and break down the progress and pitfalls on its long road to restoring democracy. We discuss the fallout from Sheikh Hasina's regime and the transition government's challenges in restoring stability, the realignments in Bangladesh's politics and the prospects for elections in 2026, as well as the wider economic and foreign policy challenges for Bangladesh's next government.
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First Post
05-08-2025
- Politics
- First Post
Bangladesh a year after Hasina: A nation in turmoil as it marks Monsoon Revolution anniversary
In August 2024, the former Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, resigned from her office and fled her homeland, marking the end of her 15-year-long reign. Here's what Bangladesh looks like a year without Hasina. read more A newly formed party led student demonstrations across Bangladesh on Sunday. They were commemorating one year since the fall of Bangladesh's former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. On August 5, 2024, Hasina, who had been in power for the past 15 years, resigned from the prime ministership and fled the country by helicopter. Hasina fled Bangladesh amid violent protests, which started as a student-led demonstration against the controversial quota system, to a full-blown ' Monsoon Revolution'. More than 300 people lost their lives in the violent protests that eventually led to the country giving powers to an interim government led by Bangladesh's Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In the span of one year, a lot has changed in Bangladesh. However, the remnants of the July uprising and instability across the country remain. After Yunus came to power, he effectively banned the Awami League from contesting the election. Meanwhile, Hasina faced a plethora of legal cases. Not only this, the current ruling regime is also hunting down Hasina's relatives in a bid to bring corrupt politicians to justice. Here's what happened in and out of Bangladesh after the fall of the Hasina government: Trials and tribulations of Hasina and her family members On August 3 this year, Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) commenced the trial of deposed PM Hasina in absentia. Hasina has been living in India since the UK rejected her request for refuge. Since then, Bangladeshi authorities have been asking for her extradition. In the case overseen by Bangladesh's ICT, Hasina has been accused of committing crimes against humanity related to the violent suppression of the 2024 student-led protests. The interim government-appointed chief prosecutor, Tajul Islam, in his opening statement, described Hasina as the 'nucleus of all crimes' and called for the maximum penalty. Hasina is not the only one involved in the case. The prosecution also named Hasina's two top aides — former home minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal and former Inspector General of Police Chowdhury Abdullaah Al Mamun — as the co-accused in the case. While Hasina and Kamal are being tried in absentia, Mamun is in custody and has agreed to be the 'approver' in the case. This is not the only case in store for Hasina. Just last month, the former Bangladeshi premier was also sentenced to six months in prison in absentia in a contempt of court case by the ICT. This was the first time the 77-year-old Awami League leader has been sentenced in any case since she left office in August last year. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Hasina's family members are also facing the wrath of the judicial system. UK Labour MP and Hasina's niece, Tulip Siddiq, is also set to face a corruption trial in Bangladesh later this month. The former British minister is accused of illegally receiving land in Bangladesh as part of a wider investigation into the regime of her aunt. Amid the increasing scrutiny, the World Health Organisation also sent Hasina's daughter, Samia Wazed, on indefinite leave. With these cases, problems for Hasina and her family are far from being over. Erasing Bangladesh's history and Mujibur Rehman's legacy While the demonstrations were raging on last year, protesters vandalised everything related to Hasina and her family, including tarnishing the legacy of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. One photograph featuring protesters climbing over Rahman's statue and vandalising it became a symbol of the July uprising. Destroying Rahman's legacy did not stop after the toppling of the Hasina government. In February this year, well after the Yunus government took over in Bangladesh, a large group of protesters vandalised and set on fire Bangladesh's founder, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's residence in Dhaka during a live online address of his daughter. The house was an iconic symbol in Bangladesh's history as Sheikh Mujib largely led the pre-independence autonomy movement for decades from the house, while during the successive Awami League rule, it was turned into a museum. The residence in Dhanmondi was often visited by foreign heads of state and other dignitaries. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD While all this was happening, multiple reports suggested that the country's ruling regime is altering history books to fit their current narrative. Until this year, textbooks gave special exaltation to the country's first President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman for spearheading the liberation struggle. However, new books have expunged dozens of poems, speeches and articles penned by Mujib, alongside images of his daughter. Remains of the Awami League While Hasina and top leaders of her party left the Awami League, some of her party members and workers are still in the country. Soon after Yunus came to power, his regime banned the party from contesting in polls. Since then, party workers have been facing all sorts of atrocities at the hands of what they are calling 'goons of the ruling regime'. When _Firstpost_ asked an Awami League worker, who asked to remain anonymous, he had a simple response in Bangla: 'The country's situation is bad.' He said there have been multiple attacks on Hindus and other minorities in the country. When asked who these 'goons' are, the Awami League functionary said, 'They are goons from Jamaat [Jamaat-i-Islami], the BNP [Bangladesh Nationalist Party] and the NCP [National Citizens Party],' whom the Awami League functionary frequently called the 'B Team of Jamaat'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD He said there have been clashes among workers of different parties, including the Awami League, causing further turbulence in the country. 'Robberies, rapes and contract killings have become common in Bangladesh. People are avoiding going out for this reason, especially Awami League workers. We are living like prisoners,' he told Firstpost. The Awami functionary maintained that while the Army is trying to get a hold of the situation, the lack of police presence in the localities has become a critical issue since the fall of the Hasina government. Mainstreaming of fundamentalist In June this year, Bangladesh's Supreme Court restored the registration of the country's largest Islamist political party, Jamaat-e-Islami. Following the 2013 judgement, on December 7, 2018, the Election Commission issued a gazette officially cancelling Jamaat's registration. The party soon appealed the High Court's ruling. The party has been known for its radical propaganda and involvement in extremist activities. Recently, Nahid Islam's newly formed group has been accused of hooliganism as well, with Awami League party functionalities often calling them the Jamaat's B-Team. Overall, the law and order situation of Bangladesh continues to remain at a deplorable state. We often hear cases of rape and mob lynching, given the fact that the July uprising and the changes that followed dismantled the police infrastructure in the country. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Economy after Hasina After Hasina left, Yunus's regime sought help from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to recover the country's economy, which had been ransacked due to the protests. To meet the IMF's economic reform conditions, the Nobel laureate launched a wide-ranging series of institutional, fiscal, and monetary measures. With this goal in mind, his administration appointed Ahsan H Mansur, a former IMF economist, as governor of Bangladesh's central bank. Soon after stepping into his new role, Mansur introduced policy measures designed to tame soaring inflation and a worsening banking crisis, including hiking interest rates, replacing the boards of 11 troubled banks, initiating efforts to recover bad loans, and repatriating laundered money. While these steps marked a strong start to the economic recovery, the results have been mixed. Although after Hasina's departure, inflation has eased from 11.6 per cent in July 2024 to 9.05 per cent as of May 2025, the youth unemployment remains a pressing concern. In May this year, it was reported that Bangladesh's unemployment rate had surged to its highest level in recent years amid ongoing economic and political instability. According to the latest quarterly labour force survey released today by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS), the country's unemployment rate stood at 4.63 per cent in the October–December quarter of the current fiscal year. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This marked a 3.95 per cent spike recorded during May 2024, when Hasina was in power. In light of this, the number of unemployed people in the country has risen to 27.3 lakh, which was up by 330,000 from 24 lakh in the same quarter of the previous year. While the Yunus regime attempted to stabilise the country's economy after Hasina, it still wasn't able to reduce unemployment rates, which affects the future of students who brought him to power in the first place. Hopes for the future Is the Awami League waiting for the return of Sheikh Hasina? Are the party cadre and leaders hopeful of her return? The Awami functionary told Firstpost in May that the party workers know Hasina's return wouldn't be easy. There are challenges, he said. 'The prosecutor pursuing the trial against Hasina and other Awami leaders at the International Crimes Tribunal [Bangladesh] is biased towards Jamaat,' he told Firstpost. 'While Hasina will get full party support with 20-25 lakh party workers standing beside her in Bangladesh, she can return systematically if the country's army ensures her security,' he said, demanding that the Army should ensure that all political groups in the country 'get a level-playing field' before an election is held. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD While challenges lie ahead for Hasina's return, her supporters hope that one day she will come back to her homeland. Yunus-backers also wait for her return but for prosecuting her for what they 'crimes against humanity'. Hasina supporters and a struggling Awami League, however, still has hopes for another turn of history, some time in future.
The Print
27-07-2025
- Politics
- The Print
A year after Bangladesh's Monsoon Revolution, a parched summer looms ahead
Even as Bangladesh prepares to mark the first anniversary of the so-called Monsoon Revolution — the violent rebellion that forced former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed to flee the country — disquiet is mounting over the legacy of those dramatic events. The de facto Prime Minister, Chief Advisor Mohammad Yunus, has announced that elections will be held in April. But no one knows for sure if this will halt the country's descent into chaos and the disintegration of its multicultural ethos. 'The doors of hell were forced wide open,' the elderly Saraswati Sarkar recalled to a team of jurists , 'They chased women, children, men like ferocious, blind, and passionate brutes, hungry for blood and murder, and the flesh of women.' Truckloads of dead bodies were driven past Nitaiganj, Kshirodi Bala Dasi later remembered , to be tossed into the river Lakha, not far from the Isphani Jute Mills. Vultures, kites, and crows gorged themselves through the day as the bodies rotted; at night, jackals would gather to feast. There was no one left to help. The few local Hindus who had escaped the massacres had fled into the woods, leaving behind their burned-down homes. Finding drinking water was almost impossible: the river stank of death for weeks, until the end of 1964. Large-scale mob violence, journalists Arafat Rahaman and Sajjad Hossain write, has claimed 179 lives in the last ten months, often in the presence of police. The victims include politicians, members of religious minorities, women accused of dressing improperly, purported blasphemers, and, in one case, a person suffering from psychiatric illness. Women's football matches have had to be cancelled due to mob threats, Hindu shrines have been vandalised, and national monuments, like founding patriarch Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman's home, burned down. Islamist groups, meanwhile, are growing in power. The Jamaat-e-Islami, proscribed under Prime Minister Hasina for its role in war crimes during 1971, has cashed in on the anti-establishment, populist sentiments that drove last year's youth protests. The release of cleric Jashimuddin Rahmani, an al-Qaeda-inspired ideologue who preached violence online, has given renewed space to jihadist groups such as Ansarullah Bangla Team, Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh, and Hizb ut-Tahrir. To end the chaos, a political outcome is needed, one that is inclusive and empowers the institutions of governance. But former Prime Minister Hasina's Awami League has been banned, leaving a substantial section of Bangladesh's voters without representation in the April elections. The party had previously been proscribed three times — by Field Marshal Ayub Khan in 1958, General Yahya Khan in 1971, and General Ziaur Rahman in 1975. Little imagination is needed to see that the fascist impulses that overpowered Bangladesh in 1964—just seven years before the Liberation War, which cast it as a hero of secular-democratic politics—could be unleashed, should a genuine restoration of democracy prove illusory. A million and a half refugees came to India in 1950; more than 6,00,000 in 1951-52; another 1.6 million between 1953 and 1956. Largely landless Muslims also streamed into the east, but didn't leave behind properties that could be used for rehabilitation. India considered using its military to seize territory in Khulna and Jessore, historian Pallavi Raghavan has written, but concluded that war would mean even more refugees. The 1964 killings, however, sparked a ferocious communal response in India, with 264 people reported killed in Kolkata alone. Also read: Coup rumours are circulating in Dhaka. Here's why the army isn't keen on it Fragmenting democracy The road to disillusionment has been a short one for Bangladeshis. In 1990, a mass uprising—involving future Prime Ministers Hasina and her Bangladesh Nationalist Party rival Khaleda Zia—overthrew military dictator Husain Muhammad Ershad. Elections saw Prime Minister Khaleda take power, beginning what scholar Ali Riaz, now an advisor to Yunus, has called the country's new democratic era. Five years later, Khaleda peacefully conceded power when the Awami League won the next election. From the outset, though, there were cracks in the new system. First, as Riaz notes, both major parties discarded the allies who had backed them during the struggle against General Ershad. This narrowed the reach of the political system. Second, both parties launched mass movements against the government while in opposition, undermining its legitimacy. Khaleda's victory in 2001 created new imbalances. Although the electoral margin was razor-thin, the first-past-the-post system gave the BNP a substantial majority in Parliament. Hasina alleged electoral fraud and initially refused to join the new Parliament. Her MPs later took their oaths, but in 2006, the parties deadlocked over appointing a caretaker government to supervise elections. In early 2007, the Awami League announced it would boycott the polls. Faced with this impasse—and widespread street violence that left dozens dead—the military stepped in. Army chief General Moeen Ahmed persuaded the President to declare a state of Emergency. Former World Bank official Fakhruddin Ahmed took charge as Chief cases were filed against both Zia and Hasina in what was initially hailed as a campaign to clean up the country's system. Islamist rise Two principal forces benefitted from this democratic collapse. First was the Jamaat-e-Islami, heir to the Pakistan Army's war crimes in 1971. During 2001-2005, scholar Devin Hagerty notes, the Jama'at leveraged its 18 MPs to secure control over the ministries of agriculture and social welfare. This, together with remittances from supporters in the Middle East, allowed it to set up a massive network of seminaries, economic institutions, and welfare organisations. For all practical purposes, the Jama'at became 'a state within a state.' Islamists outside the political mainstream also flourished. Closely linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba and al-Qaeda, the Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh drew hundreds of recruits from Salafist seminaries. In August 2005, the group set off an estimated 500 bomb explosions, targeting 300 locations in 63 of the country's 64 districts. The organisation's hopes of setting up an Islamist mini-state were crushed by security forces, but it laid the foundation for persistent threats to Bangladesh, as well as India. Hizb-ut-Tahrir, led by diaspora elements in the United Kingdom, brought caliphate ideology to elite campuses. The al-Qaeda-affiliated Ansarullah Bangla Team later began assassinating progressive activists. The new authoritarianism After returning to power post-Emergency, Prime Minister Hasina built an order designed to insulate her regime from political and security threats. The Awami League cracked down on BNP street protests, jailed opposition leaders, and used force ahead of the 2014 elections. For the most part, judicial independence was erased through political control of appointments and threats. The caretaker governance system, established in 1996 to ensure impartial elections, was abolished in 2011. To insulate itself from jihadist and Jamaat-e-Islami attacks, Hasina's government allied with Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, a movement of clerics and madrasa students. Hefazat's demands included Islamic language in the Constitution, gender segregation in public spaces, and capital punishment for blasphemy — eating into Jamaat's traditional support base. The Awami League's strategy to crush the opposition worked in 2018 and again in 2024. But in July, what began as a student protest against job quotas evolved into a mass movement to oust Hasina and her increasingly authoritarian regime. The government responded with violence. Eventually, fearing the cracking of the country's social edifice as well as state, the army forced Hasina out. For the upcoming elections to matter, they must mark the beginning of an inclusive political revival and the rebuilding of a multicultural society. There is no roadmap, but there are plenty of reminders of what failure will look like. Eleven hundred people were killed in East Pakistan in 1964, official estimates say. An American Peace Corps nurse counted 600 bodies at a single hospital in Dhaka. Each of those bodies is a reminder that Bangladesh's Arab Spring could all too easily give way to a long, parched summer. Praveen Swami is contributing editor at ThePrint. He tweets with @praveenswami. Views are personal. (Edited by Prashant)
Express Tribune
10-03-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Bangladesh: dynastic politics and newly-founded NCP
On February 28, history was made in Bangladesh when student activists who spearheaded a movement against Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina launched a new political party – the National Citizens Party (NCP). The Monsoon Revolution, led by these students, pledged to end dynastic politics and uphold the key principles of the 1971 liberation war, namely equality, human dignity and social justice. Dynastic politics is common in almost all South Asian countries, but it is in Bangladesh where students formed a political party to end the two-party system, dominated by Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League and Khaleda Zia of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. The Daily Star, a renowned newspaper of Bangladesh, has quoted Akhter Hossain, member secretary of NCP, as saying: "We, the leaders and activists of the NCP, are committed to building a Bangladesh of equality, human dignity, and social justice as envisioned in 1971. NCP will continue to work to build that Bangladesh, and we have many proposals for the whole of Bengal, to see Bangladesh as a country that can stand tall in the world." He further emphasised commitment to promoting middle-class politics in Bangladesh, steering clear of the traditional right-left divide. Will the NCP, led by students, succeed in bringing qualitative change to Bangladesh, ending dynastic politics, and transforming the country into a democratic and progressive state? Nahid Islam, a 26-year-old Sociology student from Dhaka University and the icon of the Monsoon Revolution formed the NCP along with his colleagues. After resigning from the cabinet of caretaker Chief Adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus, a clear-headed Islam is determined about contesting the general elections scheduled for late 2025 or early 2026. Can other South Asian nations, entrenched in dynastic politics, draw lessons from the NCP? How did the student community of Bangladesh act as an agent of change, succeeding in marginalising both the BNP and AL? Recently, General Waker Uz Zaman, Chief of Staff of Bangladesh Army, speaking at an event in Dhaka, warned against internal divisions within the country. He blamed infighting among stakeholders of the interim regime for the deteriorating law and order situation and expressed anguish over the circumstances that had emerged since August. He advised people to "forget all differences, all evil thoughts, [and] work towards the uplift of the country and national integration. If you can't move beyond your differences, and continue meddling and fighting among yourselves, the independence and integrity of the country will be at risk." It is notable that when, on August 5, 2024, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled the country, the Army Chief intended to take over but was restrained by the students who revolted against any military intervention. Nahid Islam and other student leaders approached Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus, who was in France, to take over the government. With deep-rooted polarisation in Bangladesh and a political vacuum following the regime change, the launch of the NCP will impact the country's political landscape. Not only the AL but also the BNP and Jamaat-i-Islami will struggle against a youth-led political force with clear objectives. Breaking the established political culture that benefited elites and patronised dynastic control will be a challenge. However, it seems the NCP has done its homework on how to participate in elections and challenge traditional political parties. If the AL and BNP, whether in power or in the opposition, had focused on resolving public issues and avoided looting national wealth, the NCP wouldn't have found political space. The League's dictatorial style of governance and the BNP's corrupt practices eroded public trust in both parties and enabled the NCP to make inroads. Ending dynastic politics in Bangladesh and accomplishing NCP's vision requires fulfilling three major conditions. First, unity of purpose and gaining support from the common people is essential in transforming the NCP's vision into reality. In the past, several efforts by the student community to pursue non-traditional politics failed due to a lack of unity, making alternative leadership difficult. This time, however, it's different. The core of student leadership, led by Nahid Islam and others, is determined and will not give up their struggle for a sovereign and prosperous Bangladesh. The NCP's slogan of a 'Second Republic' appeals to the people of Bangladesh. According to the aforementioned student leadership, the objectives that led to the emergence of the 'First Republic' have failed. The Guardian, in its report of March 5, noted: "Speaking at the party's launch, the newly appointed NCP leaders said their intention was nothing short of building a new Bangladesh, what they are calling a 'Second Republic'." Among their ambitious pledges, they are creating an entirely new political system and rewriting the constitution, arguing that Bangladesh has never truly been free or democratic since independence in 1971. Nahid Islam emphasised, "It's important we have a voice in the development of a new democratic Bangladesh. There is huge demand among the young people of this country for a political party which represents their views and demands. We were also worried that the fall of Hasina meant there was a power vacuum in the election, which would be problematic for the democratic process." Secondly, in its proposed 'Second Republic', NCP leaders intend to focus on justice, accountability, good governance and rule of law. Previous regimes since 1971 failed to meet the aspirations of the people due to dynastic politics, corruption and nepotism. It remains to be seen how the NCP, if voted to power, will formulate a new constitution. According to Nahid Islam, "rewriting the constitution would be their primary focus, arguing that the current version – written after independence in 1971 and amended multiple times, including by Hasina – was not fit for purpose." The NCP also plans to hold local government elections to empower people at the grassroots level and include them in the political process. Finally, transforming from a revolutionary movement to a democratic force, the NCP will face an uphill battle in bringing qualitative change. Forces in power since 1971 will not abandon their privilege that easily. However, the will to change Bangladesh for the better is a driving force for the NCP. Pakistan could certainly learn from the Monsoon Revolution and the role of student community in this regard.
Times of Oman
07-02-2025
- Politics
- Times of Oman
Mob in Bangladesh destroys ousted PM Sheikh Hasina's family home
Dhaka : A mob in Bangladesh has demolished the Dhaka family home of ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina and properties owned by some of her relatives. Leaders of Hasina's Awami League party were also targeted by the mob. The attack, a so-called bulldozer procession, was announced and shared on social media. Desptie that authorities were still unable to protect the properties. In August 2024, Hasina stepped down after 15 years of repression, including torture, extrajudicial killings, and enforced disappearances. Protests led by students, described by many as the Monsoon Revolution, eventually forced her into exile in India. Hasina's Awami League party government, which had remained in office through consecutive unfair elections, attempted to quell the protests with excessive force, leading to over 800 deaths. The vandalism came as Hasina was going to address her supporters online. There is growing demand in India to repatriate Hasina. But the Indian government will be required, under international standards, to evaluate risks ahead of extradition. The interim government led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus has embarked upon reforms to repair institutions, including the justice system. It is also taking steps towards accountability for rights violations and corruption, and has pledged credible elections. Nevertheless, the Yunus administration is under pressure from increasingly restless citizens, including political groups, students, or families of those harmed during the Monsoon Revolution. While it is facing a campaign of misinformation about alleged abuses against religious and ethnic minorities, it has yet to successfully reassure minority groups, particularly Hindus, who fear attacks. The military is obstructing access to sites of previous unlawful detentions and destroying evidence, apparently to protect its image. The Yunus government should propose a consensus resolution at the upcoming United Nations Human Rights Council session in March to request technical assistance, further investigations, and monitoring and reporting by UN-backed human rights experts. The resolution should also acknowledge the tyranny of the previous administration and recognise positive human rights steps taken by the interim government. Bangladeshis, anxious to see justice done, should support a UN-backed mechanism that can help secure a democratic future instead of succumbing to a cycle of violence and revenge.
